Gianni Pirelli
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190630430
- eISBN:
- 9780190630454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190630430.003.0002
- Subject:
- Psychology, Forensic Psychology
In this chapter, the authors provide a review of firearm-related laws (i.e., federal, state, landmark legal cases), policies (e.g., “Stand Your Ground,” background checks, child access prevention), ...
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In this chapter, the authors provide a review of firearm-related laws (i.e., federal, state, landmark legal cases), policies (e.g., “Stand Your Ground,” background checks, child access prevention), and programs (e.g., Project ChildSafe). The mixed research related to the effectiveness of these firearm policies and laws, as well as program evaluation, is summarized. Issues related to the intersection of gun-involved violence and suicide, gun ownership, and mental illness are addressed. Moreover, gun restoration programs and firearm ownership disqualification systems are discussed, as well as the important court cases related to these complicated issues. While the media and public opinion have influenced much of the legislation related to gun ownership and gun control, the authors provide the reader with a foundational knowledge of the available empirical literature related to such.Less
In this chapter, the authors provide a review of firearm-related laws (i.e., federal, state, landmark legal cases), policies (e.g., “Stand Your Ground,” background checks, child access prevention), and programs (e.g., Project ChildSafe). The mixed research related to the effectiveness of these firearm policies and laws, as well as program evaluation, is summarized. Issues related to the intersection of gun-involved violence and suicide, gun ownership, and mental illness are addressed. Moreover, gun restoration programs and firearm ownership disqualification systems are discussed, as well as the important court cases related to these complicated issues. While the media and public opinion have influenced much of the legislation related to gun ownership and gun control, the authors provide the reader with a foundational knowledge of the available empirical literature related to such.
James B. Jacobs
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195176582
- eISBN:
- 9780199850020
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195176582.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
In America today, there are between 250 and 300 million firearms in private hands, amounting to one weapon for every American. Two in five American homes house guns. On the one hand, most gun owners ...
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In America today, there are between 250 and 300 million firearms in private hands, amounting to one weapon for every American. Two in five American homes house guns. On the one hand, most gun owners are law-abiding citizens who believe they have a constitutional right to bear arms. On the other, a great many people believe gun control to be our best chance at reducing violent crime. While few — whether gun owner or anti-gun advocate — dispute the need to keep guns out of the wrong hands, the most important question has too often been dodged: What gun control options does the most heavily armed democracy in the world have? Can gun control really work? The last decade has seen several watersheds in the debate, none more important than the 1993 Brady Bill. That bill, this book argues, was the culmination of a strategy in place since the 1930s to permit widespread private ownership of guns while curtailing illegal use. But where do we go from here? While the Brady background check is easily circumvented, any further attempts to extend gun control — for instance, through comprehensive licensing of all gun owners and registration of all guns — would pose monumental administrative burdens. The book moves beyond easy slogans and broad-brush ideology to examine the on-the-ground practicalities of gun control, from mandatory safety locks to outright prohibition and disarmament. Casting aside ideology and abstractions, the book cautions against the belief that there exists some gun control solution which, had we the political will to seize it, would substantially reduce violent crime.Less
In America today, there are between 250 and 300 million firearms in private hands, amounting to one weapon for every American. Two in five American homes house guns. On the one hand, most gun owners are law-abiding citizens who believe they have a constitutional right to bear arms. On the other, a great many people believe gun control to be our best chance at reducing violent crime. While few — whether gun owner or anti-gun advocate — dispute the need to keep guns out of the wrong hands, the most important question has too often been dodged: What gun control options does the most heavily armed democracy in the world have? Can gun control really work? The last decade has seen several watersheds in the debate, none more important than the 1993 Brady Bill. That bill, this book argues, was the culmination of a strategy in place since the 1930s to permit widespread private ownership of guns while curtailing illegal use. But where do we go from here? While the Brady background check is easily circumvented, any further attempts to extend gun control — for instance, through comprehensive licensing of all gun owners and registration of all guns — would pose monumental administrative burdens. The book moves beyond easy slogans and broad-brush ideology to examine the on-the-ground practicalities of gun control, from mandatory safety locks to outright prohibition and disarmament. Casting aside ideology and abstractions, the book cautions against the belief that there exists some gun control solution which, had we the political will to seize it, would substantially reduce violent crime.
