Yezid Sayigh
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296430
- eISBN:
- 9780191685224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296430.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The failure of their enterprise in the occupied territories left the guerrilla groups in flux, much as the June 1967 war had brought the legitimacy of the PLO leadership into question. Yet, as in ...
More
The failure of their enterprise in the occupied territories left the guerrilla groups in flux, much as the June 1967 war had brought the legitimacy of the PLO leadership into question. Yet, as in 1948, defeat gave a new impetus to Palestinian nationalism. The debacle of the Arab states and armies, the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza by a despised Israel, and the exodus of another 300,000 refugees demolished many social and political certainties to which Palestinians clung. The challenge now was to embody their distinct national identity in an autonomous political institution. Armed struggle was the means for the emerging guerrilla movement both to assert its legitimacy and to carve out the sanctuary it needed in the Arab confrontation states. For a nationalist movement that lacked economic or social control over its constituency, it was also a means of political outbidding and manipulative mobilization.Less
The failure of their enterprise in the occupied territories left the guerrilla groups in flux, much as the June 1967 war had brought the legitimacy of the PLO leadership into question. Yet, as in 1948, defeat gave a new impetus to Palestinian nationalism. The debacle of the Arab states and armies, the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza by a despised Israel, and the exodus of another 300,000 refugees demolished many social and political certainties to which Palestinians clung. The challenge now was to embody their distinct national identity in an autonomous political institution. Armed struggle was the means for the emerging guerrilla movement both to assert its legitimacy and to carve out the sanctuary it needed in the Arab confrontation states. For a nationalist movement that lacked economic or social control over its constituency, it was also a means of political outbidding and manipulative mobilization.
Yezid Sayigh
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296430
- eISBN:
- 9780191685224
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296430.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book spans an entire epoch in the history of the contemporary Palestinian national movement, from the establishment of Israel in 1948, to the PLO-Israel accord of 1993. Contrary to the ...
More
This book spans an entire epoch in the history of the contemporary Palestinian national movement, from the establishment of Israel in 1948, to the PLO-Israel accord of 1993. Contrary to the conventional view that national liberation movements proceed with state-building only after attaining independence, the case of the PLO shows that state-building may shape political institutionalization, even in the absence of an autonomous territorial, economic, and social base. This study traces the political, ideological, and organizational evolution of the PLO and its constituent of guerrilla groups. Taking the much-vaunted ‘armed struggle’ as its connecting there, it shows how conflict was used to mobilize the mass constituency, assert particular discourses of revolution and nationalism, construct statist institutions, and establish legitimacy of a new political class and bureaucratic elite. The book draws extensively on PLO archives, official publications, and internal documents of the various guerrilla groups, and over 400 interviews conducted by the author with the PLO rank-and-file.Less
This book spans an entire epoch in the history of the contemporary Palestinian national movement, from the establishment of Israel in 1948, to the PLO-Israel accord of 1993. Contrary to the conventional view that national liberation movements proceed with state-building only after attaining independence, the case of the PLO shows that state-building may shape political institutionalization, even in the absence of an autonomous territorial, economic, and social base. This study traces the political, ideological, and organizational evolution of the PLO and its constituent of guerrilla groups. Taking the much-vaunted ‘armed struggle’ as its connecting there, it shows how conflict was used to mobilize the mass constituency, assert particular discourses of revolution and nationalism, construct statist institutions, and establish legitimacy of a new political class and bureaucratic elite. The book draws extensively on PLO archives, official publications, and internal documents of the various guerrilla groups, and over 400 interviews conducted by the author with the PLO rank-and-file.
Julie Mazzei
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833063
- eISBN:
- 9781469605524
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807898611_mazzei.7
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter focuses on the internal conflict in Colombia, which dated back more than four decades, with State security forces pitted against several insurgent guerrilla groups. During the late 1980s ...
More
This chapter focuses on the internal conflict in Colombia, which dated back more than four decades, with State security forces pitted against several insurgent guerrilla groups. During the late 1980s and 1990s, more than one hundred paramilitary groups organized and entered the fray, aligned with the State in the goal of eradicating the leftist guerrillas. Adding to the violence were the drug traffickers, who served as an important ally and source of financing for various parties in the conflict at various times, including, most recently, paramilitary groups. In the late 1990s, the conflict became so widespread and the parties so entrenched that the subversion of institutional order was total. Kidnapping and forced conscription became nearly unavoidable, driving many parents to send their children out of the country on student exchange programs rather than risk their children's safety in a hopeful wait for a visa.Less
This chapter focuses on the internal conflict in Colombia, which dated back more than four decades, with State security forces pitted against several insurgent guerrilla groups. During the late 1980s and 1990s, more than one hundred paramilitary groups organized and entered the fray, aligned with the State in the goal of eradicating the leftist guerrillas. Adding to the violence were the drug traffickers, who served as an important ally and source of financing for various parties in the conflict at various times, including, most recently, paramilitary groups. In the late 1990s, the conflict became so widespread and the parties so entrenched that the subversion of institutional order was total. Kidnapping and forced conscription became nearly unavoidable, driving many parents to send their children out of the country on student exchange programs rather than risk their children's safety in a hopeful wait for a visa.
Teo Ballvé
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501747533
- eISBN:
- 9781501747564
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501747533.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This book challenges the notion that in Urabá, Colombia, the cause of the region's violent history and unruly contemporary condition is the absence of the state. Although the book takes this locally ...
More
This book challenges the notion that in Urabá, Colombia, the cause of the region's violent history and unruly contemporary condition is the absence of the state. Although the book takes this locally oft-repeated claim seriously, it demonstrates that Urabá is more than a case of Hobbesian political disorder. Through this exploration of war, paramilitary organizations, grassroots support and resistance, and drug-related violence, the book argues that Urabá, rather than existing in statelessness, has actually been an intense and persistent site of state-building projects. Indeed, these projects have thrust together an unlikely gathering of guerilla groups, drug-trafficking paramilitaries, military strategists, technocratic planners, local politicians, and development experts each seeking to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of “the state” in a space in which it supposedly does not exist. By untangling this odd mix, the book reveals how Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient, if not at all benevolent, regimes of rule.Less
This book challenges the notion that in Urabá, Colombia, the cause of the region's violent history and unruly contemporary condition is the absence of the state. Although the book takes this locally oft-repeated claim seriously, it demonstrates that Urabá is more than a case of Hobbesian political disorder. Through this exploration of war, paramilitary organizations, grassroots support and resistance, and drug-related violence, the book argues that Urabá, rather than existing in statelessness, has actually been an intense and persistent site of state-building projects. Indeed, these projects have thrust together an unlikely gathering of guerilla groups, drug-trafficking paramilitaries, military strategists, technocratic planners, local politicians, and development experts each seeking to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of “the state” in a space in which it supposedly does not exist. By untangling this odd mix, the book reveals how Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient, if not at all benevolent, regimes of rule.
