Christopher Hood
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297659
- eISBN:
- 9780191599484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297653.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In Chapters 2–3 of the Introduction, the cultural‐theory framework is used to explore two central problems of public management—the analysis of the characteristic ways in which different forms of ...
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In Chapters 2–3 of the Introduction, the cultural‐theory framework is used to explore two central problems of public management—the analysis of the characteristic ways in which different forms of organization can collapse and fail (the last chapter), and the analysis of the range of forms of control and regulation (in the broadest sense) available in public management (this chapter); in both cases, an examination through the lens of cultural theory can add an extra dimension or an alternative perspective. Aims to build on four important insights by putting them together in a single framework that identifies a set of basic forms of regulation or control linked to a view of what makes different groups cohere. Four generic types of control and regulation in public management are discussed, each of which is loosely linked to one of the polar ways of life identified by cultural theory. The four approaches are bossism (control by oversight); choicism (control by competition); groupism (control by mutuality); and chancism, (control by contrived randomness). Each of these approaches to control and regulation can operate at several different levels of organization: i.e. they can be applied to the ways organizations control their clients, to the way control relationships operate inside organizations, and to the way organizations are themselves controlled by external forces; each is also capable of being linked to a broader view of good government and accountability, these four types will be returned to in Parts II and III of the book.Less
In Chapters 2–3 of the Introduction, the cultural‐theory framework is used to explore two central problems of public management—the analysis of the characteristic ways in which different forms of organization can collapse and fail (the last chapter), and the analysis of the range of forms of control and regulation (in the broadest sense) available in public management (this chapter); in both cases, an examination through the lens of cultural theory can add an extra dimension or an alternative perspective. Aims to build on four important insights by putting them together in a single framework that identifies a set of basic forms of regulation or control linked to a view of what makes different groups cohere. Four generic types of control and regulation in public management are discussed, each of which is loosely linked to one of the polar ways of life identified by cultural theory. The four approaches are bossism (control by oversight); choicism (control by competition); groupism (control by mutuality); and chancism, (control by contrived randomness). Each of these approaches to control and regulation can operate at several different levels of organization: i.e. they can be applied to the ways organizations control their clients, to the way control relationships operate inside organizations, and to the way organizations are themselves controlled by external forces; each is also capable of being linked to a broader view of good government and accountability, these four types will be returned to in Parts II and III of the book.
J. R. LUCAS
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198235781
- eISBN:
- 9780191679117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198235781.003.0011
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter discusses two strands of argument that underlie our ideal of responsible government: the responsibility of office and the need for all to share responsibility for what their government ...
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This chapter discusses two strands of argument that underlie our ideal of responsible government: the responsibility of office and the need for all to share responsibility for what their government does. Those who govern undertake special responsibilities, and their performance can be judged on the basis of the task they have undertaken. It is a difficult task: decision-making takes time, and often calls for exceptional ability, and it needs to be done disinterestedly in circumstances where it would be very easy to allow considerations of self-interest to creep in. The main aim of this kind of argument is to ensure that government is good government: if all decisions are responsibly taken, then there will be reasons for them, which even if not the best of all possible reasons will be faceable reasons, and so the decisions are likely to be reasonably unbad.Less
This chapter discusses two strands of argument that underlie our ideal of responsible government: the responsibility of office and the need for all to share responsibility for what their government does. Those who govern undertake special responsibilities, and their performance can be judged on the basis of the task they have undertaken. It is a difficult task: decision-making takes time, and often calls for exceptional ability, and it needs to be done disinterestedly in circumstances where it would be very easy to allow considerations of self-interest to creep in. The main aim of this kind of argument is to ensure that government is good government: if all decisions are responsibly taken, then there will be reasons for them, which even if not the best of all possible reasons will be faceable reasons, and so the decisions are likely to be reasonably unbad.
Daniel O. Prosterman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195377736
- eISBN:
- 9780199979158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377736.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 2 argues that reformers’ definition of democracy shifted in the late nineteenth century to incorporate the broader electorate as crucial participants in what they labeled a “good-government” ...
