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This chapter provides yet another eclectic analysis, this time of the still-irreconcilable controversy surrounding the “appropriate” kinds and extent of governmental regulation of MNCs as entities and FDI as process. The initial section explains why so little progress has been made in establishing meaningful international rules covering these international business phenomena. Next is an abbreviated survey of the major bilateral agreements and voluntary codes of conduct that seek to regulate FDI-related activities to serve the common good. The conflicting attitudes towards the appropriate kinds and extent of multilateral regulations are explained in depth by examining two major loci of contention: the would-be Multilateral Agreement on Investment, and the existing Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The increasing significance of activist non-government organizations as unofficial regulators of MNC behavior is examined in the concluding section.

The comparative study of European executives stands at the interface of two subdisciplines of political science – comparative government (which focuses on the primarily political and governmental aspects of the executive) and comparative public administration (which focuses on the bureaucratic parts of the executive that extend beneath its thin political veneer). The tension between politics and administration is central to understanding the institutionalization of executives: it is first about the tasks that executives are expected to perform and the most appropriate executive organization; and second about the relation between the formal office and the office holders. The first main section of the chapter analyses how these two constitutive tensions in the institutionalization of executives play out in different countries; the discussion is with reference to executive coordination and the organization of centres of government. Further sections discuss the evaluation of executives, and executive reform. Overall, the analysis of the state of, and trends in, executive development suggests that the institutional foundations and fortifications of the executive may be less solid than is generally assumed.

Discusses three conventional assumptions that are made about public management: that it is in the throes of a millennial transformation to a new style; that today's ‘new’ public management ideas differ sharply from those of earlier eras; and that the favoured doctrines of contemporary public management tend to be dubbed as economic rationalism. Goes on to point out that the book looks at public management from a different perspective, and reduces its arguments to seven related propositions, discussed in the remainder of the chapter that: grid/cultural theory captures most of the variety in both current and historical debates about how to organize public services; application of a cultural‐theory framework can illuminate many of the central analytic questions of public management; if we look across time and space, we can identify ideas about how to organize government and public services that correspond to each of the four polar categories contained in cultural theory; no one of those recipes for good organization has a clear claim to be considered more modern than any of the others and each has in‐built weaknesses; variation in ideas about how to organize in government is not likely to disappear; the dimensions identified by cultural theory enable analysis of organizational variety to be pursued at a range of levels; and the understanding of cultural and organizational variety, within a historical perspective, merits a central place in the study of public management. These seven propositions overlap, and some of them are given more space than others in the book; this chapter concentrates mainly on the first proposition, and aims to introduce grid/group cultural theory in the context of public management, but the other six propositions are also discussed more briefly, as a way of setting the scene for the remainder of the book.

The extent to which the proliferation and growth in size of MNCs has eroded the power of sovereign governments to govern nation-states is another issue causing an unbridgeable split between those favorably disposed to private enterprise and those critical of its alleged excesses. This chapter repeats the thesis that objectivity requires black-and-white extremes to be avoided in favor of a nuanced middle-ground providing a more accurate diagnosis of the complex issue at hand. Following an examination of the multiple definitions of sovereignty, two sections examine the merits in the opposing arguments regarding the assertion that the power of big global companies has reached the point that it now transcends the ability of national leaders to make decisions affecting the economic well-being of their countries' citizens. The chapter concludes with the argument that the question of MNC's diminution of national sovereignty should be rephrased and placed in a larger context to give proper regard to imponderables and ambiguities.

Although Hong Kong has reduced the size of its civil service, pay determination, and salaries, it has not openly welcomed the possible benefits of greater entrepreneurialism and the inclusion of the private sector in the workplace. While the government has devolved some of its responsibilities, it has in practice strengthened its grip on the public sector because of its desire to maintain control and to safeguard the consistency of public sector services in the central policy objectives. This chapter examines the evolution of the relationship of the government with service providers outside the traditional bureaucracy. It also discusses the legal status and funding of these outside service providers. The control and accountability of non-government organisations is discussed in this chapter including the issues and controversies arising from their operations, specifically the payment and recruitment of senior executives.

