Korie L. Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195314243
- eISBN:
- 9780199871810
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195314243.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book looks at how churches attempt to realize Dr. King's dream of racial integration. Recognizing that race is central to the organization of American life, the book situates race theory at the ...
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This book looks at how churches attempt to realize Dr. King's dream of racial integration. Recognizing that race is central to the organization of American life, the book situates race theory at the heart of understanding the cultural and social dynamics of racially integrated congregations and how they attract and retain members. The book, focusing on black–white interracial churches, argues that for these organizations to sustain a racially diverse congregation they must primarily appeal to whites. African‐Americans will need to affirm whites' religious and cultural predilections to retain white membership and bear the brunt of the sacrifices required to make racial integration work. In the end, interracial churches end up reproducing the racial structures they purport to oppose. The compelling stories that unfold in this book expose the tenuous nature of interracial churches and the barriers they need to overcome to realize the dream.Less
This book looks at how churches attempt to realize Dr. King's dream of racial integration. Recognizing that race is central to the organization of American life, the book situates race theory at the heart of understanding the cultural and social dynamics of racially integrated congregations and how they attract and retain members. The book, focusing on black–white interracial churches, argues that for these organizations to sustain a racially diverse congregation they must primarily appeal to whites. African‐Americans will need to affirm whites' religious and cultural predilections to retain white membership and bear the brunt of the sacrifices required to make racial integration work. In the end, interracial churches end up reproducing the racial structures they purport to oppose. The compelling stories that unfold in this book expose the tenuous nature of interracial churches and the barriers they need to overcome to realize the dream.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, ...
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This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.Less
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.
David Vital
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199246816
- eISBN:
- 9780191697623
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199246816.003.0420
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Three-fifths of the civilian population of Jews of continental Europe were done to death in the course of World War II by Germany and its allies. It was to be the solution for all time of what was ...
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Three-fifths of the civilian population of Jews of continental Europe were done to death in the course of World War II by Germany and its allies. It was to be the solution for all time of what was conceived in Berlin as the Jewish Problem. Most victims were killed by firing squads or in gas chambers installed in camps dedicated to the purpose. The rest were finished off by massive ill treatment and starvation in the ghettos and concentration camps into which they had been corralled, or by subjection to homicidally intense slave labour and forced marches. The military defeat of Germany occurred before the programme could be completed, but National Socialist hegemony over Europe lasted long enough for the result to fall very little short of the intention – which was to deal the Jewish people, notably in its great east European heartland, a blow from which recovery would be impossible.Less
Three-fifths of the civilian population of Jews of continental Europe were done to death in the course of World War II by Germany and its allies. It was to be the solution for all time of what was conceived in Berlin as the Jewish Problem. Most victims were killed by firing squads or in gas chambers installed in camps dedicated to the purpose. The rest were finished off by massive ill treatment and starvation in the ghettos and concentration camps into which they had been corralled, or by subjection to homicidally intense slave labour and forced marches. The military defeat of Germany occurred before the programme could be completed, but National Socialist hegemony over Europe lasted long enough for the result to fall very little short of the intention – which was to deal the Jewish people, notably in its great east European heartland, a blow from which recovery would be impossible.
Rosemary Foot, S. Neil MacFarlane, and Michael Mastanduno (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The relationship between the US and some of the central multilateral organizations is an essential feature of contemporary international relations. This book brings together a range of leading ...