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Chapter 2 argues that reformers’ definition of democracy shifted in the late nineteenth century to incorporate the broader electorate as crucial participants in what they labeled a “good-government” movement. This change occurred as a diverse coalition of political activists joined good-government groups in calling for the ouster of Tammany Hall and affiliated organizations that had long monopolized power in New York City. By the time Judge Samuel Seabury, appointed by then-governor Franklin Roosevelt, concluded his investigations of municipal corruption at the height of the Great Depression, a reform alliance had coalesced that included elite civic associations, Communists, Socialists, labor unions, anti-Tammany Democrats, Republicans, and women’s rights activists. Activists from across the city’s political spectrum saw proportional representation as the key to their quest for municipal power. This coalition campaigned to fundamentally alter the city’s balance of political power, culminating in the victories for charter reform and PR in 1936.Less
Chapter 2 argues that reformers’ definition of democracy shifted in the late nineteenth century to incorporate the broader electorate as crucial participants in what they labeled a “good-government” movement. This change occurred as a diverse coalition of political activists joined good-government groups in calling for the ouster of Tammany Hall and affiliated organizations that had long monopolized power in New York City. By the time Judge Samuel Seabury, appointed by then-governor Franklin Roosevelt, concluded his investigations of municipal corruption at the height of the Great Depression, a reform alliance had coalesced that included elite civic associations, Communists, Socialists, labor unions, anti-Tammany Democrats, Republicans, and women’s rights activists. Activists from across the city’s political spectrum saw proportional representation as the key to their quest for municipal power. This coalition campaigned to fundamentally alter the city’s balance of political power, culminating in the victories for charter reform and PR in 1936.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226470740
- eISBN:
- 9780226470771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226470771.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter considers how U.S. senators strategically deploy “good government” causes not only to enhance their own party's reputation but also to undermine that of the opposition. Measures of good ...
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This chapter considers how U.S. senators strategically deploy “good government” causes not only to enhance their own party's reputation but also to undermine that of the opposition. Measures of good government — such as policies to streamline government, encourage fiscal responsibility, fight corruption, or guarantee electoral integrity — are not issues on which liberals and conservatives have had to do battle. Neither do they relate to differences in ideology in party politics. Nevertheless, these issues are exploited by congressional partisans using the resources at their disposal — from agenda-setting to floor debate and roll-call votes — to maximize their identification with positive values and their opponents with negative ones. This gives rise to some of the most highly partisan conflicts in Congress over precisely these issues. Despite the level of party conflict, however, Republicans and Democrats are often not consistent in their positions over time. Instead, their positions on these issues are fluid and strategic. In other words, good-government causes result in high levels of partisanship as each party attempts to undercut its opposition's reputation for efficiency, competence, fiscal responsibility, and integrity.Less
This chapter considers how U.S. senators strategically deploy “good government” causes not only to enhance their own party's reputation but also to undermine that of the opposition. Measures of good government — such as policies to streamline government, encourage fiscal responsibility, fight corruption, or guarantee electoral integrity — are not issues on which liberals and conservatives have had to do battle. Neither do they relate to differences in ideology in party politics. Nevertheless, these issues are exploited by congressional partisans using the resources at their disposal — from agenda-setting to floor debate and roll-call votes — to maximize their identification with positive values and their opponents with negative ones. This gives rise to some of the most highly partisan conflicts in Congress over precisely these issues. Despite the level of party conflict, however, Republicans and Democrats are often not consistent in their positions over time. Instead, their positions on these issues are fluid and strategic. In other words, good-government causes result in high levels of partisanship as each party attempts to undercut its opposition's reputation for efficiency, competence, fiscal responsibility, and integrity.
John Dunn
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300179910
- eISBN:
- 9780300206562
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300179910.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book argues that democracy is not synonymous with good government. It explores the labyrinthine reality behind the basic concept of democracy, demonstrating how the political system that people ...
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This book argues that democracy is not synonymous with good government. It explores the labyrinthine reality behind the basic concept of democracy, demonstrating how the political system that people in the West generally view as straightforward and obvious is, in fact, deeply unclear and, in many cases, dysfunctional. It sketches the path by which democracy became the only form of government with moral legitimacy, analyzes the contradictions and pitfalls of democracy in modern America, and challenges the academic world to take responsibility for giving the world a more coherent understanding of this widely misrepresented political institution. Suggesting that the supposedly ideal marriage of liberal economics with liberal democracy can neither ensure its continuance nor even address the problems of contemporary life, the book shows how we came to be so gripped by democracy’s spell and why we must now learn to break it.Less
This book argues that democracy is not synonymous with good government. It explores the labyrinthine reality behind the basic concept of democracy, demonstrating how the political system that people in the West generally view as straightforward and obvious is, in fact, deeply unclear and, in many cases, dysfunctional. It sketches the path by which democracy became the only form of government with moral legitimacy, analyzes the contradictions and pitfalls of democracy in modern America, and challenges the academic world to take responsibility for giving the world a more coherent understanding of this widely misrepresented political institution. Suggesting that the supposedly ideal marriage of liberal economics with liberal democracy can neither ensure its continuance nor even address the problems of contemporary life, the book shows how we came to be so gripped by democracy’s spell and why we must now learn to break it.
