Alok Kumar and Sushanta K. Chatterjee
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198082279
- eISBN:
- 9780199082063
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198082279.003.0016
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Protection of consumers’ interest is one of the key objectives of the Electricity Act, 2003 and it has been explicitly articulated in the preamble of the Act. The chapter explains in brief the ...
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Protection of consumers’ interest is one of the key objectives of the Electricity Act, 2003 and it has been explicitly articulated in the preamble of the Act. The chapter explains in brief the provisions of the Electricity Act and the policy regarding protection of consumers’ interest, for instance, universal service obligation, grievance handling mechanism, standards of performance, and consumer advocacy. Judicial pronouncements have also been relied upon to explain the context of some of these important provisions of the law and the policy.Less
Protection of consumers’ interest is one of the key objectives of the Electricity Act, 2003 and it has been explicitly articulated in the preamble of the Act. The chapter explains in brief the provisions of the Electricity Act and the policy regarding protection of consumers’ interest, for instance, universal service obligation, grievance handling mechanism, standards of performance, and consumer advocacy. Judicial pronouncements have also been relied upon to explain the context of some of these important provisions of the law and the policy.
Ashley Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207641
- eISBN:
- 9780191677762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207641.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
Generally, those who participated in the British army have articulated how they are proud to have been part of the efforts during the Second World War, and these men have rarely complained that they ...
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Generally, those who participated in the British army have articulated how they are proud to have been part of the efforts during the Second World War, and these men have rarely complained that they were merely ‘used’. However, some of these veterans have expressed grievances, as they feel that their efforts and accomplishments had remained unrecognized by society, since their points of comparison are the modern-day reports of Botswana soldiers returning home from various missions with the United Nations. As such, this chapter includes the sentiments of these war veterans regarding how they barely receive any monetary compensation for their efforts, and that the earlier celebrations of their victories have come to an end.Less
Generally, those who participated in the British army have articulated how they are proud to have been part of the efforts during the Second World War, and these men have rarely complained that they were merely ‘used’. However, some of these veterans have expressed grievances, as they feel that their efforts and accomplishments had remained unrecognized by society, since their points of comparison are the modern-day reports of Botswana soldiers returning home from various missions with the United Nations. As such, this chapter includes the sentiments of these war veterans regarding how they barely receive any monetary compensation for their efforts, and that the earlier celebrations of their victories have come to an end.
Antony Black
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199281695
- eISBN:
- 9780191713101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281695.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In Sumer government, religion, and culture were based on city-states, ruled by kings who were personally chose by the city god. Unlike Egypt, supreme authority circulated from city to city. Royal ...
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In Sumer government, religion, and culture were based on city-states, ruled by kings who were personally chose by the city god. Unlike Egypt, supreme authority circulated from city to city. Royal absolutism developed when the Akkadians introduced tribal dynastic authority, and, further north, in Assyria. There was a generalized notion of kingship, or the state, which had to perform certain functions: maintenance of the god's estate, of justice and prosperity. Kings were to redress grievances of the poor against the powerful. Some kings issued law codes. There were assemblies of citizens, corresponding perhaps to the gods' assembly. Whether there was primitive democracy has been disputed, but citizens appear to have had some judicial and commercial powers.Less
In Sumer government, religion, and culture were based on city-states, ruled by kings who were personally chose by the city god. Unlike Egypt, supreme authority circulated from city to city. Royal absolutism developed when the Akkadians introduced tribal dynastic authority, and, further north, in Assyria. There was a generalized notion of kingship, or the state, which had to perform certain functions: maintenance of the god's estate, of justice and prosperity. Kings were to redress grievances of the poor against the powerful. Some kings issued law codes. There were assemblies of citizens, corresponding perhaps to the gods' assembly. Whether there was primitive democracy has been disputed, but citizens appear to have had some judicial and commercial powers.
MICHAEL WHEATLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Redmond's October 1915 description of Ireland being in ‘a profound state of peace’ was highly selective, mistaking apathy and a widespread withdrawal from public activity for contentment and ...
