Crawford Emily
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578962
- eISBN:
- 9780191722608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578962.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
The first chapter of this book examines how the traditional legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflict has become, in practice, increasingly blurred through the last ...
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The first chapter of this book examines how the traditional legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflict has become, in practice, increasingly blurred through the last century, to the point where it seems specious to continue to assert the primacy of the distinction. A number of factors, both legal and practical, have contributed to this change in the status quo. The first chapter of this book establishes that the law of armed conflict has converged to the point where there is a substantial body of law equally applicable in both international and non-international armed conflicts.Less
The first chapter of this book examines how the traditional legal distinction between international and non-international armed conflict has become, in practice, increasingly blurred through the last century, to the point where it seems specious to continue to assert the primacy of the distinction. A number of factors, both legal and practical, have contributed to this change in the status quo. The first chapter of this book establishes that the law of armed conflict has converged to the point where there is a substantial body of law equally applicable in both international and non-international armed conflicts.
Michael Fellman
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195064711
- eISBN:
- 9780199853885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195064711.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter talks about postwar violence and reconstruction, the legend of the noble guerrilla, and finally, the conclusion. This book is concluded with an analysis of the resolutions of the ...
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This chapter talks about postwar violence and reconstruction, the legend of the noble guerrilla, and finally, the conclusion. This book is concluded with an analysis of the resolutions of the guerrilla warfare in postwar Missouri. After the war, personal and political violence continued for around two years. This lacked emotional resolution. Quick northern-oriented economic development was seen during the late 1860s which was fueled in the countryside by the extension of railroads and the fast-moving industrialization of St. Louis. The culture of the guerrilla left a disruptive and bitter legacy. The legend of the American Robin Hood, ex-guerilla Jesse James, rose. Legends like this were used by the ex-guerrillas which hid the actual memories of the guerrilla that was earlier described.Less
This chapter talks about postwar violence and reconstruction, the legend of the noble guerrilla, and finally, the conclusion. This book is concluded with an analysis of the resolutions of the guerrilla warfare in postwar Missouri. After the war, personal and political violence continued for around two years. This lacked emotional resolution. Quick northern-oriented economic development was seen during the late 1860s which was fueled in the countryside by the extension of railroads and the fast-moving industrialization of St. Louis. The culture of the guerrilla left a disruptive and bitter legacy. The legend of the American Robin Hood, ex-guerilla Jesse James, rose. Legends like this were used by the ex-guerrillas which hid the actual memories of the guerrilla that was earlier described.
Brooks Blevins
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780252042737
- eISBN:
- 9780252051593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042737.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Chapter 3 continues a linear discussion of the war but also notes the Civil War’s metamorphosis into a different kind of conflict in its final two years in the Ozarks. Following the Battle of Prairie ...
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Chapter 3 continues a linear discussion of the war but also notes the Civil War’s metamorphosis into a different kind of conflict in its final two years in the Ozarks. Following the Battle of Prairie Grove in December 1862--chronicled in the previous chapter--the remainder of the conflict sees little action by large armies of either side. Instead, the official military activity concentrates on raids, counterinsurgency efforts, and punitive attacks. Much of the chapter deals with life on the home front in the Ozarks no-man’s-land and the guerrilla fighters who came to represent the region’s war over the final two years.Less
Chapter 3 continues a linear discussion of the war but also notes the Civil War’s metamorphosis into a different kind of conflict in its final two years in the Ozarks. Following the Battle of Prairie Grove in December 1862--chronicled in the previous chapter--the remainder of the conflict sees little action by large armies of either side. Instead, the official military activity concentrates on raids, counterinsurgency efforts, and punitive attacks. Much of the chapter deals with life on the home front in the Ozarks no-man’s-land and the guerrilla fighters who came to represent the region’s war over the final two years.
Priya Satia
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195331417
- eISBN:
- 9780199868070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331417.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter describes the wartime application of the intuitive intelligence mode in new domains, including policing, colonial administration, and military tactics. The intelligence strategy morphed ...
