Nils Brunsson and Bengt Jacobsson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199256952
- eISBN:
- 9780191716508
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256952.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Knowledge Management
In the modern world, there is no shortage of people who know what is best for others. Self-appointed experts, consultants, and organizations try to convince states, corporations, and individuals that ...
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In the modern world, there is no shortage of people who know what is best for others. Self-appointed experts, consultants, and organizations try to convince states, corporations, and individuals that they would be better off if they only followed some specific rules about what to do. These rules are presented as being voluntary and advisory. They are standards, not mandatory directives, and they abound in modern life. Standards may concern what characteristics a telephone should have, how a company should report its financial transactions, how organizations should be managed, how states should treat their citizens, how children should be raised, and so forth. Even organizations as powerful as states and large corporations follow standards on how to organize, which policies to pursue, what kinds of services to provide, or how their products should be designed. Standards enable a higher degree of global order in the modern world than would exist without them. They facilitate coordination and cooperation even among people and organizations that are far apart. The book states that standardization is a much neglected area of social science — an area that has by no means received the attention it deserves in view of its importance to society. This book redresses the balance by providing an in-depth examination of a number of aspects of standardization, how it is formed, and what effects it has on the world in which we live.Less
In the modern world, there is no shortage of people who know what is best for others. Self-appointed experts, consultants, and organizations try to convince states, corporations, and individuals that they would be better off if they only followed some specific rules about what to do. These rules are presented as being voluntary and advisory. They are standards, not mandatory directives, and they abound in modern life. Standards may concern what characteristics a telephone should have, how a company should report its financial transactions, how organizations should be managed, how states should treat their citizens, how children should be raised, and so forth. Even organizations as powerful as states and large corporations follow standards on how to organize, which policies to pursue, what kinds of services to provide, or how their products should be designed. Standards enable a higher degree of global order in the modern world than would exist without them. They facilitate coordination and cooperation even among people and organizations that are far apart. The book states that standardization is a much neglected area of social science — an area that has by no means received the attention it deserves in view of its importance to society. This book redresses the balance by providing an in-depth examination of a number of aspects of standardization, how it is formed, and what effects it has on the world in which we live.
Nicola Casarini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199560073
- eISBN:
- 9780191721168
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199560073.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Relations between the European Union (EU) and China have grown at a sustained pace across the board in recent times, transforming the relationship from one of previous neglect into a matter of global ...
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Relations between the European Union (EU) and China have grown at a sustained pace across the board in recent times, transforming the relationship from one of previous neglect into a matter of global strategic significance. This book offers an examination of the evolution of contemporary EU—China relations in the economic, technological, and high politics dimensions, including implications of the high‐tech and security‐related elements of the relationship (space and satellite navigation cooperation; advanced technology transfers; arms sales, including the proposal to lift the EU arms embargo on China) for the United States and its East Asian allies. The analysis of EU—China relations is placed in the context of evolving dynamics in transatlantic relations on the one hand, and East Asia's major powers' changing security perceptions on the other. With this approach, this study intends to provide the reader with a better understanding of the global significance acquired by Sino—European relations, while also raising the question as to whether, and to what extent, the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China has made the EU a novel strategic factor in East Asia. This book contributes to current debates on the emerging global order, including discussions of how European and Chinese policy makers would perceive the post‐Cold War international system, evaluate the place and role of their countries in it, and appraise the policies to be adopted to maintain global competitiveness in key strategic industrial sectors and increase political autonomy in an international environment characterized by US primacy.Less
Relations between the European Union (EU) and China have grown at a sustained pace across the board in recent times, transforming the relationship from one of previous neglect into a matter of global strategic significance. This book offers an examination of the evolution of contemporary EU—China relations in the economic, technological, and high politics dimensions, including implications of the high‐tech and security‐related elements of the relationship (space and satellite navigation cooperation; advanced technology transfers; arms sales, including the proposal to lift the EU arms embargo on China) for the United States and its East Asian allies. The analysis of EU—China relations is placed in the context of evolving dynamics in transatlantic relations on the one hand, and East Asia's major powers' changing security perceptions on the other. With this approach, this study intends to provide the reader with a better understanding of the global significance acquired by Sino—European relations, while also raising the question as to whether, and to what extent, the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China has made the EU a novel strategic factor in East Asia. This book contributes to current debates on the emerging global order, including discussions of how European and Chinese policy makers would perceive the post‐Cold War international system, evaluate the place and role of their countries in it, and appraise the policies to be adopted to maintain global competitiveness in key strategic industrial sectors and increase political autonomy in an international environment characterized by US primacy.