Caroline Heldman
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709203
- eISBN:
- 9781501709470
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709203.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines 20 national conservative campaigns that used consumer activism from 2004 – 2014. These campaigns involved gun rights, abortion, opposition to LGBT rights, and a host of other ...
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This chapter examines 20 national conservative campaigns that used consumer activism from 2004 – 2014. These campaigns involved gun rights, abortion, opposition to LGBT rights, and a host of other “culture war” issues. Consumer activism continues to be mostly used by liberals, but since the 1970s, conservative organizations have organized marketplace activism more frequently to fight against shifting societal values. Conservative campaigns strengthened democracy by increasing overall rates of political participation and expanding public discussion of “culture war” issues. They also improved corporate accountability. On net, conservative use of consumer activism improves the health of democracy, but campaigns opposing LGBT rights weaken democracy by curbing minority rights and protections.Less
This chapter examines 20 national conservative campaigns that used consumer activism from 2004 – 2014. These campaigns involved gun rights, abortion, opposition to LGBT rights, and a host of other “culture war” issues. Consumer activism continues to be mostly used by liberals, but since the 1970s, conservative organizations have organized marketplace activism more frequently to fight against shifting societal values. Conservative campaigns strengthened democracy by increasing overall rates of political participation and expanding public discussion of “culture war” issues. They also improved corporate accountability. On net, conservative use of consumer activism improves the health of democracy, but campaigns opposing LGBT rights weaken democracy by curbing minority rights and protections.
David DeGrazia and Lester H. Hunt
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190251253
- eISBN:
- 9780190629465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190251253.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Despite focusing on the ethics of gun control, we cannot ignore the legal status quo. A 5–4 majority of the Supreme Court judged that the Second Amendment grounds a right to bear arms, but there are ...
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Despite focusing on the ethics of gun control, we cannot ignore the legal status quo. A 5–4 majority of the Supreme Court judged that the Second Amendment grounds a right to bear arms, but there are historical reasons to doubt this interpretation. In any case, the court underscored the compatibility of gun control with a right to bear arms—a point overlooked by some gun enthusiasts. Ethics, meanwhile, is important to the discussion (1) because ethics may either support or undermine the assertion of a fundamental right to gun ownership and (2) because, within the legal status quo, ethics is relevant to appropriate policy. Central to the ethics of gun policy is the idea of a moral right. A moral right to private gun ownership, if it exists, is a negative, nonabsolute, derivative right whose existence in a particular society depends on its role in enabling the realization of one or more basic rights.Less
Despite focusing on the ethics of gun control, we cannot ignore the legal status quo. A 5–4 majority of the Supreme Court judged that the Second Amendment grounds a right to bear arms, but there are historical reasons to doubt this interpretation. In any case, the court underscored the compatibility of gun control with a right to bear arms—a point overlooked by some gun enthusiasts. Ethics, meanwhile, is important to the discussion (1) because ethics may either support or undermine the assertion of a fundamental right to gun ownership and (2) because, within the legal status quo, ethics is relevant to appropriate policy. Central to the ethics of gun policy is the idea of a moral right. A moral right to private gun ownership, if it exists, is a negative, nonabsolute, derivative right whose existence in a particular society depends on its role in enabling the realization of one or more basic rights.
Justin A. Joyce
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526126160
- eISBN:
- 9781526138743
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526126160.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Gunslinging justice explores American Westerns in a variety of media alongside the historical development of the American legal system to argue that Western shootouts are less overtly “anti-law” than ...