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This chapter describes the wartime application of the intuitive intelligence mode in new domains, including policing, colonial administration, and military tactics. The intelligence strategy morphed from a means of gathering knowledge to a means of acquiring political control. As agents strove to fulfill their dreams of adventure in Arabia, they strayed into the realm of warfare, applying their expertise on Arab affairs to the use and theorization of irregular warfare, deception tactics, and airpower, all of which set the Middle East campaigns apart from the war of attrition in Europe. The official construction of Arabia as a “spy-space” where the expert agent knew how to meet cunning with cunning was central in the articulation of these tactics and underwrote the adoption of an avowedly conscienceless approach to involvement in the Middle East.Less
This chapter describes the wartime application of the intuitive intelligence mode in new domains, including policing, colonial administration, and military tactics. The intelligence strategy morphed from a means of gathering knowledge to a means of acquiring political control. As agents strove to fulfill their dreams of adventure in Arabia, they strayed into the realm of warfare, applying their expertise on Arab affairs to the use and theorization of irregular warfare, deception tactics, and airpower, all of which set the Middle East campaigns apart from the war of attrition in Europe. The official construction of Arabia as a “spy-space” where the expert agent knew how to meet cunning with cunning was central in the articulation of these tactics and underwrote the adoption of an avowedly conscienceless approach to involvement in the Middle East.
Anthony James Joes
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124377
- eISBN:
- 9780813134833
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124377.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Guerrilla insurgencies continue to rage across the globe, fueled by ethnic and religious conflict and the easy availability of weapons. At the same time, urban population centers in both ...
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Guerrilla insurgencies continue to rage across the globe, fueled by ethnic and religious conflict and the easy availability of weapons. At the same time, urban population centers in both industrialized and developing nations attract ever-increasing numbers of people, outstripping rural growth rates worldwide. As a consequence of this population shift from the countryside to the cities, guerrilla conflict in urban areas, similar to the violent response to U.S. occupation in Iraq, will become more frequent. This book traces the diverse origins of urban conflicts and identifies similarities and differences in the methods of counterinsurgent forces. In this wide-ranging and richly detailed comparative analysis, this book examines eight key examples of urban guerrilla conflict spanning half a century and four continents: Warsaw in 1944, Budapest in 1956, Algiers in 1957, Montevideo and São Paulo in the 1960s, Saigon in 1968, Northern Ireland from 1970 to 1998, and Grozny from 1994 to 1996. The book demonstrates that urban insurgents violate certain fundamental principles of guerrilla warfare as set forth by renowned military strategists such as Carl von Clausewitz and Mao Tse-tung. Urban guerrillas operate in finite areas, leaving themselves vulnerable to encirclement and ultimate defeat. They also tend to abandon the goal of establishing a secure base or a cross-border sanctuary, making precarious combat even riskier. Typically, urban guerrillas do not solely target soldiers and police; they often attack civilians in an effort to frighten and disorient the local population and discredit the regime. Thus urban guerrilla warfare becomes difficult to distinguish from simple terrorism. The book argues persuasively against committing U.S. troops in urban counterinsurgencies, but also offers cogent recommendations for the successful conduct of such operations where they must be undertaken.Less
Guerrilla insurgencies continue to rage across the globe, fueled by ethnic and religious conflict and the easy availability of weapons. At the same time, urban population centers in both industrialized and developing nations attract ever-increasing numbers of people, outstripping rural growth rates worldwide. As a consequence of this population shift from the countryside to the cities, guerrilla conflict in urban areas, similar to the violent response to U.S. occupation in Iraq, will become more frequent. This book traces the diverse origins of urban conflicts and identifies similarities and differences in the methods of counterinsurgent forces. In this wide-ranging and richly detailed comparative analysis, this book examines eight key examples of urban guerrilla conflict spanning half a century and four continents: Warsaw in 1944, Budapest in 1956, Algiers in 1957, Montevideo and São Paulo in the 1960s, Saigon in 1968, Northern Ireland from 1970 to 1998, and Grozny from 1994 to 1996. The book demonstrates that urban insurgents violate certain fundamental principles of guerrilla warfare as set forth by renowned military strategists such as Carl von Clausewitz and Mao Tse-tung. Urban guerrillas operate in finite areas, leaving themselves vulnerable to encirclement and ultimate defeat. They also tend to abandon the goal of establishing a secure base or a cross-border sanctuary, making precarious combat even riskier. Typically, urban guerrillas do not solely target soldiers and police; they often attack civilians in an effort to frighten and disorient the local population and discredit the regime. Thus urban guerrilla warfare becomes difficult to distinguish from simple terrorism. The book argues persuasively against committing U.S. troops in urban counterinsurgencies, but also offers cogent recommendations for the successful conduct of such operations where they must be undertaken.