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The relationship between the US and some of the central multilateral organizations is an essential feature of contemporary international relations. This book brings together a range of leading scholars to examine this crucial phenomenon. Its aims are twofold: first, to describe and explain US behaviour in and towards a wide range of significant international institutions (including the UN, the World Bank and IMF, the WTO, NATO, and the Organization of American States); and second, to examine the impact of US behaviour on the capacity of each organization to meet its own objectives. The study explores US behaviour and its consequences for organizations based at the regional as well as the international and global levels, for those located in different regions of the world, and for such issue areas as security, economics, and the environment. Although focusing on the period since the 1990s, each chapter places its findings in a broader historical context. The book is the outcome of a collaborative project between the Centre for International Studies at the University of Oxford and the Dickey Center for International Understanding at Dartmouth College. The first stage of this enterprise comprised a workshop at Dartmouth where outline papers were discussed, and the next involved a conference at Oxford where full papers were presented and debated. After an introduction, the ten chapters are arranged in three parts: I. Perspectives on the US and Multilateral International Organizations (two chapters); II. The US and Global Organizations (four chapters); and III. The US and Regional Organizations (four chapters).Less
The relationship between the US and some of the central multilateral organizations is an essential feature of contemporary international relations. This book brings together a range of leading scholars to examine this crucial phenomenon. Its aims are twofold: first, to describe and explain US behaviour in and towards a wide range of significant international institutions (including the UN, the World Bank and IMF, the WTO, NATO, and the Organization of American States); and second, to examine the impact of US behaviour on the capacity of each organization to meet its own objectives. The study explores US behaviour and its consequences for organizations based at the regional as well as the international and global levels, for those located in different regions of the world, and for such issue areas as security, economics, and the environment. Although focusing on the period since the 1990s, each chapter places its findings in a broader historical context. The book is the outcome of a collaborative project between the Centre for International Studies at the University of Oxford and the Dickey Center for International Understanding at Dartmouth College. The first stage of this enterprise comprised a workshop at Dartmouth where outline papers were discussed, and the next involved a conference at Oxford where full papers were presented and debated. After an introduction, the ten chapters are arranged in three parts: I. Perspectives on the US and Multilateral International Organizations (two chapters); II. The US and Global Organizations (four chapters); and III. The US and Regional Organizations (four chapters).
Marilyn Butler
- Published in print:
- 1988
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198129684
- eISBN:
- 9780191671838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198129684.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This book shows that the novels of Jane Austen's day, hers included, were full of signs that conveyed opinions. This was not to be one of those undifferentiated and necessarily very selective ...
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This book shows that the novels of Jane Austen's day, hers included, were full of signs that conveyed opinions. This was not to be one of those undifferentiated and necessarily very selective accounts of the ‘background’ that generalize about the workings of power or hegemony if they are in the Marxist tradition, or describe the Zeitgeist or spirit of the age if they are not. This book argues that the practices of novelists in the late eighteenth century were less aesthetic, less separate from society, than modern critics are in the habit of insisting on. One can speak of Austen's participation, without hazardous speculation about her personal opinions, because she chose to write novels of a particular pre-existent type, and chose to publish them.Less
This book shows that the novels of Jane Austen's day, hers included, were full of signs that conveyed opinions. This was not to be one of those undifferentiated and necessarily very selective accounts of the ‘background’ that generalize about the workings of power or hegemony if they are in the Marxist tradition, or describe the Zeitgeist or spirit of the age if they are not. This book argues that the practices of novelists in the late eighteenth century were less aesthetic, less separate from society, than modern critics are in the habit of insisting on. One can speak of Austen's participation, without hazardous speculation about her personal opinions, because she chose to write novels of a particular pre-existent type, and chose to publish them.
Joseph V. Femia
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198275435
- eISBN:
- 9780191684128
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198275435.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The unifying idea of Antonio Gramsci's famous Prison Notebooks is the concept of hegemony. In this study of these fragmentary writings this book elucidates the precise character of this concept, ...
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The unifying idea of Antonio Gramsci's famous Prison Notebooks is the concept of hegemony. In this study of these fragmentary writings this book elucidates the precise character of this concept, explores its basic philosophical assumptions, and sets out its implications for Gramsci's explanation of social stability and his vision of the revolutionary process. A number of prevalent and often contradictory myths are demolished, and, moreover, certain neglected aspects of his thought are stressed, including the predominant role he attributed to economic factors, the importance he gave to ‘contradictory consciousness’, and the close connection between his political thinking and his fundamental philosophical premises. The book concludes by critically examining Gramsci's novel solutions to three long-standing problems for Marxist theory: the reasons why the Western working class has not carried out its revolutionary mission; determining the appropriate strategy for a Marxist party working within an advanced capitalist framework; and what are the reasons behind the failure of existing socialist states in their task of liberation?Less
The unifying idea of Antonio Gramsci's famous Prison Notebooks is the concept of hegemony. In this study of these fragmentary writings this book elucidates the precise character of this concept, explores its basic philosophical assumptions, and sets out its implications for Gramsci's explanation of social stability and his vision of the revolutionary process. A number of prevalent and often contradictory myths are demolished, and, moreover, certain neglected aspects of his thought are stressed, including the predominant role he attributed to economic factors, the importance he gave to ‘contradictory consciousness’, and the close connection between his political thinking and his fundamental philosophical premises. The book concludes by critically examining Gramsci's novel solutions to three long-standing problems for Marxist theory: the reasons why the Western working class has not carried out its revolutionary mission; determining the appropriate strategy for a Marxist party working within an advanced capitalist framework; and what are the reasons behind the failure of existing socialist states in their task of liberation?