The more accurate and relevant assessment of MNCs and FDI offered in this book aim to play a role in reconciling the heretofore irreconcilable black-and-white positions on their positive or negative effects. This chapter builds on the thesis that these phenomena are heterogeneous, and therefore critical assessments must be disaggregated according to circumstances. The recommendations presented here for future academic study and policy debates center on the desirability of recognizing the diversity of the subject in general and the spectrum of very high quality inward FDI to very low quality, emphasizing the inclusiveness of actors playing a role in the regulation of MNCs, and acknowledging the legitimate complaints against international business operations articulated by critics of globalization.

Chapter 5 illustrates the community building in AIDS organizations, the goals and strategies for promoting health and social activism by these AIDS organizations, and the effectiveness and outcome of their activism. In this activism, Chinese tongzhi purport to work in collaboration with, rather than against, the state. Deploying and appropriating the state-endorsed AIDS cause, they draw on the dominant moral order as a legitimate resource to infuse tongzhi activism while still seeking legitimacy in the mainstream culture. By declaring that elimination of homophobia is essential to curbing AIDS transmission, they turn AIDS activism into a protection that provides legitimacy for their tongzhi activism. The fact that they rely on state-regulated funding systems and government organizations to exist legally shapes their tactics, forces them to mask their tongzhi identity in public, and impedes the extent to which they can infuse tongzhi activism into their HIV/AIDS cause. Their collaboration with the state mitigates their tongzhi activism, leaves the social norm unchallenged, and allows further stigmatization of their tongzhi identity. Thus AIDS politics — although serving as an important tool and opportunity for the tongzhi to advance tongzhi politics, albeit in a limited scope — paradoxically reinforces the association between tongzhi and AIDS.

This paper analyzes how differences in organizational forms of centralized economies in the Soviet Union and China affected their reforms and transition paths. It addresses the question of why China succeeded in applying the experimental approach to reform whereas Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union economies failed. Our answer is based on how government organizations are structured and the effect it has on their coordination capacity. We model the coordination of specialized tasks inside an organization as "attribute matching" and compare organizational forms (U-form in the Soviet Union and M-form in China) in coordinating reforms. Compared to the U-form, the M-form has a distinctive advantage in carrying out experimentation and thus is more flexible in reforms, although it suffers from higher costs due to a lack of scale economies.

This chapter investigates the differences between territorial and associational forms of governance that are apparent in the case of air pollution control. It examines Beijing's clean air campaign that is led by the municipal government and applies a territorial strategy of holding local officials responsible for reducing pollution within their jurisdictions. It also discusses New Delhi's clean air campaign that has been spearheaded by environmental non-government organizations (NGOs), which strategically mobilize the Indian Supreme Court to prod the Delhi government into action. The chapter examines how both Beijing and New Delhi's approach will not be effective in tackling the problem of air pollution. It speculates whether blue skies can return to Beijing and Delhi through a combination of factors that depend on strong government intervention, private-ector compliance, market incentives, and citizen participation beyond the urban middle class and NGOs.

This chapter introduces the book's thesis, goals, and structure. Allocations of authority to regulatory institutions and the relationships between them are poorly understood and underexplored in popular and academic debates about the administrative state. Attempts to create new regulatory programs or mend underperforming ones are routinely poorly designed. The book advances a framework for assessing how governmental authority may be structured along three dimensions: centralization, overlap, and coordination. It demonstrates how differentiating among these dimensions and among particular governmental functions (e.g., ambient monitoring, standard setting, planning, enforcement) better illuminates the tradeoffs of organizational alternatives. This framework (1) provides a common taxonomy for designing or assessing interjurisdictional relations; (2) develops explanatory insights about the nature of interjurisdictional relations that validate the value of the book's taxonomy; (3) provides preliminary normative postulates about the circumstances under which certain distributions of authority are most likely to be successful; (4) serves as a roadmap for the accumulation of empirical evidence about why certain institutional arrangements work and others fail; and (5) can, when combined with an adaptive governance infrastructure, transform regulation by being systematically integrated by both experts on government organization and policymakers into the design, assessment, and periodic redesign of regulatory institutions.