Michael Ryan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231163842
- eISBN:
- 9780231533270
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231163842.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This book provides an effective framework for analyzing al-Qaeda's plans against America and encourages strategists and researchers to devote greater attention to jihadi ideas rather than jihadist ...
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This book provides an effective framework for analyzing al-Qaeda's plans against America and encourages strategists and researchers to devote greater attention to jihadi ideas rather than jihadist military operations. It constructs a counter narrative to the West's supposed “war on Islam,” finding that jihadist terrorism strategy has more in common with the principles of Maoist guerrilla warfare than mainstream Islam. The book examines the Salafist roots of al-Qaeda ideology and the contributions of its most famous founders, Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri. It also looks at the Arabic-language works of lesser known theoreticians who have played an instrumental role in framing al-Qaeda's so-called war of the oppressed. It shows that these authors readily cite the guerrilla strategies of Mao, Che Guevara, and the mastermind of the Vietnam War, General Giap, and also shows that they incorporate the arguments of American theorists writing on “fourth-generation warfare.” The book argues that al-Qaeda's political-military strategy is a revolutionary and largely secular departure from the classic Muslim conception of jihad. In this way, the book adds new dimensions to the operational, psychological, and informational strategies already deployed by America's military in the region.Less
This book provides an effective framework for analyzing al-Qaeda's plans against America and encourages strategists and researchers to devote greater attention to jihadi ideas rather than jihadist military operations. It constructs a counter narrative to the West's supposed “war on Islam,” finding that jihadist terrorism strategy has more in common with the principles of Maoist guerrilla warfare than mainstream Islam. The book examines the Salafist roots of al-Qaeda ideology and the contributions of its most famous founders, Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri. It also looks at the Arabic-language works of lesser known theoreticians who have played an instrumental role in framing al-Qaeda's so-called war of the oppressed. It shows that these authors readily cite the guerrilla strategies of Mao, Che Guevara, and the mastermind of the Vietnam War, General Giap, and also shows that they incorporate the arguments of American theorists writing on “fourth-generation warfare.” The book argues that al-Qaeda's political-military strategy is a revolutionary and largely secular departure from the classic Muslim conception of jihad. In this way, the book adds new dimensions to the operational, psychological, and informational strategies already deployed by America's military in the region.
D. H. Dilbeck
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469630519
- eISBN:
- 9781469630533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630519.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Chapter one traces the origins of the Union army’s “hard yet humane” just-war policies to an unexpected time and place: guerrilla-ravaged Missouri in the opening months of the Civil War. The chapter ...
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Chapter one traces the origins of the Union army’s “hard yet humane” just-war policies to an unexpected time and place: guerrilla-ravaged Missouri in the opening months of the Civil War. The chapter shows how Union officers in Missouri, as they confronted hostile guerrillas, first constructed detailed military rules and policies that embodied the vision of just warfare that would eventually characterize the entire Union military effort. Some historians have argued that when Federal armies in this region faced problems associated with guerrillas and hostile Confederate civilians they responded by resolutely embracing the hard hand of war – which is true, but only half the story. These same challenges also simultaneously inspired many Union officials to work to establish and abide by certain constraints.Less
Chapter one traces the origins of the Union army’s “hard yet humane” just-war policies to an unexpected time and place: guerrilla-ravaged Missouri in the opening months of the Civil War. The chapter shows how Union officers in Missouri, as they confronted hostile guerrillas, first constructed detailed military rules and policies that embodied the vision of just warfare that would eventually characterize the entire Union military effort. Some historians have argued that when Federal armies in this region faced problems associated with guerrillas and hostile Confederate civilians they responded by resolutely embracing the hard hand of war – which is true, but only half the story. These same challenges also simultaneously inspired many Union officials to work to establish and abide by certain constraints.
Maurizio Isabella
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199570676
- eISBN:
- 9780191721991
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570676.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Italian exiles' participation in the Spanish revolution provided their political culture with three new elements: first, an almost utopian faith in the beneficial effects that the revolution ...