Philip Nel
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those ...
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The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those regional institutions/organizations of which it is not) and multilateralism itself to pursue its interests on the African continent. The emergence of a noticeable multilateral dimension to American policy towards Africa is situated against two backgrounds: the first (Sect. 1 of the chapter) deals with the general features of American policy towards Africa since the Second World War and the role that multilateralism in general has played in that; the second (Sect. 2) deals with the rise of multilateralism (and multilateral regional institutions/organizations) on the African continent as a process that has a dynamic of its own. This perspective on Africa as an agent, and not simply as an object, of US policy is important for maintaining a critical perspective on the successes but also the contradictions and failures of US policy towards Africa. The final two sections offer a detailed description and evaluation of the dimensions of multilateralism in post‐cold‐war US policy, and, in particular, the Clinton era, which, in many respects, encapsulates much of what is right and wrong with US policy towards the continent. The evaluation made and the general assumptions used to approach the theme of US policy towards Africa are informed by a broadly neo‐Gramscian appraisal of the hegemonic function of the US in the current global political and economic order, and of the place of multilateralism within that hegemonic function.Less
The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those regional institutions/organizations of which it is not) and multilateralism itself to pursue its interests on the African continent. The emergence of a noticeable multilateral dimension to American policy towards Africa is situated against two backgrounds: the first (Sect. 1 of the chapter) deals with the general features of American policy towards Africa since the Second World War and the role that multilateralism in general has played in that; the second (Sect. 2) deals with the rise of multilateralism (and multilateral regional institutions/organizations) on the African continent as a process that has a dynamic of its own. This perspective on Africa as an agent, and not simply as an object, of US policy is important for maintaining a critical perspective on the successes but also the contradictions and failures of US policy towards Africa. The final two sections offer a detailed description and evaluation of the dimensions of multilateralism in post‐cold‐war US policy, and, in particular, the Clinton era, which, in many respects, encapsulates much of what is right and wrong with US policy towards the continent. The evaluation made and the general assumptions used to approach the theme of US policy towards Africa are informed by a broadly neo‐Gramscian appraisal of the hegemonic function of the US in the current global political and economic order, and of the place of multilateralism within that hegemonic function.
Simon Reich and Richard Ned Lebow
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160429
- eISBN:
- 9781400850426
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160429.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many policymakers, journalists, and scholars insist that U.S. hegemony is essential for warding off global chaos. This book argues that hegemony is a fiction propagated to support a large defense ...
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Many policymakers, journalists, and scholars insist that U.S. hegemony is essential for warding off global chaos. This book argues that hegemony is a fiction propagated to support a large defense establishment, justifying American claims to world leadership, and buttressing the self-esteem of voters. It is also contrary to American interests and the global order. This book argues that hegemony should instead find expression in agenda setting, economic custodianship, and the sponsorship of global initiatives. Today, these functions are diffused through the system, with European countries, China, and lesser powers making important contributions. In contrast, the United States has often been a source of political and economic instability. Rejecting the focus on power common to American realists and liberals, the book offers a novel analysis of influence. In the process, they differentiate influence from power and power from material resources. Their analysis shows why the United States, the greatest power the world has ever seen, is increasingly incapable of translating its power into influence. The book's analysis formulates a more realistic place for America in world affairs.Less
Many policymakers, journalists, and scholars insist that U.S. hegemony is essential for warding off global chaos. This book argues that hegemony is a fiction propagated to support a large defense establishment, justifying American claims to world leadership, and buttressing the self-esteem of voters. It is also contrary to American interests and the global order. This book argues that hegemony should instead find expression in agenda setting, economic custodianship, and the sponsorship of global initiatives. Today, these functions are diffused through the system, with European countries, China, and lesser powers making important contributions. In contrast, the United States has often been a source of political and economic instability. Rejecting the focus on power common to American realists and liberals, the book offers a novel analysis of influence. In the process, they differentiate influence from power and power from material resources. Their analysis shows why the United States, the greatest power the world has ever seen, is increasingly incapable of translating its power into influence. The book's analysis formulates a more realistic place for America in world affairs.