Michael Cox
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Explores the many facets of democracy promotion as a grand foreign policy strategy during the Clinton administration. It argues that far from being a Wilsonian idealist, Clinton viewed democracy ...
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Explores the many facets of democracy promotion as a grand foreign policy strategy during the Clinton administration. It argues that far from being a Wilsonian idealist, Clinton viewed democracy promotion as a pragmatic strategy to enhance US influence worldwide. In his integrated worldview, there was no necessary conflict between global order, market economics, and democracy promotion. All three were intimately connected and could reinforce each other.Less
Explores the many facets of democracy promotion as a grand foreign policy strategy during the Clinton administration. It argues that far from being a Wilsonian idealist, Clinton viewed democracy promotion as a pragmatic strategy to enhance US influence worldwide. In his integrated worldview, there was no necessary conflict between global order, market economics, and democracy promotion. All three were intimately connected and could reinforce each other.
Nicola Casarini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199560073
- eISBN:
- 9780191721168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199560073.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyses the main reasons provided by Chinese and EU policy makers for the establishment of a comprehensive strategic partnership since Autumn 2003. It includes discussions of how policy ...
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This chapter analyses the main reasons provided by Chinese and EU policy makers for the establishment of a comprehensive strategic partnership since Autumn 2003. It includes discussions of how policy makers in Europe and China would perceive the post‐Cold War international system, evaluate the place and role of their countries in it, and appraise the policies to be adopted to maintain global competitiveness in key strategic industrial sectors. This chapter employs the IR notion of soft balancing to explain behaviour by some powerful EU political and corporate elites to fashion — beneath the rhetoric about strategic partnership — a techno‐political linkage with China aimed to achieve three things: (a) counter a perceived US preponderance in the technologically‐advanced aerospace and defence sectors; (b) increase scientific, technological, and political autonomy from Washington; and (c) foster the emergence of a world order characterized by multiple poles of influence.Less
This chapter analyses the main reasons provided by Chinese and EU policy makers for the establishment of a comprehensive strategic partnership since Autumn 2003. It includes discussions of how policy makers in Europe and China would perceive the post‐Cold War international system, evaluate the place and role of their countries in it, and appraise the policies to be adopted to maintain global competitiveness in key strategic industrial sectors. This chapter employs the IR notion of soft balancing to explain behaviour by some powerful EU political and corporate elites to fashion — beneath the rhetoric about strategic partnership — a techno‐political linkage with China aimed to achieve three things: (a) counter a perceived US preponderance in the technologically‐advanced aerospace and defence sectors; (b) increase scientific, technological, and political autonomy from Washington; and (c) foster the emergence of a world order characterized by multiple poles of influence.