Stein Ringen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300193190
- eISBN:
- 9780300199017
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300193190.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter asks: why should citizens obey? They shouldn't necessarily do so. They have rights. More important than obedience from citizens to a good government is loyalty. It is a delicate balance: ...
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This chapter asks: why should citizens obey? They shouldn't necessarily do so. They have rights. More important than obedience from citizens to a good government is loyalty. It is a delicate balance: citizens consenting because governments govern well; governments governing well because citizens consent. The chapter uses the political models of Britain and the United States to compare how citizens react to governance in the two coutries. There is one important area where these two democracies do not converge and that is political culture.Less
This chapter asks: why should citizens obey? They shouldn't necessarily do so. They have rights. More important than obedience from citizens to a good government is loyalty. It is a delicate balance: citizens consenting because governments govern well; governments governing well because citizens consent. The chapter uses the political models of Britain and the United States to compare how citizens react to governance in the two coutries. There is one important area where these two democracies do not converge and that is political culture.
Stein Ringen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300193190
- eISBN:
- 9780300199017
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300193190.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The job of governing is not an easy one. It is a fine balancing act. It is also a battle, a battle to get things done. This chapter explains what constitutes good government and looks at ways to get ...
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The job of governing is not an easy one. It is a fine balancing act. It is also a battle, a battle to get things done. This chapter explains what constitutes good government and looks at ways to get effective governance. It puts forward proposals to improve current levels of governance. One very important element needed for good governance is vision. All remarkable governments are are governments of vision with leaders of vision: Bismark, Roosevelt, Johnson, Reagan, and Thatcher. But getting vision is difficult. Why is this so? Perhaps one reason is that some governments are fearful of exposing their real selves. But many governments are simply in confusion about what they are for. Good governments are able to shape ideas about government.Less
The job of governing is not an easy one. It is a fine balancing act. It is also a battle, a battle to get things done. This chapter explains what constitutes good government and looks at ways to get effective governance. It puts forward proposals to improve current levels of governance. One very important element needed for good governance is vision. All remarkable governments are are governments of vision with leaders of vision: Bismark, Roosevelt, Johnson, Reagan, and Thatcher. But getting vision is difficult. Why is this so? Perhaps one reason is that some governments are fearful of exposing their real selves. But many governments are simply in confusion about what they are for. Good governments are able to shape ideas about government.
Henk Addink
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198841159
- eISBN:
- 9780191876653
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198841159.003.0015
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In this chapter, the focus is on the implementation of good governance norms in three countries outside Europe: Australia, Canada, and South Africa. Relating to the implementation of the good ...