Crawford Gribben
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195325317
- eISBN:
- 9780199785605
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325317.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter documents Irish Cromwellian debates about church government. Quakers and Seekers denied any locus of authority beyond the “inner light.” Baptists and Independents argued that the proper ...
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This chapter documents Irish Cromwellian debates about church government. Quakers and Seekers denied any locus of authority beyond the “inner light.” Baptists and Independents argued that the proper basis of authority lay within the leadership of the local congregation. Presbyterians argued instead for a hierarchy of church courts, from the local elders to the General Assembly, while Episcopalians argued for a hierarchy of individuals in church offices. These debates were conducted alongside the pressing need to implement social control, local attempts to establish a clerical hegemony, and the civil administration's construction of the Civil List, which cut the link between preachers and congregations and put many clergy under government control. The debate about social control acted as a catalyst for emerging associations of clergy and early denominational structures.Less
This chapter documents Irish Cromwellian debates about church government. Quakers and Seekers denied any locus of authority beyond the “inner light.” Baptists and Independents argued that the proper basis of authority lay within the leadership of the local congregation. Presbyterians argued instead for a hierarchy of church courts, from the local elders to the General Assembly, while Episcopalians argued for a hierarchy of individuals in church offices. These debates were conducted alongside the pressing need to implement social control, local attempts to establish a clerical hegemony, and the civil administration's construction of the Civil List, which cut the link between preachers and congregations and put many clergy under government control. The debate about social control acted as a catalyst for emerging associations of clergy and early denominational structures.
Korie L. Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195314243
- eISBN:
- 9780199871810
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195314243.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter presents a theoretical explanation for how interracial churches inadvertently reproduce white hegemony. It develops six archetypical categories of people (three that represent white ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical explanation for how interracial churches inadvertently reproduce white hegemony. It develops six archetypical categories of people (three that represent white attendees and three that represent African‐American attendees) who attend interracial churches and explains how each archetype contributes to this process.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical explanation for how interracial churches inadvertently reproduce white hegemony. It develops six archetypical categories of people (three that represent white attendees and three that represent African‐American attendees) who attend interracial churches and explains how each archetype contributes to this process.
Bobby Sayyid and Lilian Zac
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292371
- eISBN:
- 9780191600159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292376.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Introducing central conceptual themes employed in discourse analysis, another challenge to the positivist assumptions underlying conventional social science. The concepts covered are ...
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Introducing central conceptual themes employed in discourse analysis, another challenge to the positivist assumptions underlying conventional social science. The concepts covered are anti‐foundationalism; anti‐essentialism; identity and difference; post‐structuralism; hegemony; subjects and identities. How these concepts are used in discourse theoretical approaches to analysing socio‐political phenomena is outlined.Less
Introducing central conceptual themes employed in discourse analysis, another challenge to the positivist assumptions underlying conventional social science. The concepts covered are anti‐foundationalism; anti‐essentialism; identity and difference; post‐structuralism; hegemony; subjects and identities. How these concepts are used in discourse theoretical approaches to analysing socio‐political phenomena is outlined.
William E. Paterson
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199535026
- eISBN:
- 9780191715860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535026.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The exclusive reliance on the Franco-German relationship to provide EU leadership is misleading because it acted as the brake rather than the motor of integration. The Coal and Steel Community was a ...