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Redmond's October 1915 description of Ireland being in ‘a profound state of peace’ was highly selective, mistaking apathy and a widespread withdrawal from public activity for contentment and stability. The majority of the population was unenthusiastic in its support for the war. The enormity of the war and the pressures created revived a litany of resentments and grievances. Press outbursts against unionists, plotters, ‘land sharks’, the government, ‘Ulster’ and, of course, England gained in pitch and frequency. ‘Sinn Feiners’ were a growing minority. Moreover, there was sympathy for those who went so far as to get arrested. It was Redmond's hope that the common experience of war would create a new unity of all creeds and classes, and secure Ireland's place as a self-governing nation within the empire. A great many nationalists were still followers of Redmond, but they were now anything but ‘right behind’ their leader.Less
Redmond's October 1915 description of Ireland being in ‘a profound state of peace’ was highly selective, mistaking apathy and a widespread withdrawal from public activity for contentment and stability. The majority of the population was unenthusiastic in its support for the war. The enormity of the war and the pressures created revived a litany of resentments and grievances. Press outbursts against unionists, plotters, ‘land sharks’, the government, ‘Ulster’ and, of course, England gained in pitch and frequency. ‘Sinn Feiners’ were a growing minority. Moreover, there was sympathy for those who went so far as to get arrested. It was Redmond's hope that the common experience of war would create a new unity of all creeds and classes, and secure Ireland's place as a self-governing nation within the empire. A great many nationalists were still followers of Redmond, but they were now anything but ‘right behind’ their leader.
MICHAEL WHEATLEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273577
- eISBN:
- 9780191706165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273577.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Political rhetoric, whether defined as the calculated use of public language by practitioners of ‘high’ politics or the everyday, background noise of local politicians, suffused the Irish provincial ...
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Political rhetoric, whether defined as the calculated use of public language by practitioners of ‘high’ politics or the everyday, background noise of local politicians, suffused the Irish provincial press. ‘Nationalist’ political language covered a strikingly wide variety of attitudes — from conciliation to threat; from democratic radicalism, to Whiggish imperialism, to visceral Anglophobia. Examples of the full range of this rhetoric could be found in the language of mainstream politicians and newspapers throughout the pre-war period. Locally, however, although virtually all professed their loyalty to Redmond, only a minority sympathised instinctively with the conciliation that he advocated. The passive ‘background noise’ of nationalist rhetoric was suffused with a vocabulary of heroic struggle, grievance, injustice, and enemies. A clear strain of Anglophobia was expressed by politicians, clerics, and newspapers. The language that was to be used during the more general political crises of 1914 or 1916–18 was already fully developed.Less
Political rhetoric, whether defined as the calculated use of public language by practitioners of ‘high’ politics or the everyday, background noise of local politicians, suffused the Irish provincial press. ‘Nationalist’ political language covered a strikingly wide variety of attitudes — from conciliation to threat; from democratic radicalism, to Whiggish imperialism, to visceral Anglophobia. Examples of the full range of this rhetoric could be found in the language of mainstream politicians and newspapers throughout the pre-war period. Locally, however, although virtually all professed their loyalty to Redmond, only a minority sympathised instinctively with the conciliation that he advocated. The passive ‘background noise’ of nationalist rhetoric was suffused with a vocabulary of heroic struggle, grievance, injustice, and enemies. A clear strain of Anglophobia was expressed by politicians, clerics, and newspapers. The language that was to be used during the more general political crises of 1914 or 1916–18 was already fully developed.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the five key political languages of Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. It also defines ...
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This chapter discusses the five key political languages of Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. It also defines republicanism, patriotism, and radicalism and discusses their Irish roots before 1776. The foundation of the patriots’ thought was their rights as the heirs of free-born Protestant Englishmen in Ireland. The nature of the political connection to Britain and the role of the British parliament in controlling Irish affairs deeply troubled many Protestant Irish minds, and in this sense there was a continuity to Irish patriotism over the century.Less
This chapter discusses the five key political languages of Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. It also defines republicanism, patriotism, and radicalism and discusses their Irish roots before 1776. The foundation of the patriots’ thought was their rights as the heirs of free-born Protestant Englishmen in Ireland. The nature of the political connection to Britain and the role of the British parliament in controlling Irish affairs deeply troubled many Protestant Irish minds, and in this sense there was a continuity to Irish patriotism over the century.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Between the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1776 and the achievement of free trade in 1780, the eclectic languages of Irish patriotism evolved into an increasingly strident critique of British ...