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In this chapter, the focus is on the implementation of good governance norms in three countries outside Europe: Australia, Canada, and South Africa. Relating to the implementation of the good governance principles in Australia, we start with the historical background and good governance approaches in the country. There is a classical rule of law and separation of powers but also new administrative law reforms and including the position of the fourth power. Important is the role of the Ombudsman and the relation between good governance and human rights. Especially the principles of participation, transparency and accountability have been worked out. The idea of integrity goes beyond matters of simple ‘legality’. Important is the influx of integrity commissions, ombudsmen and means of judicial and merit review. Although Canada does not have specific legislation that explicitly outlines good governance principles, it is clear that Canada has put them into practice. The Constitution guarantees Canadian citizens ‘peace, order, and good government’. The rule of law provides that every person must abide by the law and Section 15 guarantees equality rights to Canadian citizens. The judiciary is also a source for good governance. Finally, administrative officials are held accountable by judicial review, section 24 of the Charter, and with the ombudsmen. Nevertheless, there is still room for improvement. South Africa has extensively integrated good governance principles into its legal system, but faces the same problems that other developing countries in Africa have. Thus, although South Africa has a sound legal foundation for good governance, lessons can still be learned on how to translate these legal norms into practical application.Less
In this chapter, the focus is on the implementation of good governance norms in three countries outside Europe: Australia, Canada, and South Africa. Relating to the implementation of the good governance principles in Australia, we start with the historical background and good governance approaches in the country. There is a classical rule of law and separation of powers but also new administrative law reforms and including the position of the fourth power. Important is the role of the Ombudsman and the relation between good governance and human rights. Especially the principles of participation, transparency and accountability have been worked out. The idea of integrity goes beyond matters of simple ‘legality’. Important is the influx of integrity commissions, ombudsmen and means of judicial and merit review. Although Canada does not have specific legislation that explicitly outlines good governance principles, it is clear that Canada has put them into practice. The Constitution guarantees Canadian citizens ‘peace, order, and good government’. The rule of law provides that every person must abide by the law and Section 15 guarantees equality rights to Canadian citizens. The judiciary is also a source for good governance. Finally, administrative officials are held accountable by judicial review, section 24 of the Charter, and with the ombudsmen. Nevertheless, there is still room for improvement. South Africa has extensively integrated good governance principles into its legal system, but faces the same problems that other developing countries in Africa have. Thus, although South Africa has a sound legal foundation for good governance, lessons can still be learned on how to translate these legal norms into practical application.
Rolena Adorno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199794850
- eISBN:
- 9780199919291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199794850.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History, World Modern History
In Spanish colonial Mexico and Peru, natives assimilated to European language and custom served local civil and ecclesiastical institutions and learned through literacy to defend their claims to ...
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In Spanish colonial Mexico and Peru, natives assimilated to European language and custom served local civil and ecclesiastical institutions and learned through literacy to defend their claims to lands and properties. The case in the Spanish viceroyalty of Peru of a Quechua- and Spanish-speaking Andean, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, illustrates at close range some general principles about indigenous interactions with colonial institutions. When Guaman Poma’s efforts to support land claims on behalf of himself and his kin failed, he turned to writing a history of ancient Peru and an exposé of colonial corruption that included extensive recommendations for governmental reform. This chapter links Guaman Poma’s legal petitioning in the 1590s with his 1615 New Chronicle and Good Government to reveal the relationship between legal argumentation and historical narration in which the demands of the future required creative rewriting of the historical past.Less
In Spanish colonial Mexico and Peru, natives assimilated to European language and custom served local civil and ecclesiastical institutions and learned through literacy to defend their claims to lands and properties. The case in the Spanish viceroyalty of Peru of a Quechua- and Spanish-speaking Andean, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, illustrates at close range some general principles about indigenous interactions with colonial institutions. When Guaman Poma’s efforts to support land claims on behalf of himself and his kin failed, he turned to writing a history of ancient Peru and an exposé of colonial corruption that included extensive recommendations for governmental reform. This chapter links Guaman Poma’s legal petitioning in the 1590s with his 1615 New Chronicle and Good Government to reveal the relationship between legal argumentation and historical narration in which the demands of the future required creative rewriting of the historical past.
Daniel O. Prosterman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195377736
- eISBN:
- 9780199979158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377736.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Defining Democracy begins at the 1939–1940 New York World’s Fair in Queens, and the popular exhibit “Democracity” serves as a metaphor for New York’s experimentation with a new ...
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Defining Democracy begins at the 1939–1940 New York World’s Fair in Queens, and the popular exhibit “Democracity” serves as a metaphor for New York’s experimentation with a new system of democratic self-government during the 1930s and 1940s. The introduction provides an overview of the history of electoral reform movements in New York City history, with a chronological sweep that stretches from the good-government activism of the late nineteenth century to the anti-Communism of the early Cold War. This movement culminated with the installation of proportional representation (PR) voting in city council elections during the Great Depression. PR facilitated the election of legislatures of uncommon diversity, particularly in terms of gender, race, and ideology. The introduction argues for a shift in our understanding of democracy’s history in the United States, to place greater emphasis on how the structure of voting systems influences electoral outcomes.Less
Defining Democracy begins at the 1939–1940 New York World’s Fair in Queens, and the popular exhibit “Democracity” serves as a metaphor for New York’s experimentation with a new system of democratic self-government during the 1930s and 1940s. The introduction provides an overview of the history of electoral reform movements in New York City history, with a chronological sweep that stretches from the good-government activism of the late nineteenth century to the anti-Communism of the early Cold War. This movement culminated with the installation of proportional representation (PR) voting in city council elections during the Great Depression. PR facilitated the election of legislatures of uncommon diversity, particularly in terms of gender, race, and ideology. The introduction argues for a shift in our understanding of democracy’s history in the United States, to place greater emphasis on how the structure of voting systems influences electoral outcomes.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226842783
- eISBN:
- 9780226842806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226842806.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyzes the first comprehensive proposal of democratic representation as a norm of good government. The goal of Condorcet's constitutional plan was to regulate the creation of authority ...