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The exclusive reliance on the Franco-German relationship to provide EU leadership is misleading because it acted as the brake rather than the motor of integration. The Coal and Steel Community was a French initiative, with Monnet and Schuman the leaders and Adenauer's Germany as follower. De Gaulle successfully challenged Hallstein's supranational aspirations and then dominated the alliance with Adenauerm but failed to exercise intergovernmental leadership. Giscard d'Estaing and Helmut Schmidt launched the European Council to take over more of the leadership from the Commission. With Delors, the Mitterrand-Kohl cooperative hegemony of the 1980s prevailed but the 1989 reunification of Germany shifted the balance of power within the tandem. Thereafter, weaker national leaderships in France and Germany, in a context of enlargement, precluded joint EU leadership.Less
The exclusive reliance on the Franco-German relationship to provide EU leadership is misleading because it acted as the brake rather than the motor of integration. The Coal and Steel Community was a French initiative, with Monnet and Schuman the leaders and Adenauer's Germany as follower. De Gaulle successfully challenged Hallstein's supranational aspirations and then dominated the alliance with Adenauerm but failed to exercise intergovernmental leadership. Giscard d'Estaing and Helmut Schmidt launched the European Council to take over more of the leadership from the Commission. With Delors, the Mitterrand-Kohl cooperative hegemony of the 1980s prevailed but the 1989 reunification of Germany shifted the balance of power within the tandem. Thereafter, weaker national leaderships in France and Germany, in a context of enlargement, precluded joint EU leadership.
Alistair Cole
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199535026
- eISBN:
- 9780191715860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535026.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Neither the centrality nor cohesion of Franco-German EU potential leadership should be assumed. However, the EU has great institutional, symbolic, economic and political resources enabling it to ...
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Neither the centrality nor cohesion of Franco-German EU potential leadership should be assumed. However, the EU has great institutional, symbolic, economic and political resources enabling it to initiate increased integration and formulate acceptable compromises to others. The Common Agricultural Policy was an enduring bilateral bargain. Any pretence of a hegemonic Franco-German directorate receded under the leadership of Chirac and Schröder, Sarkozy and Merkel. Disagreements over enlargement and constitutional provisions in particular have increased other bilateral and multilateral relationships in a larger EU. Where Franco-German agreement exists on intergovernmental matters they can block changes or enforce issues relating to the Stability and Growth Pact sanctions on which Germany had insisted. On foreign and defence policy (e.g., over Iraq), Germany has moved closer to France than the USA, while both Merkel and Sarkozy promoted a minimal substitute for the constitutional reform fiasco. Their leadership capacity is no longer what it used to be.Less
Neither the centrality nor cohesion of Franco-German EU potential leadership should be assumed. However, the EU has great institutional, symbolic, economic and political resources enabling it to initiate increased integration and formulate acceptable compromises to others. The Common Agricultural Policy was an enduring bilateral bargain. Any pretence of a hegemonic Franco-German directorate receded under the leadership of Chirac and Schröder, Sarkozy and Merkel. Disagreements over enlargement and constitutional provisions in particular have increased other bilateral and multilateral relationships in a larger EU. Where Franco-German agreement exists on intergovernmental matters they can block changes or enforce issues relating to the Stability and Growth Pact sanctions on which Germany had insisted. On foreign and defence policy (e.g., over Iraq), Germany has moved closer to France than the USA, while both Merkel and Sarkozy promoted a minimal substitute for the constitutional reform fiasco. Their leadership capacity is no longer what it used to be.
John Lewis Gaddis
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199251209
- eISBN:
- 9780191599293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199251207.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Gaddis primarily focuses on US dilemmas over the relationship between order and justice throughout the twentieth century. He argues that from the time of Theodore Roosevelt to that of Richard M. ...