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The Italian exiles' participation in the Spanish revolution provided their political culture with three new elements: first, an almost utopian faith in the beneficial effects that the revolution would have on Spanish society and economy; secondly, an internationalist ideology that linked the defence of the Spanish regime with the survival of freedom in Europe; finally, a military strategy based on the experience of Spanish guerrilla warfare against Napoleon. This latter in particular left an enduring mark on the memory of succeeding generations of the Risorgimento, although the mythical idea of a free people fighting for freedom did not stand up to the reality of popular hostility against liberalism.Less
The Italian exiles' participation in the Spanish revolution provided their political culture with three new elements: first, an almost utopian faith in the beneficial effects that the revolution would have on Spanish society and economy; secondly, an internationalist ideology that linked the defence of the Spanish regime with the survival of freedom in Europe; finally, a military strategy based on the experience of Spanish guerrilla warfare against Napoleon. This latter in particular left an enduring mark on the memory of succeeding generations of the Risorgimento, although the mythical idea of a free people fighting for freedom did not stand up to the reality of popular hostility against liberalism.
Roger B. Manning
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199261499
- eISBN:
- 9780191718625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261499.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The Wars of the Three Kingdoms were a complicated mixture of civil wars, religious wars, wars of conquest, and wars of national liberation. The wars in Ireland and Scotland also demonstrated how the ...
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The Wars of the Three Kingdoms were a complicated mixture of civil wars, religious wars, wars of conquest, and wars of national liberation. The wars in Ireland and Scotland also demonstrated how the affairs of the Three Kingdoms were inextricably linked together. The civil wars in Ireland were complicated by the presence of four armies: a Royalist army, an army of Scots Covenanters, the Catholic Confederate army, and the ultimately victorious Parliamentary forces, which imposed a harsh peace settlement. In Scotland, the Covenanting Army compelled Charles I to recognize the Presbyterian religious settlement before being defeated by the New Model Army. The Cromwellian conquest of Scotland led to a more generous peace settlement than was the case in Ireland, because the Parliamentarians did not regard the mostly Protestant Lowlanders as being alien like the Catholic Irish and the Highlanders from the Isles, and also because the peace settlement was administered by the more moderate General George Monck. The Cromwellian conquest failed to bring complete peace to the two Celtic kingdoms, and guerilla warfare continued for some years afterwards.Less
The Wars of the Three Kingdoms were a complicated mixture of civil wars, religious wars, wars of conquest, and wars of national liberation. The wars in Ireland and Scotland also demonstrated how the affairs of the Three Kingdoms were inextricably linked together. The civil wars in Ireland were complicated by the presence of four armies: a Royalist army, an army of Scots Covenanters, the Catholic Confederate army, and the ultimately victorious Parliamentary forces, which imposed a harsh peace settlement. In Scotland, the Covenanting Army compelled Charles I to recognize the Presbyterian religious settlement before being defeated by the New Model Army. The Cromwellian conquest of Scotland led to a more generous peace settlement than was the case in Ireland, because the Parliamentarians did not regard the mostly Protestant Lowlanders as being alien like the Catholic Irish and the Highlanders from the Isles, and also because the peace settlement was administered by the more moderate General George Monck. The Cromwellian conquest failed to bring complete peace to the two Celtic kingdoms, and guerilla warfare continued for some years afterwards.
Nicky Rousseau
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097560
- eISBN:
- 9781526104441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097560.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
The location, exhumation and identification of human remains associated with mass violence and genocide has come to occupy an important place in the panoply of transitional justice measures over the ...
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The location, exhumation and identification of human remains associated with mass violence and genocide has come to occupy an important place in the panoply of transitional justice measures over the past two decades. Yet the issues that accompany this work - and that cut across the ‘politics of dead bodies’ as well as the politics of knowledge and the ‘disciplines of the dead’ - may well exceed the bounds of transitional justice. These issues are explored here via the work of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The article also looks at the practice of reburial, with a specific interest in how it came to be figured, and how it featured in debates on the colonial dead as well as in subsequent work of the Missing Persons Task Team (MPTT), a unit established in the TRC’s wake. The focus on practice seeks to bring to view, not only the body of exhumation, but a range of other agencies or ‘mediating interpretants’ who do, interpret and study the work of exhumation – exhumation teams, families, the media, scholars - and to think these together.Less
The location, exhumation and identification of human remains associated with mass violence and genocide has come to occupy an important place in the panoply of transitional justice measures over the past two decades. Yet the issues that accompany this work - and that cut across the ‘politics of dead bodies’ as well as the politics of knowledge and the ‘disciplines of the dead’ - may well exceed the bounds of transitional justice. These issues are explored here via the work of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The article also looks at the practice of reburial, with a specific interest in how it came to be figured, and how it featured in debates on the colonial dead as well as in subsequent work of the Missing Persons Task Team (MPTT), a unit established in the TRC’s wake. The focus on practice seeks to bring to view, not only the body of exhumation, but a range of other agencies or ‘mediating interpretants’ who do, interpret and study the work of exhumation – exhumation teams, families, the media, scholars - and to think these together.