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Between the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1776 and the achievement of free trade in 1780, the eclectic languages of Irish patriotism evolved into an increasingly strident critique of British political control of Ireland. This chapter charts that process while assessing the impact of events in America on Irish political thought. The influence of the American Revolution on Irish patriotism is examined and its ideological importance questioned. This chapter also shows how Irish ancient constitutional traditions gave Irish patriots both a sense of shared ‘English’ inheritance with American patriots as well as a distinctly different understanding of their constitutional position. These ancient constitutional rights were often merged with natural rights. The emergence of commercial grievances as the dominant patriot language between 1776 and 1780 is discussed, along with its fusion with the Commonwealth tradition among radical patriots in the late 1770s.Less
Between the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1776 and the achievement of free trade in 1780, the eclectic languages of Irish patriotism evolved into an increasingly strident critique of British political control of Ireland. This chapter charts that process while assessing the impact of events in America on Irish political thought. The influence of the American Revolution on Irish patriotism is examined and its ideological importance questioned. This chapter also shows how Irish ancient constitutional traditions gave Irish patriots both a sense of shared ‘English’ inheritance with American patriots as well as a distinctly different understanding of their constitutional position. These ancient constitutional rights were often merged with natural rights. The emergence of commercial grievances as the dominant patriot language between 1776 and 1780 is discussed, along with its fusion with the Commonwealth tradition among radical patriots in the late 1770s.
Paul Betts
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199208845
- eISBN:
- 9780191594755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208845.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Social History, Economic History
Over the years, the GDR has gained a reputation (especially in West Germany) as a cranky and unremitting ‘complainer culture.’ Yet the perception of the GDR as a veritable ‘grumble Gesellschaft’ was ...
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Over the years, the GDR has gained a reputation (especially in West Germany) as a cranky and unremitting ‘complainer culture.’ Yet the perception of the GDR as a veritable ‘grumble Gesellschaft’ was actually homegrown in East Germany. This chapter sets out to recall the special place of the famed citizen petitions, or Eingaben, within East German life. What makes these citizen communications particularly interesting is the way that they straddled the line between public and private. They show how GDR citizens presented their anger, frustration and desires, and in so doing revealed remarkable ‘patterns of individualization’ in an otherwise highly-regulated society. For this reason, they furnish some of the most revealing everyday texts of East German history, casting a good deal of light on popular perceptions of the state and socialist justice.Less
Over the years, the GDR has gained a reputation (especially in West Germany) as a cranky and unremitting ‘complainer culture.’ Yet the perception of the GDR as a veritable ‘grumble Gesellschaft’ was actually homegrown in East Germany. This chapter sets out to recall the special place of the famed citizen petitions, or Eingaben, within East German life. What makes these citizen communications particularly interesting is the way that they straddled the line between public and private. They show how GDR citizens presented their anger, frustration and desires, and in so doing revealed remarkable ‘patterns of individualization’ in an otherwise highly-regulated society. For this reason, they furnish some of the most revealing everyday texts of East German history, casting a good deal of light on popular perceptions of the state and socialist justice.
Donald M. Linhorst
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195171877
- eISBN:
- 9780199865338
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195171877.003.0007
- Subject:
- Social Work, Health and Mental Health
This chapter applies the nine conditions for empowerment introduced in Chapter 4 to participation in decision making in the agencies from which people with mental illness receive services. Some of ...
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This chapter applies the nine conditions for empowerment introduced in Chapter 4 to participation in decision making in the agencies from which people with mental illness receive services. Some of the structures for participation by people with mental illness include membership on agency boards of directors, task forces, and committees; consumer or user councils; forums between clients and agency leaders; participation in program evaluation; formal grievance systems and advocacy programs; and informal means, typically personal conversations, letters, or telephone calls to clinical staff who then shares that information with agency leaders, to agency leaders themselves, or to individuals within the mental health system who have some oversight of the organization. Case studies from a state psychiatric hospital and a community mental health illustrate the application of conditions. The chapter concludes with sixteen guidelines to promote empowerment through organizational decision making.Less
This chapter applies the nine conditions for empowerment introduced in Chapter 4 to participation in decision making in the agencies from which people with mental illness receive services. Some of the structures for participation by people with mental illness include membership on agency boards of directors, task forces, and committees; consumer or user councils; forums between clients and agency leaders; participation in program evaluation; formal grievance systems and advocacy programs; and informal means, typically personal conversations, letters, or telephone calls to clinical staff who then shares that information with agency leaders, to agency leaders themselves, or to individuals within the mental health system who have some oversight of the organization. Case studies from a state psychiatric hospital and a community mental health illustrate the application of conditions. The chapter concludes with sixteen guidelines to promote empowerment through organizational decision making.