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This chapter analyzes the first comprehensive proposal of democratic representation as a norm of good government. The goal of Condorcet's constitutional plan was to regulate the creation of authority “from the bottom up” by means of a flexible and permanent relationship between participation and representation. The plan's aim was to prevent the “despotism” of the representative assembly, on the one hand, and the random fluctuation of the people between a state of depoliticized apathy and a state of extralegal mobilization, on the other.Less
This chapter analyzes the first comprehensive proposal of democratic representation as a norm of good government. The goal of Condorcet's constitutional plan was to regulate the creation of authority “from the bottom up” by means of a flexible and permanent relationship between participation and representation. The plan's aim was to prevent the “despotism” of the representative assembly, on the one hand, and the random fluctuation of the people between a state of depoliticized apathy and a state of extralegal mobilization, on the other.
John Dunn
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300179910
- eISBN:
- 9780300206562
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300179910.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book challenges the notion that democracy is synonymous with good government, and that a country endowed with the facilities for democracy is capable of governing itself well. To this end, it ...
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This book challenges the notion that democracy is synonymous with good government, and that a country endowed with the facilities for democracy is capable of governing itself well. To this end, it examines the sources of democracy’s current claim to authority as well as the processes through which that claim has gained remarkable ascendancy. It also looks at the main mechanisms through which that ascendancy has impaired our collective political judgment, with the goal of de-parochializing the understanding of democracy for today and tomorrow. It argues that such acutely parochial sensibility has been extremely harmful to many millions of people in America. In addition, the book explores why the word “democracy” currently holds such singular political authority. Finally, it discusses two interrelated dimensions related to democracy’s erratic ascent worldwide: the experience of politics and the structuring of political conflict.Less
This book challenges the notion that democracy is synonymous with good government, and that a country endowed with the facilities for democracy is capable of governing itself well. To this end, it examines the sources of democracy’s current claim to authority as well as the processes through which that claim has gained remarkable ascendancy. It also looks at the main mechanisms through which that ascendancy has impaired our collective political judgment, with the goal of de-parochializing the understanding of democracy for today and tomorrow. It argues that such acutely parochial sensibility has been extremely harmful to many millions of people in America. In addition, the book explores why the word “democracy” currently holds such singular political authority. Finally, it discusses two interrelated dimensions related to democracy’s erratic ascent worldwide: the experience of politics and the structuring of political conflict.
Joshua David Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300120103
- eISBN:
- 9780300145144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300120103.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Despite a promising career in the New York State Assembly, Theodore Roosevelt left Albany and sought refuge on the banks of the Little Missouri in Dakota after suffering a personal tragedy and ...