This chapter focuses on institutional space, a domain with which nearly all runaways come into contact at some point. It examines the thin boundary between the charitable and the carceral embodied in the institutions that both aid and confine runaway children. It unpacks this thin boundary both synchronically, by instantiating contemporary nongovernmental organizations' constructions of “reform” and “rehabilitation” and considering their complicity with campaigns of urban cleansing and with structures of policing and confinement; and historically, by excavating with archival research continuities between extant and antecedent charities for “vagabond children” and the colonial reformatory itself, particularly as it was applied to the children of societies that were constructed as criminal-by-birth.

In her interview, Ruchira Gupta discusses the role of non-government organizations (NGOs) in modern India and in people-oriented development. She looks at the different areas of NGO activity, the problems in the non-governmental sector, and the real relevance and influence of Mahatma Gandhi in the work of Indian NGOs as also the challenges faced by the NGOs.

This chapter discusses the growth of Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and international charities in Ethiopia, emphasizing the issues of NGO accountability to foreign funders, NGOs promoting good governance and human rights reforms, and foreign charities as ‘foot soldiers of neoliberalism’. It presents the arguments of Professor Mark Duffield, Marc Dubois of Medécins San Frontières, and Beverley Jones of the Catholic Development Agency; as well as the counterarguments provided by Meles Zenawi in defending Charities and Societies Proclamation in 2008.

This chapter is based on the Victoria University of Wellington research project that was commissioned by the Ministry of Justice. The research was commissioned to assist the Prostitution Law Review Committee in its review of the 2003 Prostitution Reform Act (PRA). It examined the perspectives on the PRA of those who had been able to observe firsthand the impact of the Act on sex workers and the sex industry. The project involved interviewing the brothel owners and operators, and the non-government organisations that were active in providing support, advocacy, education, and health services to sex workers. Interviews with these groups ascertained their level of support for the PRA prior to and after its implementation. In the chapter, the views of the brothel operators and support agencies on the effectiveness of the PRA in meeting its stated objective are noted. The project examined the provisions of the PRA on: wealth; health and safety; conditions of employment; system of certification; assistance to those leaving the industry; persons under 18 years of age; and territorial authorities. While there are exceptions, the overall view was that the sex industry was satisfied with the provisions of the PRA. Those in brothel operations and support agencies felt that with time and increased monitoring and enforcement of its provisions, the positive intentions behind the PRA could be more fully realised.

Describing the transition to a market economy in the 1990s and recovery from the financial crisis after 2008 in the Baltic states, particularly in Latvia, we explore the various roles that international organizations (IOs) can assume in order to influence market organization. IOs see states as independent decision makers in control of markets through organization. Paradoxically, however, the practice of IOs and the advice they offer undermine the independent decisions of states, because states are expected to reform in accordance with the IOs’ ideas—ideas that further build on decontextualized notions that may not fit the situation of individual states. Recovering from crises, the Baltic states succeeded in regaining control over markets by not conforming to IO ideas.

This chapter provides a history of Encounter, the English-language magazine of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF). Although the CCF, a Paris-based nongovernmental cultural-freedom organization, is notorious for the CIA's secret role in its creation and funding, the chapter focuses on Encounter's portrait of modernism as a spent force, a fading monument, but one unquestionably greater than the petty, belated artistic, and literary movements of the 1950s. Encounter survived—thrived, even—for several decades and became one of the most influential and respected cultural journals in the Anglo-American world. It contributed to the Cold War modernist project through the links it forged between artistic modernism, intellectual freedom, and anticommunism among members of the Anglo-American literary and cultural establishment.

This chapter narrates the revolution of the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in cooperation with the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) against the Mengitsu regime during the onset of Ethiopian's Great Famine. It explains the guerrilla perspectives of Meles and Tsadkan. It also presents the arguments of Professor Mark Duffield and Paul Henze with respect to the Non-Government Organizations' ill intentions and Mengitsu's governance respectively.