J. R. Maddicott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199585502
- eISBN:
- 9780191723148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585502.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, Political History
This chapter considers the extent to which the English parliament both resembled and, more particularly, differed from the assemblies of continental Europe, notably those of France. It uses ...
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This chapter considers the extent to which the English parliament both resembled and, more particularly, differed from the assemblies of continental Europe, notably those of France. It uses continental comparisons to draw out and enlarge on some of the main themes treated in the preceding chapters. It shows that much of parliament's peculiar evolution can be traced back to its Anglo‐Saxon origins and to the peculiarities of English political society, where the nobility's lack of privilege, notably their inability to escape taxation, provided a common platform for their association with other political groups. A second theme of this chapter lies in the extent to which parliament developed as a popular assembly, where policies could be publicly announced and transmitted to the localities and where redress of popular grievances could be sought. In both these respects parliament differed from its continental counterparts, giving some considerable substance to the ancient notion of ‘English exceptionalism’.Less
This chapter considers the extent to which the English parliament both resembled and, more particularly, differed from the assemblies of continental Europe, notably those of France. It uses continental comparisons to draw out and enlarge on some of the main themes treated in the preceding chapters. It shows that much of parliament's peculiar evolution can be traced back to its Anglo‐Saxon origins and to the peculiarities of English political society, where the nobility's lack of privilege, notably their inability to escape taxation, provided a common platform for their association with other political groups. A second theme of this chapter lies in the extent to which parliament developed as a popular assembly, where policies could be publicly announced and transmitted to the localities and where redress of popular grievances could be sought. In both these respects parliament differed from its continental counterparts, giving some considerable substance to the ancient notion of ‘English exceptionalism’.
Tom Scott
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206446
- eISBN:
- 9780191677120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206446.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History, Economic History
The two metropolises, Strasbourg and Basel, faced no sustained challenge to their ascendancy, even if they competed for commercial control of the southern stretch of the Upper Rhine. Rather, the ...
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The two metropolises, Strasbourg and Basel, faced no sustained challenge to their ascendancy, even if they competed for commercial control of the southern stretch of the Upper Rhine. Rather, the centrality of the regional ‘county’ and lesser market towns was repeatedly challenged by economic competition in their own backyard. That competition took three principal forms: the towns resented the rise of craft production in the countryside, which eroded the traditional function of urban centres; they objected to the establishment of rural salt-chests, which infringed the lucrative urban monopoly on stapling salt; and they feared competition from new rural markets, some in franchised villages, others held informally at church-ales or at weddings, which undermined the autonomy of borough markets. The very existence of territorial guilds placed urban craftsmen on almost the same footing as rural artisans, thereby diluting the function of the lesser or district towns as central places. This chapter examines the grievances concerning country crafts and staples, and the possible countermeasures open to towns or territorial rulers.Less
The two metropolises, Strasbourg and Basel, faced no sustained challenge to their ascendancy, even if they competed for commercial control of the southern stretch of the Upper Rhine. Rather, the centrality of the regional ‘county’ and lesser market towns was repeatedly challenged by economic competition in their own backyard. That competition took three principal forms: the towns resented the rise of craft production in the countryside, which eroded the traditional function of urban centres; they objected to the establishment of rural salt-chests, which infringed the lucrative urban monopoly on stapling salt; and they feared competition from new rural markets, some in franchised villages, others held informally at church-ales or at weddings, which undermined the autonomy of borough markets. The very existence of territorial guilds placed urban craftsmen on almost the same footing as rural artisans, thereby diluting the function of the lesser or district towns as central places. This chapter examines the grievances concerning country crafts and staples, and the possible countermeasures open to towns or territorial rulers.
Peter McPhee
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207177
- eISBN:
- 9780191677533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207177.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the impact of the French Revolution on the region of the Corbières during the period from 1789 to 1790. When the communities of the Corbières were called by the Estates-General ...