Burrus M. Carnahan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125695
- eISBN:
- 9780813135380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125695.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines President Lincoln's attitude toward counter-guerrilla tactics, which could include the execution of civilian hostages in retaliation for unlawful enemy actions. Most of the ...
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This chapter examines President Lincoln's attitude toward counter-guerrilla tactics, which could include the execution of civilian hostages in retaliation for unlawful enemy actions. Most of the house burning that bothered the president had been carried out, by both sides, as acts of “retaliation.” Two highly effective acts of retaliation by the Confederacy—one threatened, the other executed—illustrate how the practice was supposed to work. Retaliation remained a major weapon of Union generals against guerrillas and the civilians who supported them. The forced movement of hostile civilian populations was another common response to guerrilla warfare. Abraham Lincoln himself signed one order for retaliation against Confederate prisoners of war. The distaste he felt for actually ordering the innocent to suffer for offenses they had not committed is explained.Less
This chapter examines President Lincoln's attitude toward counter-guerrilla tactics, which could include the execution of civilian hostages in retaliation for unlawful enemy actions. Most of the house burning that bothered the president had been carried out, by both sides, as acts of “retaliation.” Two highly effective acts of retaliation by the Confederacy—one threatened, the other executed—illustrate how the practice was supposed to work. Retaliation remained a major weapon of Union generals against guerrillas and the civilians who supported them. The forced movement of hostile civilian populations was another common response to guerrilla warfare. Abraham Lincoln himself signed one order for retaliation against Confederate prisoners of war. The distaste he felt for actually ordering the innocent to suffer for offenses they had not committed is explained.
Anthony James Joes
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124377
- eISBN:
- 9780813134833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124377.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
A steady rise in urban guerrilla warfare is expected over the intermediate term as more and more people converge in the highly populated cities of many less-developed countries dealing with an ...
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A steady rise in urban guerrilla warfare is expected over the intermediate term as more and more people converge in the highly populated cities of many less-developed countries dealing with an insurgency problem. Unlike the guerrillas during the time of Clausewitz and Mao Tse-tung, modern-day urban guerrillas feel no need to have a secure geographical base or a cross-boundary sanctuary, foster a symbiotic relationship with the general population in the city, or avoid direct confrontations with counterinsurgents. This book examines the urban guerrilla conflicts in Warsaw, Budapest, Algiers, Montevideo, Sao Paolo, Saigon, Northern Ireland, and Grozny, focusing on the circumstances of their origin, the nature and number of participants and sympathizers, their level of intensity, their duration, the consequences of their suppression, and the meaning they may hold today.Less
A steady rise in urban guerrilla warfare is expected over the intermediate term as more and more people converge in the highly populated cities of many less-developed countries dealing with an insurgency problem. Unlike the guerrillas during the time of Clausewitz and Mao Tse-tung, modern-day urban guerrillas feel no need to have a secure geographical base or a cross-boundary sanctuary, foster a symbiotic relationship with the general population in the city, or avoid direct confrontations with counterinsurgents. This book examines the urban guerrilla conflicts in Warsaw, Budapest, Algiers, Montevideo, Sao Paolo, Saigon, Northern Ireland, and Grozny, focusing on the circumstances of their origin, the nature and number of participants and sympathizers, their level of intensity, their duration, the consequences of their suppression, and the meaning they may hold today.
Anna Clayfield
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781683400899
- eISBN:
- 9781683401308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9781683400899.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Chapter 1 offers an overview of the armed struggle that, beginning with the attack on the Moncada barracks in 1953, brought the Revolution to power in 1959. In so doing, it reveals the historical ...