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Gaddis primarily focuses on US dilemmas over the relationship between order and justice throughout the twentieth century. He argues that from the time of Theodore Roosevelt to that of Richard M. Nixon, a concern for order had superseded a concern for justice. After that time, and especially in the post‐Cold War era, these two concepts were finally to be brought together in ways that could be said to have been destabilizing world order. Nevertheless, once entwined, it has been difficult for the US to disentangle the promotion of order from justice even during its post‐September 11th struggle against terrorism. In order for the US to be successful in the promotion of its order and justice agenda, the author concludes that US hegemony needs to be coupled with legitimacy, consent, and a modesty of aims.Less
Gaddis primarily focuses on US dilemmas over the relationship between order and justice throughout the twentieth century. He argues that from the time of Theodore Roosevelt to that of Richard M. Nixon, a concern for order had superseded a concern for justice. After that time, and especially in the post‐Cold War era, these two concepts were finally to be brought together in ways that could be said to have been destabilizing world order. Nevertheless, once entwined, it has been difficult for the US to disentangle the promotion of order from justice even during its post‐September 11th struggle against terrorism. In order for the US to be successful in the promotion of its order and justice agenda, the author concludes that US hegemony needs to be coupled with legitimacy, consent, and a modesty of aims.
Beatriz Magaloni
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism, democracy and the emergence of Supreme Court independence in Mexico. It presents three mechanisms to explain why party hegemony meant ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism, democracy and the emergence of Supreme Court independence in Mexico. It presents three mechanisms to explain why party hegemony meant unrestrained rule by the president; strong dominance of the president over the Supreme Court; and the absence of a rule of law. These are: a flexible constitution that could be modified by the power it was supposed to restrain; the president’s unilateral control of nominations and dismissals; and constitutional rules that delegated insufficient constitutional powers to the Supreme Court to interpret the constitution.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism, democracy and the emergence of Supreme Court independence in Mexico. It presents three mechanisms to explain why party hegemony meant unrestrained rule by the president; strong dominance of the president over the Supreme Court; and the absence of a rule of law. These are: a flexible constitution that could be modified by the power it was supposed to restrain; the president’s unilateral control of nominations and dismissals; and constitutional rules that delegated insufficient constitutional powers to the Supreme Court to interpret the constitution.
Caroline Fehl
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199608621
- eISBN:
- 9780191731730
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608621.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book addresses a striking puzzle in contemporary world politics: Why have European states responded in varying ways to unilateralist tendencies in US foreign policy? The United States played a ...
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This book addresses a striking puzzle in contemporary world politics: Why have European states responded in varying ways to unilateralist tendencies in US foreign policy? The United States played a hegemonic leadership role in building the post‐war multilateral order, but has been reluctant to embrace many recent multilateral treaty initiatives championed by its traditional European allies, such as the Kyoto Protocol on climate change, the International Criminal Court, or the verification protocol to the Biological Weapons Convention. European responses to US objections, however, have varied across these different transatlantic controversies. In some cases, European decision‐makers watered down or abandoned contested treaties, whereas in others, they opted for regime‐building excluding the US, that is, for a strategy of non‐hegemonic cooperation. How Europeans choose to deal with the ‘reluctant hegemon’ has critical implications for how key global challenges are addressed—yet, the variation of their responses has been largely overlooked in a scholarly debate fixated on understanding US policy. This book fills this important gap by studying European strategic choices in five recent transatlantic conflicts over multilateral agreements. It argues that neither realist accounts of global power dynamics nor rational institutionalist models of cooperation can fully explain why Europeans opt for non‐hegemonic cooperation in some cases but not others. To resolve this puzzle, we need to combine rationalist propositions with constructivist insights about normative constraints on states’ institutional choices. By developing such an integrated model, the book sheds new light on the long‐standing theoretical debate about the relationship between hegemony and international cooperation.Less
This book addresses a striking puzzle in contemporary world politics: Why have European states responded in varying ways to unilateralist tendencies in US foreign policy? The United States played a hegemonic leadership role in building the post‐war multilateral order, but has been reluctant to embrace many recent multilateral treaty initiatives championed by its traditional European allies, such as the Kyoto Protocol on climate change, the International Criminal Court, or the verification protocol to the Biological Weapons Convention. European responses to US objections, however, have varied across these different transatlantic controversies. In some cases, European decision‐makers watered down or abandoned contested treaties, whereas in others, they opted for regime‐building excluding the US, that is, for a strategy of non‐hegemonic cooperation. How Europeans choose to deal with the ‘reluctant hegemon’ has critical implications for how key global challenges are addressed—yet, the variation of their responses has been largely overlooked in a scholarly debate fixated on understanding US policy. This book fills this important gap by studying European strategic choices in five recent transatlantic conflicts over multilateral agreements. It argues that neither realist accounts of global power dynamics nor rational institutionalist models of cooperation can fully explain why Europeans opt for non‐hegemonic cooperation in some cases but not others. To resolve this puzzle, we need to combine rationalist propositions with constructivist insights about normative constraints on states’ institutional choices. By developing such an integrated model, the book sheds new light on the long‐standing theoretical debate about the relationship between hegemony and international cooperation.