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This chapter examines the impact of the French Revolution on the region of the Corbières during the period from 1789 to 1790. When the communities of the Corbières were called by the Estates-General on March 8, 1789, to draw up their cahiers de doleances, they had such high expectations having recently experienced a food shortage. However, on several fundamental matters of social order and political power, entrenched divisions undermined the possibilities of consensual reform and anti-seigneurial rebellion eventually broke out.Less
This chapter examines the impact of the French Revolution on the region of the Corbières during the period from 1789 to 1790. When the communities of the Corbières were called by the Estates-General on March 8, 1789, to draw up their cahiers de doleances, they had such high expectations having recently experienced a food shortage. However, on several fundamental matters of social order and political power, entrenched divisions undermined the possibilities of consensual reform and anti-seigneurial rebellion eventually broke out.
R. R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208785
- eISBN:
- 9780191678141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208785.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Wales may have been at peace in the fourteenth century; but that did not mean, of course, that all sources of social tension and friction had been removed. Far from it. The rapidly expanding corpus ...
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Wales may have been at peace in the fourteenth century; but that did not mean, of course, that all sources of social tension and friction had been removed. Far from it. The rapidly expanding corpus of written evidence — notably the abundant individual and communal petitions, the charters of liberties granted to local communities, and, to a lesser degree, the native poetry — reveals clearly a wide range of festering grievances. Many of these grievances, it is true, are scarcely to be distinguished from the complaints common in all medieval communities. Financial gravamina figure with predictable regularity: errors in extents went uncorrected; increased rents were demanded arbitrarily; Welsh renders and dues — such as investiture fees and virginity fines — were ruthlessly exploited; and, as in England, the practices of prise and purveyance (that is, the commandeering of goods for consumption by the lord and his men in return for promise of future payment) were regularly abused in Principality and March alike.Less
Wales may have been at peace in the fourteenth century; but that did not mean, of course, that all sources of social tension and friction had been removed. Far from it. The rapidly expanding corpus of written evidence — notably the abundant individual and communal petitions, the charters of liberties granted to local communities, and, to a lesser degree, the native poetry — reveals clearly a wide range of festering grievances. Many of these grievances, it is true, are scarcely to be distinguished from the complaints common in all medieval communities. Financial gravamina figure with predictable regularity: errors in extents went uncorrected; increased rents were demanded arbitrarily; Welsh renders and dues — such as investiture fees and virginity fines — were ruthlessly exploited; and, as in England, the practices of prise and purveyance (that is, the commandeering of goods for consumption by the lord and his men in return for promise of future payment) were regularly abused in Principality and March alike.
Tony Addison
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199261031
- eISBN:
- 9780191698712
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261031.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This book focuses on how to achieve a broad-based recovery from a state of conflict in Africa. The chapter is organized around the issues facing national actors, specifically communities, the private ...
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This book focuses on how to achieve a broad-based recovery from a state of conflict in Africa. The chapter is organized around the issues facing national actors, specifically communities, the private sector, and the state. Broad-based recovery can help in securing peace, since it reduces grievances which are in turn major contributors to conflict. Grievances typically start to ferment when one or more socio-economic groups experience a fall in its standard of living in either absolute terms, or relative to another group. This introductory chapter outlines the ways in which conflict affects the decisions by national actors. The chapter also discusses the relationship between reform and reconstruction, and concludes that changing institutions and policies is a difficult but essential task.Less
This book focuses on how to achieve a broad-based recovery from a state of conflict in Africa. The chapter is organized around the issues facing national actors, specifically communities, the private sector, and the state. Broad-based recovery can help in securing peace, since it reduces grievances which are in turn major contributors to conflict. Grievances typically start to ferment when one or more socio-economic groups experience a fall in its standard of living in either absolute terms, or relative to another group. This introductory chapter outlines the ways in which conflict affects the decisions by national actors. The chapter also discusses the relationship between reform and reconstruction, and concludes that changing institutions and policies is a difficult but essential task.
M. E. Bratchel
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204848
- eISBN:
- 9780191676420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204848.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
The uncertain contours of Lucca's economic prosperity in the 15th century make it virtually impossible to link changing economic fortunes to the great events of Lucchese history as described in ...