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Despite a promising career in the New York State Assembly, Theodore Roosevelt left Albany and sought refuge on the banks of the Little Missouri in Dakota after suffering a personal tragedy and political disappointment. He announced his engagement to Alice Hathaway Lee on February 14, 1880, and voted against labor union-supported bills to increase the pay of policemen and firefighters in New York City in March 1882. Theodore's first child, a girl, was born on February 13, 1884 while the legislature was hours away from approving his bill that would strip the New York City aldermen of their power to confirm the mayor's appointments. The measure was his most promising bid to promote good government in New York. The following day, his mother, Martha Bulloch Roosevelt, and wife died. This chapter examines Roosevelt's conception of public virtue as private morality, his understanding of urban politics, and his view of race. It also looks at Roosevelt's romantic warrior mentality and how he folded it into neo-Lamarckian evolutionary theory to create a personal code of conduct.Less
Despite a promising career in the New York State Assembly, Theodore Roosevelt left Albany and sought refuge on the banks of the Little Missouri in Dakota after suffering a personal tragedy and political disappointment. He announced his engagement to Alice Hathaway Lee on February 14, 1880, and voted against labor union-supported bills to increase the pay of policemen and firefighters in New York City in March 1882. Theodore's first child, a girl, was born on February 13, 1884 while the legislature was hours away from approving his bill that would strip the New York City aldermen of their power to confirm the mayor's appointments. The measure was his most promising bid to promote good government in New York. The following day, his mother, Martha Bulloch Roosevelt, and wife died. This chapter examines Roosevelt's conception of public virtue as private morality, his understanding of urban politics, and his view of race. It also looks at Roosevelt's romantic warrior mentality and how he folded it into neo-Lamarckian evolutionary theory to create a personal code of conduct.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226470740
- eISBN:
- 9780226470771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226470771.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The American public perceives the pervasive party conflict in Congress as “bickering” motivated by partisan passions or self-interest. Democrats and Republicans in Congress vote differently across ...
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The American public perceives the pervasive party conflict in Congress as “bickering” motivated by partisan passions or self-interest. Democrats and Republicans in Congress vote differently across many issues presumably because they hold different ideological beliefs about the role or purpose of government. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, this book argues that ideological disagreement alone cannot explain the extent of party conflict in the U.S. Congress. Instead, congressional parties hold together and battle with one another not only because of members' ideals or ideological preferences, but also because of powerful competing political interests. Party members experience what David Truman called “shared risk.” This book argues that fellow partisans' shared risk has wide-ranging effects on congressional party politics. Aside from ideology, it identifies four other factors that systematically generate party conflict and partisanship: presidential leadership, “good government” causes in which one party attacks the integrity and competence of its partisan opposition, conflicts over which party will control the legislative agenda, and manipulation of the legislative agenda toward party cleavage issues.Less
The American public perceives the pervasive party conflict in Congress as “bickering” motivated by partisan passions or self-interest. Democrats and Republicans in Congress vote differently across many issues presumably because they hold different ideological beliefs about the role or purpose of government. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, this book argues that ideological disagreement alone cannot explain the extent of party conflict in the U.S. Congress. Instead, congressional parties hold together and battle with one another not only because of members' ideals or ideological preferences, but also because of powerful competing political interests. Party members experience what David Truman called “shared risk.” This book argues that fellow partisans' shared risk has wide-ranging effects on congressional party politics. Aside from ideology, it identifies four other factors that systematically generate party conflict and partisanship: presidential leadership, “good government” causes in which one party attacks the integrity and competence of its partisan opposition, conflicts over which party will control the legislative agenda, and manipulation of the legislative agenda toward party cleavage issues.
David C. Rose
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199330720
- eISBN:
- 9780190918712
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199330720.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Behavioural Economics
That chapter applies the framework to several topics of relevance to culture. It explains why the family is an especially important mechanism through which the transmission of trust-producing culture ...
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That chapter applies the framework to several topics of relevance to culture. It explains why the family is an especially important mechanism through which the transmission of trust-producing culture occurs. It also discusses how changes in technology have altered the returns parents expect to derive directly for themselves and indirectly for their children through the inculcation of trust-producing moral beliefs. It then explores the role played by organized religion, namely, how religion can speed the inculcation of trust-producing moral beliefs and therefore catalyze the emergence of mass flourishing or freeze a society at a low level of prosperity and freedom through cultural lock-in. The implications the framework has for good government and the rise of civilization generally are then discussed.Less
That chapter applies the framework to several topics of relevance to culture. It explains why the family is an especially important mechanism through which the transmission of trust-producing culture occurs. It also discusses how changes in technology have altered the returns parents expect to derive directly for themselves and indirectly for their children through the inculcation of trust-producing moral beliefs. It then explores the role played by organized religion, namely, how religion can speed the inculcation of trust-producing moral beliefs and therefore catalyze the emergence of mass flourishing or freeze a society at a low level of prosperity and freedom through cultural lock-in. The implications the framework has for good government and the rise of civilization generally are then discussed.
Aileen Kavanagh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198754527
- eISBN:
- 9780191816161
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198754527.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter rejects the traditional ‘pure view’ of the separation of powers based on a strict separation between three mutually exclusive functions. It argues, instead, that we should think of the ...