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Gunslinging justice explores American Westerns in a variety of media alongside the historical development of the American legal system to argue that Western shootouts are less overtly “anti-law” than has been previously assumed. While the genre’s climactic shootouts may look like a putatively masculine opposition to the codified and mediated American legal system, this gun violence is actually enshrined in the development of American laws regulating self-defense and gun possession. The climactic gun violence and stylized revenge drama of seminal Western texts then, seeks not to oppose "the law," but rather to expand its scope. The book’s interdisciplinary approach, which seeks to historicize and contextualize the iconographic tropes of the genre and its associated discourses across varied cultural and social forms, breaks from psychoanalytic perspectives which have long dominated studies of film and legal discourse and occluded historical contingencies integral to the work cultural forms do in the world. From nineteenth century texts like Cooper's The Last of the Mohicans (1826) and Reconstruction era dime novels, through early twentieth century works like The Virginian, to classic Westerns and more recent films like Unforgiven (1992), this book looks to the intersections between American law and various media that have enabled a cultural, social, and political acceptance of defensive gun violence that is still with us today.Less
Gunslinging justice explores American Westerns in a variety of media alongside the historical development of the American legal system to argue that Western shootouts are less overtly “anti-law” than has been previously assumed. While the genre’s climactic shootouts may look like a putatively masculine opposition to the codified and mediated American legal system, this gun violence is actually enshrined in the development of American laws regulating self-defense and gun possession. The climactic gun violence and stylized revenge drama of seminal Western texts then, seeks not to oppose "the law," but rather to expand its scope. The book’s interdisciplinary approach, which seeks to historicize and contextualize the iconographic tropes of the genre and its associated discourses across varied cultural and social forms, breaks from psychoanalytic perspectives which have long dominated studies of film and legal discourse and occluded historical contingencies integral to the work cultural forms do in the world. From nineteenth century texts like Cooper's The Last of the Mohicans (1826) and Reconstruction era dime novels, through early twentieth century works like The Virginian, to classic Westerns and more recent films like Unforgiven (1992), this book looks to the intersections between American law and various media that have enabled a cultural, social, and political acceptance of defensive gun violence that is still with us today.
Mark R. Joslyn
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- June 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190064822
- eISBN:
- 9780190064860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190064822.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
Chapter 6 examines survey respondents’ estimations of the actual number of people who own guns in the United States. Evidence from the surveys shows that most people overestimate the gun owner ...
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Chapter 6 examines survey respondents’ estimations of the actual number of people who own guns in the United States. Evidence from the surveys shows that most people overestimate the gun owner population and believe that the number of owners will increase even further in the next decade. Most, in fact, predict that within the next ten years gun owners will represent a majority of Americans. While most estimates may be inaccurate, they are important because they have consequences for the respondents’ gun policy preferences. Data show that those who overestimate the percentage of gun owners in the United States are notably supportive of gun rights policies.Less
Chapter 6 examines survey respondents’ estimations of the actual number of people who own guns in the United States. Evidence from the surveys shows that most people overestimate the gun owner population and believe that the number of owners will increase even further in the next decade. Most, in fact, predict that within the next ten years gun owners will represent a majority of Americans. While most estimates may be inaccurate, they are important because they have consequences for the respondents’ gun policy preferences. Data show that those who overestimate the percentage of gun owners in the United States are notably supportive of gun rights policies.
James R. Skillen
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197500699
- eISBN:
- 9780197500729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197500699.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Unlike the Sagebrush Rebellion, which remained largely regional, the War for the West enjoyed national support through a conservative infrastructure of media, think tanks, public interest law firms, ...