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The uncertain contours of Lucca's economic prosperity in the 15th century make it virtually impossible to link changing economic fortunes to the great events of Lucchese history as described in earlier chapters. Political turmoil clearly coincided with economic hardships and fiscal exactions in the 1430s. But the forces for disruption in the first decade of the restored republic are plainly too numerous and too complex to be reduced to a single source. In later decades it is often possible to locate the material grievances of interest groups and political conspirators. But these grievances are invariably too personalized and idiosyncratic to fit comfortably into a pattern of economic cycles. In a more general sense, however, economic structures and reality do provide the necessary and revealing background for the socio-political life of the republic.Less
The uncertain contours of Lucca's economic prosperity in the 15th century make it virtually impossible to link changing economic fortunes to the great events of Lucchese history as described in earlier chapters. Political turmoil clearly coincided with economic hardships and fiscal exactions in the 1430s. But the forces for disruption in the first decade of the restored republic are plainly too numerous and too complex to be reduced to a single source. In later decades it is often possible to locate the material grievances of interest groups and political conspirators. But these grievances are invariably too personalized and idiosyncratic to fit comfortably into a pattern of economic cycles. In a more general sense, however, economic structures and reality do provide the necessary and revealing background for the socio-political life of the republic.
Michael R. Watts
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198229681
- eISBN:
- 9780191678905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198229681.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The evidence that Dissenters were seeking an ‘equal footing with the Church’ was provided in May 1830 by John Wilks, secretary of the Protestant Society for the Protection of Religious Liberty and ...
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The evidence that Dissenters were seeking an ‘equal footing with the Church’ was provided in May 1830 by John Wilks, secretary of the Protestant Society for the Protection of Religious Liberty and soon to be MP for Boston. Wilks told the annual meeting of his society that notwithstanding the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, Dissenters still did not have equality with members of the established church. There were five outstanding grievances which his committee proposed to bring to the notice of Parliament, including the frequent refusal of clergymen to allow the bodies of Dissenters to be buried in parish graveyards. Wilks's proposed application to Parliament was soon submerged by the Reform Bill crisis, but the successful resolution of that crisis encouraged Dissenters to hope that the way was now open ‘to other remedial measures of every kind’.Less
The evidence that Dissenters were seeking an ‘equal footing with the Church’ was provided in May 1830 by John Wilks, secretary of the Protestant Society for the Protection of Religious Liberty and soon to be MP for Boston. Wilks told the annual meeting of his society that notwithstanding the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, Dissenters still did not have equality with members of the established church. There were five outstanding grievances which his committee proposed to bring to the notice of Parliament, including the frequent refusal of clergymen to allow the bodies of Dissenters to be buried in parish graveyards. Wilks's proposed application to Parliament was soon submerged by the Reform Bill crisis, but the successful resolution of that crisis encouraged Dissenters to hope that the way was now open ‘to other remedial measures of every kind’.
Joel Feinberg
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195064704
- eISBN:
- 9780199833207
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195064704.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Feinberg analyses a variety of pure legal moralism, which he calls “moral conservatism,” according to which legal coercion is legitimate when likely to prevent drastic change to a group's way of ...
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Feinberg analyses a variety of pure legal moralism, which he calls “moral conservatism,” according to which legal coercion is legitimate when likely to prevent drastic change to a group's way of life. The moral conservative view of social change does not regard any one way of life as superior to others, but rather regards any substantial change in a traditional culture as evil per se. Feinberg outlines, first, the arguments for impure moral conservatism based on fairness and on harm to interests, and second, the arguments for pure moral conservatism based on the need to prevent free‐floating social‐change evils. He maintains that to impose legal coercion to prevent free‐floating evils, evils like false beliefs or evil thoughts that cannot ground personal grievance, would be to impose suffering and injury for the sake of no other person's good.Less
Feinberg analyses a variety of pure legal moralism, which he calls “moral conservatism,” according to which legal coercion is legitimate when likely to prevent drastic change to a group's way of life. The moral conservative view of social change does not regard any one way of life as superior to others, but rather regards any substantial change in a traditional culture as evil per se. Feinberg outlines, first, the arguments for impure moral conservatism based on fairness and on harm to interests, and second, the arguments for pure moral conservatism based on the need to prevent free‐floating social‐change evils. He maintains that to impose legal coercion to prevent free‐floating evils, evils like false beliefs or evil thoughts that cannot ground personal grievance, would be to impose suffering and injury for the sake of no other person's good.
Gurveen Kaur Khurana
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198075547
- eISBN:
- 9780199082056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198075547.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Sikhism
This chapter explores a variety of ways in which the nagar kirtan—the public procession of devotional singing—can be read. The site of this study is Yuba City in northern California where nagar ...