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Chapter 1 offers an overview of the armed struggle that, beginning with the attack on the Moncada barracks in 1953, brought the Revolution to power in 1959. In so doing, it reveals the historical circumstances that allowed the leaders of the Rebel Army, specifically Che Guevara, to acquire power and thereafter leave a permanent guerrilla imprint on revolutionary discourse. Guevara’s writings on the methodologies of guerrilla warfare constitute a particular focus of attention, given that his ideas and image continue to permeate the verbal and visual language of the Revolution. Ultimately, this chapter offers an overview of the origins of guerrillerismo, especially when discussed in the Cuban context.Less
Chapter 1 offers an overview of the armed struggle that, beginning with the attack on the Moncada barracks in 1953, brought the Revolution to power in 1959. In so doing, it reveals the historical circumstances that allowed the leaders of the Rebel Army, specifically Che Guevara, to acquire power and thereafter leave a permanent guerrilla imprint on revolutionary discourse. Guevara’s writings on the methodologies of guerrilla warfare constitute a particular focus of attention, given that his ideas and image continue to permeate the verbal and visual language of the Revolution. Ultimately, this chapter offers an overview of the origins of guerrillerismo, especially when discussed in the Cuban context.
Anthony James Joes
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124377
- eISBN:
- 9780813134833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124377.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Military History
These conflicts demonstrate that the record of urban guerrilla warfare in the twentieth century is one of complete and sometimes tragic defeat, and one that will likely persist into the twenty-first ...
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These conflicts demonstrate that the record of urban guerrilla warfare in the twentieth century is one of complete and sometimes tragic defeat, and one that will likely persist into the twenty-first century. By deviating from the teachings of Clausewitz and Mao Tse-tung, urban guerrillas—even those enjoying mass support—expose themselves to certain structural impediments that make success highly improbable. Hence, it is important for the US to be cautious when committing its armed forces to urban battles because a determined, albeit badly armed, opponent could inflict serious casualties on even the most well-equipped and well-trained troops. If the US has determined that it has no other option but to engage in an urban counter-insurgency mission, the keys to its success will be isolation, intelligence, and political preemption. The lawful conduct of US counterinsurgency forces toward prisoners and civilians also will prove beneficial not only in intelligence gathering but in uplifting the morale and public perception of the military as well.Less
These conflicts demonstrate that the record of urban guerrilla warfare in the twentieth century is one of complete and sometimes tragic defeat, and one that will likely persist into the twenty-first century. By deviating from the teachings of Clausewitz and Mao Tse-tung, urban guerrillas—even those enjoying mass support—expose themselves to certain structural impediments that make success highly improbable. Hence, it is important for the US to be cautious when committing its armed forces to urban battles because a determined, albeit badly armed, opponent could inflict serious casualties on even the most well-equipped and well-trained troops. If the US has determined that it has no other option but to engage in an urban counter-insurgency mission, the keys to its success will be isolation, intelligence, and political preemption. The lawful conduct of US counterinsurgency forces toward prisoners and civilians also will prove beneficial not only in intelligence gathering but in uplifting the morale and public perception of the military as well.
Christopher Phillips
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780195187236
- eISBN:
- 9780199378180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195187236.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The intertwined strands of the “war within the war” after emancipation and the fall 1862 midterm elections developed into a civilian home-front war between 1863 and 1865. Interactions between the ...
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The intertwined strands of the “war within the war” after emancipation and the fall 1862 midterm elections developed into a civilian home-front war between 1863 and 1865. Interactions between the middle border’s war supporters and dissenters fueled the hardening of ideological and political positions into a wartime binary that would outlast the conflict. Guerrilla warfare was only the most apparent manifestation of the internecine struggle as white residents turned against the government’s war. Emancipation and black enlistment ignited a full political war among black and white, slave and free, Conservatives and Radicals, and drew the active and sustained engagement of women amid a “fire in the rear.” The conflict reached into communities as local, partisan discord and even violence more than as organized electoral politics. Wartime dissent peaked prior to the 1864 presidential election, declining precipitously after Lincoln’s re-election and the Republican Party’s resounding victory in the West.Less
The intertwined strands of the “war within the war” after emancipation and the fall 1862 midterm elections developed into a civilian home-front war between 1863 and 1865. Interactions between the middle border’s war supporters and dissenters fueled the hardening of ideological and political positions into a wartime binary that would outlast the conflict. Guerrilla warfare was only the most apparent manifestation of the internecine struggle as white residents turned against the government’s war. Emancipation and black enlistment ignited a full political war among black and white, slave and free, Conservatives and Radicals, and drew the active and sustained engagement of women amid a “fire in the rear.” The conflict reached into communities as local, partisan discord and even violence more than as organized electoral politics. Wartime dissent peaked prior to the 1864 presidential election, declining precipitously after Lincoln’s re-election and the Republican Party’s resounding victory in the West.