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Unlike the Sagebrush Rebellion, which remained largely regional, the War for the West enjoyed national support through a conservative infrastructure of media, think tanks, public interest law firms, foundations, advocacy organizations, and militias. Frustrations over federal land management were knit into a broader, civil religious story of the American paradise lost, in which the federal government was portrayed as a tyrant bent on trampling the US Constitution, particularly Bill of Rights. The War for the West was led by the mainstream Wise Use Movement, which linked property rights to gun rights and religious freedom, and by the more extreme militia movement, driven by dark conspiracy theories and a profound antagonism toward the federal government. In the Republican Revolution, led by Newt Gingrich, the Republican Party struggled to hold together these mainstream and extreme factions to gain and retain power. This further integrated conservative, Western anger with federal land management into national politics.Less
Unlike the Sagebrush Rebellion, which remained largely regional, the War for the West enjoyed national support through a conservative infrastructure of media, think tanks, public interest law firms, foundations, advocacy organizations, and militias. Frustrations over federal land management were knit into a broader, civil religious story of the American paradise lost, in which the federal government was portrayed as a tyrant bent on trampling the US Constitution, particularly Bill of Rights. The War for the West was led by the mainstream Wise Use Movement, which linked property rights to gun rights and religious freedom, and by the more extreme militia movement, driven by dark conspiracy theories and a profound antagonism toward the federal government. In the Republican Revolution, led by Newt Gingrich, the Republican Party struggled to hold together these mainstream and extreme factions to gain and retain power. This further integrated conservative, Western anger with federal land management into national politics.
John Frow
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226613956
- eISBN:
- 9780226614144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226614144.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter explores a 2008 US Supreme Court case that brings into play two starkly contrasted readings of the Second Amendment to the US Constitution: a textualist or “originalist” reading written ...
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This chapter explores a 2008 US Supreme Court case that brings into play two starkly contrasted readings of the Second Amendment to the US Constitution: a textualist or “originalist” reading written for the majority by Justice Antonin Scalia, and a “contextualist” reading written by two of the dissenting justices. The Court’s discovery of a previously unarticulated constitutional right (the right of private citizens to carry guns for self-defense) is firmly rooted in the libertarian principles of the US gun lobby. Yet its judgment in this case is made as though it were entirely free of any such context: the Court endows the text of the Constitution with an absolute authority and envisages its own decision-making processes as taking place within an apparently timeless and transcendental institution. That interpretive institution is, however, neither timeless nor transcendental but rather a field of self-reinforcing authority that enables and contains dissenting views and is composed of quite heterogeneous materials: a multiplicity of legal domains, a network of material and immaterial orderings, disparate forms of discourse, and the pre-judgments and tacit understandings that underpin them.Less
This chapter explores a 2008 US Supreme Court case that brings into play two starkly contrasted readings of the Second Amendment to the US Constitution: a textualist or “originalist” reading written for the majority by Justice Antonin Scalia, and a “contextualist” reading written by two of the dissenting justices. The Court’s discovery of a previously unarticulated constitutional right (the right of private citizens to carry guns for self-defense) is firmly rooted in the libertarian principles of the US gun lobby. Yet its judgment in this case is made as though it were entirely free of any such context: the Court endows the text of the Constitution with an absolute authority and envisages its own decision-making processes as taking place within an apparently timeless and transcendental institution. That interpretive institution is, however, neither timeless nor transcendental but rather a field of self-reinforcing authority that enables and contains dissenting views and is composed of quite heterogeneous materials: a multiplicity of legal domains, a network of material and immaterial orderings, disparate forms of discourse, and the pre-judgments and tacit understandings that underpin them.
Melissa Deckman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479837137
- eISBN:
- 9781479833870
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479837137.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines why women have emerged as leaders of the Tea Party and what their emergence means for American politics. Through extensive interviews with a variety of Tea Party women, ...