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This chapter rejects the traditional ‘pure view’ of the separation of powers based on a strict separation between three mutually exclusive functions. It argues, instead, that we should think of the separation of powers as requiring two dimensions: a division of labour between the three branches of government where each branch plays a distinct role in the constitutional scheme, and a requirement of adequate checks and balances between the branches. It argues, further, that these dual dimensions of the separation of powers—division of labour and checks and balances—are both underpinned by the value of coordinated institutional effort in the service of good government. This is the separation of powers in a joint enterprise.Less
This chapter rejects the traditional ‘pure view’ of the separation of powers based on a strict separation between three mutually exclusive functions. It argues, instead, that we should think of the separation of powers as requiring two dimensions: a division of labour between the three branches of government where each branch plays a distinct role in the constitutional scheme, and a requirement of adequate checks and balances between the branches. It argues, further, that these dual dimensions of the separation of powers—division of labour and checks and balances—are both underpinned by the value of coordinated institutional effort in the service of good government. This is the separation of powers in a joint enterprise.
Francis X. Hezel
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824836610
- eISBN:
- 9780824870652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824836610.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter discusses one of the most basic themes in Micronesian culture: personalization. It describes life in a Micronesian island as the sum total of a series of interpersonal encounters with ...
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This chapter discusses one of the most basic themes in Micronesian culture: personalization. It describes life in a Micronesian island as the sum total of a series of interpersonal encounters with people who know one another. It considers the importance of a social map to Micronesians, who use it to fix individuals based on whether they are kin or non-kin, whether they are older or younger than oneself, what their social status is. It shows that the social map and the pattern of personal relationships plotted on it are a prerequisite for any meaningful exchange with island people. It also examines a dilemma faced by Micronesians: whether they continue to use their social map or jettison it in order to conform to the demands of a democracy that treats everyone equally. It argues that island societies are handicapped by personalization, from telephone courtesy to the procedures associated with good government.Less
This chapter discusses one of the most basic themes in Micronesian culture: personalization. It describes life in a Micronesian island as the sum total of a series of interpersonal encounters with people who know one another. It considers the importance of a social map to Micronesians, who use it to fix individuals based on whether they are kin or non-kin, whether they are older or younger than oneself, what their social status is. It shows that the social map and the pattern of personal relationships plotted on it are a prerequisite for any meaningful exchange with island people. It also examines a dilemma faced by Micronesians: whether they continue to use their social map or jettison it in order to conform to the demands of a democracy that treats everyone equally. It argues that island societies are handicapped by personalization, from telephone courtesy to the procedures associated with good government.
Lauren C. Santangelo
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- July 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190850364
- eISBN:
- 9780190850395
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190850364.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Rather than grinding to a standstill following defeat at the 1894 New York State Constitutional Convention, city work continued and new organizations emerged. Lillie Devereux Blake and her peers more ...
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Rather than grinding to a standstill following defeat at the 1894 New York State Constitutional Convention, city work continued and new organizations emerged. Lillie Devereux Blake and her peers more regularly decided to hold suffrage events in elegant spaces like the Waldorf-Astoria at century’s turn, capitalizing on the city’s haute geography to enhance the movement’s respectability. At the same time, they divided over how to respond to the good government initiatives reconfiguring the metropolitan government. Whether supporting them or remaining ambivalent, many inserted discussion of women’s rights into conversations about improving the municipality. A personal feud between Susan B. Anthony and Lillie Devereux Blake in the succeeding years produced a power vacuum in Gotham at century’s close. The resultant vacuum ensured that Gotham’s campaign would not be bogged down by outsiders’ mandates.Less
Rather than grinding to a standstill following defeat at the 1894 New York State Constitutional Convention, city work continued and new organizations emerged. Lillie Devereux Blake and her peers more regularly decided to hold suffrage events in elegant spaces like the Waldorf-Astoria at century’s turn, capitalizing on the city’s haute geography to enhance the movement’s respectability. At the same time, they divided over how to respond to the good government initiatives reconfiguring the metropolitan government. Whether supporting them or remaining ambivalent, many inserted discussion of women’s rights into conversations about improving the municipality. A personal feud between Susan B. Anthony and Lillie Devereux Blake in the succeeding years produced a power vacuum in Gotham at century’s close. The resultant vacuum ensured that Gotham’s campaign would not be bogged down by outsiders’ mandates.