Thomas D. Thiessen, Steven J. Dasovich, and Douglas D. Scott
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049441
- eISBN:
- 9780813050195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049441.003.0004
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Historical Archaeology
During the morning of September 27, 1864, the sleepy little hamlet of Centralia, Missouri, was visited by a band of pro-Confederacy guerrillas, led by William T. Anderson, one of the most notorious ...
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During the morning of September 27, 1864, the sleepy little hamlet of Centralia, Missouri, was visited by a band of pro-Confederacy guerrillas, led by William T. Anderson, one of the most notorious partisan leaders in the history of guerrilla warfare during the Civil War. When it erupted in mayhem, that visit brought about the deaths of several civilians and approximately 150 Union soldiers in a massacre and battle that placed Centralia in the annals of famous Civil War atrocities. Newly discovered pension records and various accounts of the survivors and other witnesses clearly show the vicious and violent nature of war practiced in the trans-Mississippi West during the Civil War. Viewed in light of the expanding array of analytical techniques of modern battlefield research, Centralia presents historical and archaeological reflections of those radical practices of war and warfare.Less
During the morning of September 27, 1864, the sleepy little hamlet of Centralia, Missouri, was visited by a band of pro-Confederacy guerrillas, led by William T. Anderson, one of the most notorious partisan leaders in the history of guerrilla warfare during the Civil War. When it erupted in mayhem, that visit brought about the deaths of several civilians and approximately 150 Union soldiers in a massacre and battle that placed Centralia in the annals of famous Civil War atrocities. Newly discovered pension records and various accounts of the survivors and other witnesses clearly show the vicious and violent nature of war practiced in the trans-Mississippi West during the Civil War. Viewed in light of the expanding array of analytical techniques of modern battlefield research, Centralia presents historical and archaeological reflections of those radical practices of war and warfare.
Michael Loadenthal
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526114457
- eISBN:
- 9781526128454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526114457.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
The aim of this chapter is to position insurrectionary methods within a more diverse history of militant resistance; specially those socio-political movements employing urban guerrilla warfare. This ...
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The aim of this chapter is to position insurrectionary methods within a more diverse history of militant resistance; specially those socio-political movements employing urban guerrilla warfare. This discussion begins by outlining the strategy of insurrectionary warfare based in the more centrally located movements texts such as The Coming Insurrection authored by the Invisible Committee. These strategic proscriptions are compared to Marxist-Leninist and national-separatist movements of the mid to late twentieth century to both demonstrate the similarity and highlight difference. This approach argues that modern insurrectionary methods can be understood as a rearticulation of the strategy of urban guerrilla warfare based in the model of the affinity group, and adoptable moniker popularized during the period of anti-globalization summit hopping. This chapter also examines key inter-movement questions such as ‘Is insurrectionary violence considered terrorism?’, and ‘Clandestine cells carrying out attacks claim responsibility for their actions?’Less
The aim of this chapter is to position insurrectionary methods within a more diverse history of militant resistance; specially those socio-political movements employing urban guerrilla warfare. This discussion begins by outlining the strategy of insurrectionary warfare based in the more centrally located movements texts such as The Coming Insurrection authored by the Invisible Committee. These strategic proscriptions are compared to Marxist-Leninist and national-separatist movements of the mid to late twentieth century to both demonstrate the similarity and highlight difference. This approach argues that modern insurrectionary methods can be understood as a rearticulation of the strategy of urban guerrilla warfare based in the model of the affinity group, and adoptable moniker popularized during the period of anti-globalization summit hopping. This chapter also examines key inter-movement questions such as ‘Is insurrectionary violence considered terrorism?’, and ‘Clandestine cells carrying out attacks claim responsibility for their actions?’