Andrew Hurrell
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233106
- eISBN:
- 9780191716287
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233106.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the relationship between empire and global political order. The discussion proceeds as follows. The first section unsettles some of the assumptions that are often made about ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between empire and global political order. The discussion proceeds as follows. The first section unsettles some of the assumptions that are often made about empire, in particular about the inevitability of the end of empire; the redundancy and outmodedness of empire as a form of political order, and the consequent implication that the natural focus of international relations should be the relations amongst states or nation-states. The sheer extent of the power of the United States and the apparent obviousness of the view that we are living in a unipolar world have brought back the language of empire and have led many to see the United States as an imperial power. The second section considers how we should understand that power. It argues that notions of informal empire provide some analytical purchase, but neglect both the consistently important role of military power and coercion in the evolution of US foreign policy, and the importance of rules, norms, and institutions — what one might call the formal side of so-called informal empire. The third section examines five of the most commonly cited reasons for the demise of both empire and top-down hierarchical conceptions of international order more generally. Rather than comparing the extent and character of US power directly with that of other hegemonic states, it asks how these five factors may have changed in ways that would make a hegemonic order viable and potentially sustainable.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between empire and global political order. The discussion proceeds as follows. The first section unsettles some of the assumptions that are often made about empire, in particular about the inevitability of the end of empire; the redundancy and outmodedness of empire as a form of political order, and the consequent implication that the natural focus of international relations should be the relations amongst states or nation-states. The sheer extent of the power of the United States and the apparent obviousness of the view that we are living in a unipolar world have brought back the language of empire and have led many to see the United States as an imperial power. The second section considers how we should understand that power. It argues that notions of informal empire provide some analytical purchase, but neglect both the consistently important role of military power and coercion in the evolution of US foreign policy, and the importance of rules, norms, and institutions — what one might call the formal side of so-called informal empire. The third section examines five of the most commonly cited reasons for the demise of both empire and top-down hierarchical conceptions of international order more generally. Rather than comparing the extent and character of US power directly with that of other hegemonic states, it asks how these five factors may have changed in ways that would make a hegemonic order viable and potentially sustainable.
Mathias Risse
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142692
- eISBN:
- 9781400845507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142692.003.0011
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter considers human rights as membership rights in the global order. Membership in the global order is a ground of justice because the political and economic arrangements in which we live ...
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This chapter considers human rights as membership rights in the global order. Membership in the global order is a ground of justice because the political and economic arrangements in which we live generate demands of justice at the global level. Connecting this idea to human rights is to stress the moral relevance of global structures within which we can sensibly speak of membership rights. The chapter begins with a discussion of responsibility, emphasizing the idea that the addressee of human rights is the global order as such. It then explains what it means to hold rights within that order, rebutting the objection that there could be no plausible conception of human rights as membership rights in that order because there is no sense in which individuals hold such rights. The main reason for developing a conception of human rights in this chapter is to show what role human rights play in a theory of global justice.Less
This chapter considers human rights as membership rights in the global order. Membership in the global order is a ground of justice because the political and economic arrangements in which we live generate demands of justice at the global level. Connecting this idea to human rights is to stress the moral relevance of global structures within which we can sensibly speak of membership rights. The chapter begins with a discussion of responsibility, emphasizing the idea that the addressee of human rights is the global order as such. It then explains what it means to hold rights within that order, rebutting the objection that there could be no plausible conception of human rights as membership rights in that order because there is no sense in which individuals hold such rights. The main reason for developing a conception of human rights in this chapter is to show what role human rights play in a theory of global justice.
Mathias Risse
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142692
- eISBN:
- 9781400845507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142692.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter examines the role that reflection about original ownership can play in political philosophy, with particular emphasis on the interrelationships between collective ownership of the earth, ...