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This book examines why women have emerged as leaders of the Tea Party and what their emergence means for American politics. Through extensive interviews with a variety of Tea Party women, participant-observation at Tea Party events, and analysis of national survey data, this book reveals that the fluid nature of the Tea Party, with its decentralized structure, allows women with unprecedented opportunity to engage in conservative activism on their own terms, in large measure because opportunities to get involved in mainstream Republican Party politics are limited or unappealing. Tea Party women have also adopted a unique, gendered rhetoric to promote conservative policies. Using the “motherhood frame,” many Tea Party women argue that reducing both the size and scope of government is good for American families. Other Tea Party women move beyond motherhood rhetoric to make additional gendered claims against “big government,” arguing that federal government policies, including the Affordable Care Act, promote women’s dependence on government rather than empower them. Still other Tea Party women extend their gendered rhetoric to defend gun rights, viewing efforts by the federal government to regulate firearms as yet another attempt to restrict women’s liberties. Indeed, certain Tea Party women are even making the case that their endorsement of laissez-faire government policies in all of these arenas embodies the true essence of feminism. However, while the rise of the Tea Party’s women leaders represents an important story in American politics, such women are still likely to face an uphill battle when it comes to influencing the public opinion of American women on all these issues, given that most women hold more progressive views about government’s role in society, which has largely driven the gender gap in American elections.Less
This book examines why women have emerged as leaders of the Tea Party and what their emergence means for American politics. Through extensive interviews with a variety of Tea Party women, participant-observation at Tea Party events, and analysis of national survey data, this book reveals that the fluid nature of the Tea Party, with its decentralized structure, allows women with unprecedented opportunity to engage in conservative activism on their own terms, in large measure because opportunities to get involved in mainstream Republican Party politics are limited or unappealing. Tea Party women have also adopted a unique, gendered rhetoric to promote conservative policies. Using the “motherhood frame,” many Tea Party women argue that reducing both the size and scope of government is good for American families. Other Tea Party women move beyond motherhood rhetoric to make additional gendered claims against “big government,” arguing that federal government policies, including the Affordable Care Act, promote women’s dependence on government rather than empower them. Still other Tea Party women extend their gendered rhetoric to defend gun rights, viewing efforts by the federal government to regulate firearms as yet another attempt to restrict women’s liberties. Indeed, certain Tea Party women are even making the case that their endorsement of laissez-faire government policies in all of these arenas embodies the true essence of feminism. However, while the rise of the Tea Party’s women leaders represents an important story in American politics, such women are still likely to face an uphill battle when it comes to influencing the public opinion of American women on all these issues, given that most women hold more progressive views about government’s role in society, which has largely driven the gender gap in American elections.
Mark R. Joslyn
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- June 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190064822
- eISBN:
- 9780190064860
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190064822.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
To understand public opinion and political behavior, researchers typically sort people by self-identified groupings such as party identification, race, gender, education, and income. This book ...
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To understand public opinion and political behavior, researchers typically sort people by self-identified groupings such as party identification, race, gender, education, and income. This book advances gun owners as a new classification. It demonstrates a “gun gap,” which captures the differences between gun owners and nonowners, and shows how this gap improves conventional models of political behavior. The gun gap in fact represents an important explanation for voter choice, voter turnout, perceptions of personal and public safety, preferences for gun control policies, and support for the death penalty. Moreover, the gun gap is growing. During the 1970s and 1980s, it was small. However, legislative battles over guns in the early 1990s marked a significant growth in the gun gap that continues to this day. The 2016 presidential election witnessed the largest recorded gun gap in history. The gun gap in voter choice was nearly three times larger in 2016 than the gender gap, and it exceeded age and education gaps by notable margins. This book also focuses on variation among gun owners. Gun owners are not a monolith but exhibit attitudinal and behavioral differences that can be as large as the gap between gun owners and nonowners. The gun gap thus affords a new and compelling vantage point to evaluate modern mass politics.Less
To understand public opinion and political behavior, researchers typically sort people by self-identified groupings such as party identification, race, gender, education, and income. This book advances gun owners as a new classification. It demonstrates a “gun gap,” which captures the differences between gun owners and nonowners, and shows how this gap improves conventional models of political behavior. The gun gap in fact represents an important explanation for voter choice, voter turnout, perceptions of personal and public safety, preferences for gun control policies, and support for the death penalty. Moreover, the gun gap is growing. During the 1970s and 1980s, it was small. However, legislative battles over guns in the early 1990s marked a significant growth in the gun gap that continues to this day. The 2016 presidential election witnessed the largest recorded gun gap in history. The gun gap in voter choice was nearly three times larger in 2016 than the gender gap, and it exceeded age and education gaps by notable margins. This book also focuses on variation among gun owners. Gun owners are not a monolith but exhibit attitudinal and behavioral differences that can be as large as the gap between gun owners and nonowners. The gun gap thus affords a new and compelling vantage point to evaluate modern mass politics.