Norrin M. Ripsman and T. V. Paul
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393903
- eISBN:
- 9780199776832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393903.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter investigates global trends from 1991 to 2008. In particular, it inquires whether the macro-level propositions identified in Chapter 1 have been borne out. Therefore, it considers whether ...
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This chapter investigates global trends from 1991 to 2008. In particular, it inquires whether the macro-level propositions identified in Chapter 1 have been borne out. Therefore, it considers whether the level of interstate conflict has declined, whether global defense spending has decreased, whether the threat of global terrorism has begun to supplant interstate warfare on the global security agenda, and whether regional and global multilateral security institutions have begun to supplant states as the primary security providers, as many globalization scholars have predicted. It is shown that global trends are not very consistent with the globalization-kills-the-national-security-state hypothesis. Moreover, to the extent that certain features of the contemporary international system are consistent with the globalization school's predictions, it remains unclear whether globalization is the sole cause (or even the primary cause), or whether something potentially less enduring — such as American hegemony, the defense/deterrence dominance of contemporary military technology, or a lull after the all-encompassing global clash that was the Cold War — may have been more instrumental.Less
This chapter investigates global trends from 1991 to 2008. In particular, it inquires whether the macro-level propositions identified in Chapter 1 have been borne out. Therefore, it considers whether the level of interstate conflict has declined, whether global defense spending has decreased, whether the threat of global terrorism has begun to supplant interstate warfare on the global security agenda, and whether regional and global multilateral security institutions have begun to supplant states as the primary security providers, as many globalization scholars have predicted. It is shown that global trends are not very consistent with the globalization-kills-the-national-security-state hypothesis. Moreover, to the extent that certain features of the contemporary international system are consistent with the globalization school's predictions, it remains unclear whether globalization is the sole cause (or even the primary cause), or whether something potentially less enduring — such as American hegemony, the defense/deterrence dominance of contemporary military technology, or a lull after the all-encompassing global clash that was the Cold War — may have been more instrumental.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199219193
- eISBN:
- 9780191717734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199219193.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter develops the idea that legitimacy is intimately related to power, and considers the extent to which contemporary problems affecting international legitimacy simply reflect the current ...
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This chapter develops the idea that legitimacy is intimately related to power, and considers the extent to which contemporary problems affecting international legitimacy simply reflect the current distribution of power. It considers the specific debate about US hegemony in the contemporary world situation. It argues that the problem for legitimacy in contemporary international society does indeed reside in disequilibrium, but not in any straightforward sense. It is not simply a matter of international society coming to terms with the lack of a balance of power. Nor, for that matter, is it the case of international society having to adjust to the preferences and vagaries of US policy, as they variably reflect these underlying power conditions. The contemporary idea of legitimacy attaches itself to a notion of acceptable leadership in conditions of hegemony. That is to say that it must be a leadership that is acceptable both to international society at large, and also to the predominant state called upon to play that role.Less
This chapter develops the idea that legitimacy is intimately related to power, and considers the extent to which contemporary problems affecting international legitimacy simply reflect the current distribution of power. It considers the specific debate about US hegemony in the contemporary world situation. It argues that the problem for legitimacy in contemporary international society does indeed reside in disequilibrium, but not in any straightforward sense. It is not simply a matter of international society coming to terms with the lack of a balance of power. Nor, for that matter, is it the case of international society having to adjust to the preferences and vagaries of US policy, as they variably reflect these underlying power conditions. The contemporary idea of legitimacy attaches itself to a notion of acceptable leadership in conditions of hegemony. That is to say that it must be a leadership that is acceptable both to international society at large, and also to the predominant state called upon to play that role.