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This chapter examines the role that reflection about original ownership can play in political philosophy, with particular emphasis on the interrelationships between collective ownership of the earth, membership rights in the global order, and human rights. It considers a principle associated with collective ownership: the distribution of original resources and spaces of the earth among the global population is just only if everyone's membership rights in the global order are satisfied. Collective ownership leads to a conception of associative rights for whose protection there is a global rather than merely national responsibility. The chapter first explains why certain responsibilities apply at the level of the global order to make its imposition acceptable to co-owners before discussing why such responsibilities correspond to rights of individuals against the global order. It then explores natural ownership rights and introduces the idea of membership in the global order, as well as the corresponding notion of membership rights.Less
This chapter examines the role that reflection about original ownership can play in political philosophy, with particular emphasis on the interrelationships between collective ownership of the earth, membership rights in the global order, and human rights. It considers a principle associated with collective ownership: the distribution of original resources and spaces of the earth among the global population is just only if everyone's membership rights in the global order are satisfied. Collective ownership leads to a conception of associative rights for whose protection there is a global rather than merely national responsibility. The chapter first explains why certain responsibilities apply at the level of the global order to make its imposition acceptable to co-owners before discussing why such responsibilities correspond to rights of individuals against the global order. It then explores natural ownership rights and introduces the idea of membership in the global order, as well as the corresponding notion of membership rights.
Gillian Brock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199230938
- eISBN:
- 9780191710957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199230938.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter begins by arguing that the link between free trade and poverty reduction is not as straightforward as some believe. Though there is a role for trade liberalization, its pace, sequencing ...
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This chapter begins by arguing that the link between free trade and poverty reduction is not as straightforward as some believe. Though there is a role for trade liberalization, its pace, sequencing and other complementary policies are also crucial to its success. Special and differential treatment can be justified for vulnerable, developing nations. The chapter considers what economic justice requires. Rejecting Kapstein's model, it argues for an alternative account of economic justice, according to which the international community makes it possible for each country to have reasonable opportunities to achieve the kind and level of economic activity necessary to sustain the goals of global justice introduced in Chapter 3. The chapter discusses ways in which we can discharge this obligation and also ways in which the global economic order can assist in improving working conditions and wages, through programs such as “Just Linkage”, advocated by Barry and Reddy.Less
This chapter begins by arguing that the link between free trade and poverty reduction is not as straightforward as some believe. Though there is a role for trade liberalization, its pace, sequencing and other complementary policies are also crucial to its success. Special and differential treatment can be justified for vulnerable, developing nations. The chapter considers what economic justice requires. Rejecting Kapstein's model, it argues for an alternative account of economic justice, according to which the international community makes it possible for each country to have reasonable opportunities to achieve the kind and level of economic activity necessary to sustain the goals of global justice introduced in Chapter 3. The chapter discusses ways in which we can discharge this obligation and also ways in which the global economic order can assist in improving working conditions and wages, through programs such as “Just Linkage”, advocated by Barry and Reddy.
Dominic Lieven
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263518
- eISBN:
- 9780191734021
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263518.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This lecture discusses empire in its entirety across the millennia and across all the regions of the world. It presents an argument that power in its many manifestations is the core and essence of ...
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This lecture discusses empire in its entirety across the millennia and across all the regions of the world. It presents an argument that power in its many manifestations is the core and essence of the empire. The lecture also seeks to address the concerns of both historians and students of international relations. It stresses the crucial significance of power in a way that is more familiar to international relations scholars than to many contemporary historians of empire. Finally, the lecture shows how important empire has been in shaping the contemporary global order, and that it still has much to tell about the nature of modern international politics.Less
This lecture discusses empire in its entirety across the millennia and across all the regions of the world. It presents an argument that power in its many manifestations is the core and essence of the empire. The lecture also seeks to address the concerns of both historians and students of international relations. It stresses the crucial significance of power in a way that is more familiar to international relations scholars than to many contemporary historians of empire. Finally, the lecture shows how important empire has been in shaping the contemporary global order, and that it still has much to tell about the nature of modern international politics.
Mathias Risse
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142692
- eISBN:
- 9781400845507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142692.003.0015
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter examines several arguments that find fault with the way we live now, the system of states. It considers four strategies one may deploy to identify faults of the state system and to use ...