Brian E. Butler
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226474502
- eISBN:
- 9780226474649
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226474649.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter outlines three possible ways to characterize the manner in which constitutional jurisprudence deals with information. First, there are strategies that try to exclude as much information ...
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This chapter outlines three possible ways to characterize the manner in which constitutional jurisprudence deals with information. First, there are strategies that try to exclude as much information as possible. Information excluding strategies are ubiquitous in legal thought and practice. Here Justice Antonin Scalia’s public meaning originalism is taken as a prime example of this strategy. Another strategy is to include as much information as available. Recently this strategy has been exemplified in Richard Posner’s work on judging. Therein he labels the most honest and effective judge a “constrained pragmatist.” Finally, there is the possibility that courts could be set up to actually help produce relevant information. It is argued that the jurisprudence of democratic experimentalism exemplifies this strategy. Using Scalia’s information excluding opinion in the gun-rights case District of Columbia v. Heller, and Posner’s information including Second Amendment opinion, Baskin v. Bogan, it is argued that information-rich jurisprudence offers a much more effective and sensitive jurisprudential strategy in constitutional interpretation.Less
This chapter outlines three possible ways to characterize the manner in which constitutional jurisprudence deals with information. First, there are strategies that try to exclude as much information as possible. Information excluding strategies are ubiquitous in legal thought and practice. Here Justice Antonin Scalia’s public meaning originalism is taken as a prime example of this strategy. Another strategy is to include as much information as available. Recently this strategy has been exemplified in Richard Posner’s work on judging. Therein he labels the most honest and effective judge a “constrained pragmatist.” Finally, there is the possibility that courts could be set up to actually help produce relevant information. It is argued that the jurisprudence of democratic experimentalism exemplifies this strategy. Using Scalia’s information excluding opinion in the gun-rights case District of Columbia v. Heller, and Posner’s information including Second Amendment opinion, Baskin v. Bogan, it is argued that information-rich jurisprudence offers a much more effective and sensitive jurisprudential strategy in constitutional interpretation.
Gianni Pirelli
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190630430
- eISBN:
- 9780190630454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190630430.003.0008
- Subject:
- Psychology, Forensic Psychology
This chapter is the second part of the section of the book pertaining to the emerging roles of medical and mental health professionals in firearm-related matters. In this chapter, the authors provide ...
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This chapter is the second part of the section of the book pertaining to the emerging roles of medical and mental health professionals in firearm-related matters. In this chapter, the authors provide a broad overview of therapeutic interventions, including outlining considerations in the following areas: (i) psychology as a science; (ii) contemporary treatment modalities, such as psychodynamic, cognitive behavioral, and dialectical behavioral therapy approaches, among others; (iii) treatment for violence risk and violent offenders; (iv) treatment for victims of violence and domestic violence; (v) treatment for risk of suicide and self-harm; and (vi) youth interventions. The authors also address general considerations for health and wellness, firearm safety, barriers to treatment and restoration of gun rights, and vicarious trauma and self-care for practitioners.Less
This chapter is the second part of the section of the book pertaining to the emerging roles of medical and mental health professionals in firearm-related matters. In this chapter, the authors provide a broad overview of therapeutic interventions, including outlining considerations in the following areas: (i) psychology as a science; (ii) contemporary treatment modalities, such as psychodynamic, cognitive behavioral, and dialectical behavioral therapy approaches, among others; (iii) treatment for violence risk and violent offenders; (iv) treatment for victims of violence and domestic violence; (v) treatment for risk of suicide and self-harm; and (vi) youth interventions. The authors also address general considerations for health and wellness, firearm safety, barriers to treatment and restoration of gun rights, and vicarious trauma and self-care for practitioners.