S. P. Mackenzie
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205777
- eISBN:
- 9780191676789
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205777.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter examines the confusion over the anti-invasion role of the British Home Guard. Despite the various orders issued by the Home Forces to try and dampen enthusiasm for guerrilla warfare and ...
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This chapter examines the confusion over the anti-invasion role of the British Home Guard. Despite the various orders issued by the Home Forces to try and dampen enthusiasm for guerrilla warfare and mobility, the confusion over how the force was to operate in the event of an invasion increased rather than diminished. This was caused by some commanders who engaged in a certain amount of creative interpretation of the orders of the Home Forces.Less
This chapter examines the confusion over the anti-invasion role of the British Home Guard. Despite the various orders issued by the Home Forces to try and dampen enthusiasm for guerrilla warfare and mobility, the confusion over how the force was to operate in the event of an invasion increased rather than diminished. This was caused by some commanders who engaged in a certain amount of creative interpretation of the orders of the Home Forces.
T. R. C. Hutton
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813136462
- eISBN:
- 9780813142593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813136462.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Like many other parts of the South during the American Civil War, Breathitt County was not entirely pro-Confederate or pro-Unionist. Although the rich and powerful county founders supported the ...
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Like many other parts of the South during the American Civil War, Breathitt County was not entirely pro-Confederate or pro-Unionist. Although the rich and powerful county founders supported the South, mountaineers who had not been part of their grand project a generation earlier formed an interracial Unionist coalition that reflected the partisan choices of most of eastern Kentucky. The guerrilla fighting that took place in Breathitt County was not the sort that Americans chose to memorialize after the war was over, even though its tactical value was considerable. Those who wrote the first histories of the war sought to valorize both North and South, and the political significance of their local war was delegitimized by historians, anthropologists, and journalists. Furthermore, the social and political rifts left behind after a local war between “intimates” provided the potential for factional violence after the war. The apocryphal knowledge of guerrilla violence in places like Breathitt County served as a precursor to its later “feud” reputation.Less
Like many other parts of the South during the American Civil War, Breathitt County was not entirely pro-Confederate or pro-Unionist. Although the rich and powerful county founders supported the South, mountaineers who had not been part of their grand project a generation earlier formed an interracial Unionist coalition that reflected the partisan choices of most of eastern Kentucky. The guerrilla fighting that took place in Breathitt County was not the sort that Americans chose to memorialize after the war was over, even though its tactical value was considerable. Those who wrote the first histories of the war sought to valorize both North and South, and the political significance of their local war was delegitimized by historians, anthropologists, and journalists. Furthermore, the social and political rifts left behind after a local war between “intimates” provided the potential for factional violence after the war. The apocryphal knowledge of guerrilla violence in places like Breathitt County served as a precursor to its later “feud” reputation.
D M. Leeson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199598991
- eISBN:
- 9780191730597
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199598991.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter provides a brief general narrative of the Irish War of Independence from the summer of 1920 to the summer of 1921, along with a more detailed local narrative of the struggle in West ...
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This chapter provides a brief general narrative of the Irish War of Independence from the summer of 1920 to the summer of 1921, along with a more detailed local narrative of the struggle in West Galway. It argues that the struggle between the guerrillas and the police passed through four distinct phases: a growing guerrilla offensive up to the summer of 1920; a violent police counteroffensive in the autumn; a period of deadlock and attrition in the winter of 1920–1; and a renewed guerrilla offensive in the spring of 1921. By mid-May 1921 the British government’s nondescript policy had failed completely: faced with a choice of either negotiating with the insurgents or waging all-out war, the government finally chose negotiation. Events in West Galway are examined closely, both as a case study, and to show how local events could exercise an important influence on the wider conflict.Less
This chapter provides a brief general narrative of the Irish War of Independence from the summer of 1920 to the summer of 1921, along with a more detailed local narrative of the struggle in West Galway. It argues that the struggle between the guerrillas and the police passed through four distinct phases: a growing guerrilla offensive up to the summer of 1920; a violent police counteroffensive in the autumn; a period of deadlock and attrition in the winter of 1920–1; and a renewed guerrilla offensive in the spring of 1921. By mid-May 1921 the British government’s nondescript policy had failed completely: faced with a choice of either negotiating with the insurgents or waging all-out war, the government finally chose negotiation. Events in West Galway are examined closely, both as a case study, and to show how local events could exercise an important influence on the wider conflict.