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This chapter examines several arguments that find fault with the way we live now, the system of states. It considers four strategies one may deploy to identify faults of the state system and to use the identified moral failings to reach the conclusion that there ought to be no system of states, and thus no global order. The chapter first describes the contingent nature of states before discussing the argument that what is morally problematic about the state system is the very existence of borders. It then analyzes the concern that the existence of borders is inconsistent with the value of freedom, liberal justice, or democracy. It also investigates the claim that the state system wrongfully harms the poor because developing countries would be much better off today had it not been for the emergence of a state system with its ensuing colonial ambitions.Less
This chapter examines several arguments that find fault with the way we live now, the system of states. It considers four strategies one may deploy to identify faults of the state system and to use the identified moral failings to reach the conclusion that there ought to be no system of states, and thus no global order. The chapter first describes the contingent nature of states before discussing the argument that what is morally problematic about the state system is the very existence of borders. It then analyzes the concern that the existence of borders is inconsistent with the value of freedom, liberal justice, or democracy. It also investigates the claim that the state system wrongfully harms the poor because developing countries would be much better off today had it not been for the emergence of a state system with its ensuing colonial ambitions.
Mathias Risse
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142692
- eISBN:
- 9781400845507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142692.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book explores the question of what it is for a distribution to be just globally and proposes a new systematic theory of global justice that it calls pluralist internationalism. Up to now, ...
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This book explores the question of what it is for a distribution to be just globally and proposes a new systematic theory of global justice that it calls pluralist internationalism. Up to now, philosophers have tended to respond to the problem of global justice in one of two ways: that principles of justice either apply only within states or else apply to all human beings. The book defends a view “between” these competing claims, one that improves on both, and introduces a pluralist approach to what it terms the grounds of justice—which offers a comprehensive view of obligations of distributive justice. It also considers two problems that globalization has raised for political philosophy: the problem of justifying the state to outsiders and the problem of justifying the global order to all.Less
This book explores the question of what it is for a distribution to be just globally and proposes a new systematic theory of global justice that it calls pluralist internationalism. Up to now, philosophers have tended to respond to the problem of global justice in one of two ways: that principles of justice either apply only within states or else apply to all human beings. The book defends a view “between” these competing claims, one that improves on both, and introduces a pluralist approach to what it terms the grounds of justice—which offers a comprehensive view of obligations of distributive justice. It also considers two problems that globalization has raised for political philosophy: the problem of justifying the state to outsiders and the problem of justifying the global order to all.
Mathias Risse
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142692
- eISBN:
- 9781400845507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142692.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter examines contemporary debates about statism and globalism. Statists need a necessary condition for justice to apply. They must tell us what it is about states that renders such ...
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This chapter examines contemporary debates about statism and globalism. Statists need a necessary condition for justice to apply. They must tell us what it is about states that renders such principles applicable, and does so only in states. The quest for such a condition ends inconclusively. This result leads to a pluralist view of the grounds of justice. To use a distinction from the philosophy of science, the debate among versions of statism turns out to be a context of discovery for internationalism as a contender for a plausible theory of global justice. The chapter proceeds by discussing the most prominent version of globalism, the view defended by Charles Beitz, who argues that John Rawls' principles hold globally. To engage with Beitz, the chapter considers the merits of relationism and then suggests that Rawls' principles do not apply to the global order.Less
This chapter examines contemporary debates about statism and globalism. Statists need a necessary condition for justice to apply. They must tell us what it is about states that renders such principles applicable, and does so only in states. The quest for such a condition ends inconclusively. This result leads to a pluralist view of the grounds of justice. To use a distinction from the philosophy of science, the debate among versions of statism turns out to be a context of discovery for internationalism as a contender for a plausible theory of global justice. The chapter proceeds by discussing the most prominent version of globalism, the view defended by Charles Beitz, who argues that John Rawls' principles hold globally. To engage with Beitz, the chapter considers the merits of relationism and then suggests that Rawls' principles do not apply to the global order.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international ...