John R. Hibbing
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190096489
- eISBN:
- 9780190096519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190096489.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Political Theory
This chapter provides a detailed description of the concept of securitarianism. Research on non-human animals including the Russian silver fox and American oldfield mouse as well as human research ...
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This chapter provides a detailed description of the concept of securitarianism. Research on non-human animals including the Russian silver fox and American oldfield mouse as well as human research using eyetrackers suggests that protective threat responses are often based on something other than fear. Many securitarians do not trust others to take care of them and are attracted to isolationism and survivalist strategies not because they are fearful but because they believe being vigilant and working to provide security are ennobling duties. Thus, securitarians, including many intense Trump supporters, can advocate gun rights, tough crime laws, defense spending, and border walls even though they are not particularly neurotic and scared. Securitarians are not eager to fight and they are not eager to submit but they are eager to be vigilant and prepared. This chapter concludes by comparing securitarianism to other concepts such as libertarianism and communitarianism.Less
This chapter provides a detailed description of the concept of securitarianism. Research on non-human animals including the Russian silver fox and American oldfield mouse as well as human research using eyetrackers suggests that protective threat responses are often based on something other than fear. Many securitarians do not trust others to take care of them and are attracted to isolationism and survivalist strategies not because they are fearful but because they believe being vigilant and working to provide security are ennobling duties. Thus, securitarians, including many intense Trump supporters, can advocate gun rights, tough crime laws, defense spending, and border walls even though they are not particularly neurotic and scared. Securitarians are not eager to fight and they are not eager to submit but they are eager to be vigilant and prepared. This chapter concludes by comparing securitarianism to other concepts such as libertarianism and communitarianism.
Martin Camper
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- November 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190677121
- eISBN:
- 9780190677152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190677121.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Psycholinguistics / Neurolinguistics / Cognitive Linguistics
Chapter 3 explores the interpretive stasis of definition, where there is a question concerning the intended or appropriate scope of the basic sense of a term in a text. The chapter shows how rhetors, ...
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Chapter 3 explores the interpretive stasis of definition, where there is a question concerning the intended or appropriate scope of the basic sense of a term in a text. The chapter shows how rhetors, by persuasively articulating a definition and resorting to various lines of argument, can shift the meaning of passages and reframe controversies hinging on a text’s interpretation by adjusting the scope of a single term. But only linchpin terms (similar to Burke’s and Weaver’s ultimate terms) have this governing quality. The chapter’s central example consists of oral arguments from the 2010 Supreme Court case McDonald v. City of Chicago that ultimately determined US citizens have a fundamental right to bear arms. The case partly rested on whether the Fourteenth Amendment’s phrase privileges or immunities, generally protected from state infringement, includes this right within its scope. The centrality of definitional disputes to legal interpretation is also considered.Less
Chapter 3 explores the interpretive stasis of definition, where there is a question concerning the intended or appropriate scope of the basic sense of a term in a text. The chapter shows how rhetors, by persuasively articulating a definition and resorting to various lines of argument, can shift the meaning of passages and reframe controversies hinging on a text’s interpretation by adjusting the scope of a single term. But only linchpin terms (similar to Burke’s and Weaver’s ultimate terms) have this governing quality. The chapter’s central example consists of oral arguments from the 2010 Supreme Court case McDonald v. City of Chicago that ultimately determined US citizens have a fundamental right to bear arms. The case partly rested on whether the Fourteenth Amendment’s phrase privileges or immunities, generally protected from state infringement, includes this right within its scope. The centrality of definitional disputes to legal interpretation is also considered.