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This chapter explores a variety of ways in which the nagar kirtan—the public procession of devotional singing—can be read. The site of this study is Yuba City in northern California where nagar kirtan is celebrated every year on the first Sunday of November. The nagar kirtan looks back to recreate the familiarity of a world the Sikh diaspora has left behind. It reminds the Sikhs of their past, of their history of constant wars, and of their persecution at the hands of the state and empires. It also acts as a platform for Sikhs to air their grievances and feelings about their religion, the treatment meted out to them, and the ways in which they wish to organize their religion in the future. Additionally, it develops the separate space and time the Sikhs so desire in the host country and acts as a public reminder to non-Sikhs of their presence amongst them.Less
This chapter explores a variety of ways in which the nagar kirtan—the public procession of devotional singing—can be read. The site of this study is Yuba City in northern California where nagar kirtan is celebrated every year on the first Sunday of November. The nagar kirtan looks back to recreate the familiarity of a world the Sikh diaspora has left behind. It reminds the Sikhs of their past, of their history of constant wars, and of their persecution at the hands of the state and empires. It also acts as a platform for Sikhs to air their grievances and feelings about their religion, the treatment meted out to them, and the ways in which they wish to organize their religion in the future. Additionally, it develops the separate space and time the Sikhs so desire in the host country and acts as a public reminder to non-Sikhs of their presence amongst them.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195658279
- eISBN:
- 9780199081394
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195658279.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter discusses the Khilafat movement, which was considered as a deviation from the developments in Muslim politics. It notes that the Muslims were briefly drawn into conventional Indian ...
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This chapter discusses the Khilafat movement, which was considered as a deviation from the developments in Muslim politics. It notes that the Muslims were briefly drawn into conventional Indian nationalism during 1920–2, due to the efforts of Gandhi and the non-cooperation movement. It shows how Gandhi became involved in the Khilafat movement—for which he has been blamed for ‘exploiting’ Muslim religious grievances—and tries to explain how Turkey’s fate become an emotional issue for millions of Indian Muslims. It then examines the consequences of the failure of the Khilafat movement on India and Gandhi. The chapter concludes by noting that one of the best ways to unite the Hindu and Muslim communities was through ‘nation-building’.Less
This chapter discusses the Khilafat movement, which was considered as a deviation from the developments in Muslim politics. It notes that the Muslims were briefly drawn into conventional Indian nationalism during 1920–2, due to the efforts of Gandhi and the non-cooperation movement. It shows how Gandhi became involved in the Khilafat movement—for which he has been blamed for ‘exploiting’ Muslim religious grievances—and tries to explain how Turkey’s fate become an emotional issue for millions of Indian Muslims. It then examines the consequences of the failure of the Khilafat movement on India and Gandhi. The chapter concludes by noting that one of the best ways to unite the Hindu and Muslim communities was through ‘nation-building’.
Schechter Ronald
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520235571
- eISBN:
- 9780520929357
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520235571.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Public discussion of the Jews faded substantially between 1792 and Napoleon's rise to power at the very end of the decade. The September 1791 legislation removing all legal distinctions between Jews ...
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Public discussion of the Jews faded substantially between 1792 and Napoleon's rise to power at the very end of the decade. The September 1791 legislation removing all legal distinctions between Jews and non Jews, combined with the prior decree of religious freedom in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, made it difficult to speak of “the Jews” as a discrete group. The abolition of the former Jewish corporations at the same time made it difficult for the Jews to register any collective grievances, or indeed to make any collective statements about themselves. No formally recognized rabbis or syndics could speak on their behalf, and any attempt to articulate specifically Jewish concerns risked provoking the accusation that the Jews were still a “nation within a nation.” The leader's particular interest in the Jews prompted their return to prominence in the public imagination.Less
Public discussion of the Jews faded substantially between 1792 and Napoleon's rise to power at the very end of the decade. The September 1791 legislation removing all legal distinctions between Jews and non Jews, combined with the prior decree of religious freedom in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, made it difficult to speak of “the Jews” as a discrete group. The abolition of the former Jewish corporations at the same time made it difficult for the Jews to register any collective grievances, or indeed to make any collective statements about themselves. No formally recognized rabbis or syndics could speak on their behalf, and any attempt to articulate specifically Jewish concerns risked provoking the accusation that the Jews were still a “nation within a nation.” The leader's particular interest in the Jews prompted their return to prominence in the public imagination.