Farah Godrej
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199782062
- eISBN:
- 9780199919123
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782062.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Comparative Politics
The concluding chapter asks how our analysis has deepened, or reconfigured the concept of cosmopolitanism we began with. Cosmopolitanism in political thought is ongoing displacement by scholars who ...
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The concluding chapter asks how our analysis has deepened, or reconfigured the concept of cosmopolitanism we began with. Cosmopolitanism in political thought is ongoing displacement by scholars who are located, at different times, in different relations of insidership and outsidership to different traditions. It is continuing destabilization; it is continuing confrontations with the hegemony of liberalism’s normative and structural hegemony. Cosmopolitanism becomes an ongoing set of practices by scholars themselves, a series of methodological interventions which, through the disciplined carrying-out of dislocative and relocative practices, leads to a shift in disciplinary self-understanding. Rather than the current status quo, in which challenges to liberalism’s hegemony are easily domesticated at the margins, we must seek a move towards a condition in which liberalism, along with other Westcentric presumptions and modes of thought, takes its place in a series of plural and co-eval engagements of thinkers and texts and ideas from all traditions with one another. It is from this possibility that we can begin to envision a political theory beyond Eurocentrism, after the presumptions of Eurocentrism’s primacy have been challenged and disestablished. Examples of such challenges are offered through the East Asian values debate, and the concept of veiling in Islam.Less
The concluding chapter asks how our analysis has deepened, or reconfigured the concept of cosmopolitanism we began with. Cosmopolitanism in political thought is ongoing displacement by scholars who are located, at different times, in different relations of insidership and outsidership to different traditions. It is continuing destabilization; it is continuing confrontations with the hegemony of liberalism’s normative and structural hegemony. Cosmopolitanism becomes an ongoing set of practices by scholars themselves, a series of methodological interventions which, through the disciplined carrying-out of dislocative and relocative practices, leads to a shift in disciplinary self-understanding. Rather than the current status quo, in which challenges to liberalism’s hegemony are easily domesticated at the margins, we must seek a move towards a condition in which liberalism, along with other Westcentric presumptions and modes of thought, takes its place in a series of plural and co-eval engagements of thinkers and texts and ideas from all traditions with one another. It is from this possibility that we can begin to envision a political theory beyond Eurocentrism, after the presumptions of Eurocentrism’s primacy have been challenged and disestablished. Examples of such challenges are offered through the East Asian values debate, and the concept of veiling in Islam.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199556267
- eISBN:
- 9780191725609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556267.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Even if hegemony is considered as an institution, what form does it take? The chapter rejects any single model of hegemony. Instead, it establishes a typology of forms. These are differentiated ...
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Even if hegemony is considered as an institution, what form does it take? The chapter rejects any single model of hegemony. Instead, it establishes a typology of forms. These are differentiated firstly along their horizontal axis, according to the composition of the hegemon. Secondly, they are differentiated along their vertical axis, according to the scope of the social constituency within which they seek legitimation. The former covers a spectrum from a singular to a collective hegemony. The latter ranges from an inclusive (universal) to an exclusive (coalitional) hegemony. The argument then explores the distinctive legitimacy dynamics that are peculiar to each of these forms, and why any one form is likely to prove unstable. In particular, it examines the tensions within their bases of legitimacy, especially between various input considerations (representativeness) and competing output considerations (effectiveness).Less
Even if hegemony is considered as an institution, what form does it take? The chapter rejects any single model of hegemony. Instead, it establishes a typology of forms. These are differentiated firstly along their horizontal axis, according to the composition of the hegemon. Secondly, they are differentiated along their vertical axis, according to the scope of the social constituency within which they seek legitimation. The former covers a spectrum from a singular to a collective hegemony. The latter ranges from an inclusive (universal) to an exclusive (coalitional) hegemony. The argument then explores the distinctive legitimacy dynamics that are peculiar to each of these forms, and why any one form is likely to prove unstable. In particular, it examines the tensions within their bases of legitimacy, especially between various input considerations (representativeness) and competing output considerations (effectiveness).