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This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international hierarchy shifted debates about democratization at the domestic level. During the Cold War, the bipolar nature of the world order meant that if the United States were to lose its ally in Jordan, the Soviet Union would be able to step up on the back of a new regime. If the United States then decided to cut off economic and security ties to Jordan, Jordanians might find comfort in the fact that the Soviet Union could play a role in continuing to secure Jordan's interests. Thus, those who resisted anti-American presence in the Arab world could launch their concerns more effectively because of an alternate patron—the Soviet Union—in the global order.Less
This chapter offers a detailed historical analysis of the emergence of regime clientelism in Jordan and Kuwait. It illustrates how the end of the Cold War restructured the ways in which international hierarchy shifted debates about democratization at the domestic level. During the Cold War, the bipolar nature of the world order meant that if the United States were to lose its ally in Jordan, the Soviet Union would be able to step up on the back of a new regime. If the United States then decided to cut off economic and security ties to Jordan, Jordanians might find comfort in the fact that the Soviet Union could play a role in continuing to secure Jordan's interests. Thus, those who resisted anti-American presence in the Arab world could launch their concerns more effectively because of an alternate patron—the Soviet Union—in the global order.
Simon Reich and Richard Ned Lebow
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160429
- eISBN:
- 9781400850426
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160429.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter illustrates the glaring discrepancy between America's self-image and goals on the one hand, and others' perception of them, which may explain one of the principal anomalies of ...
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This chapter illustrates the glaring discrepancy between America's self-image and goals on the one hand, and others' perception of them, which may explain one of the principal anomalies of contemporary international relations: the extraordinary military and economic power of the United States and its increasing inability to get other states to do what it wants. It argues that the focus on power obscures the ways in which the international system has been evolving. Hegemony can nevertheless provide insight into these changes. The chapter unpacks the concept, arguing that by identifying the ways in which hegemony is thought to make global order possible, we can disaggregate these functions from the role and ask if it is possible to fill them in other ways. To conclude, the chapter closes by introducing the aims to this volume as well as providing a brief chapter overview.Less
This chapter illustrates the glaring discrepancy between America's self-image and goals on the one hand, and others' perception of them, which may explain one of the principal anomalies of contemporary international relations: the extraordinary military and economic power of the United States and its increasing inability to get other states to do what it wants. It argues that the focus on power obscures the ways in which the international system has been evolving. Hegemony can nevertheless provide insight into these changes. The chapter unpacks the concept, arguing that by identifying the ways in which hegemony is thought to make global order possible, we can disaggregate these functions from the role and ask if it is possible to fill them in other ways. To conclude, the chapter closes by introducing the aims to this volume as well as providing a brief chapter overview.
Harry Blustein
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781784992897
- eISBN:
- 9781526104311
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784992897.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The ascent of globalisation captures the sweeping drama of postwar globalisation through intimate portraits of twenty of its key architects. These profiles provide insights into what inspired these ...
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The ascent of globalisation captures the sweeping drama of postwar globalisation through intimate portraits of twenty of its key architects. These profiles provide insights into what inspired these pioneers of globalisation — the beliefs they each imbibed in their youth, the formative experiences that shaped their ideas and their contributions to the global architecture. Engaging anecdotes and telling personal details, many of which have never been told, enliven each of the stories, as well as the behind-the-scenes dramas that accompanied the creation of institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, UN and World Trade Organization and the informal governance structures that are part of the postwar global architecture. Their legacies are critically examined, both their successes and their disappointments: a global financial system that is fragile and unstable; an international trading system that is unfair; the unintended consequences of largely unregulated transnational capital; and dysfunction that plagues institutions like the European Union and the United Nations. The book ends by examining what implications the flawed architecture may have for the future of globalisation.Less
The ascent of globalisation captures the sweeping drama of postwar globalisation through intimate portraits of twenty of its key architects. These profiles provide insights into what inspired these pioneers of globalisation — the beliefs they each imbibed in their youth, the formative experiences that shaped their ideas and their contributions to the global architecture. Engaging anecdotes and telling personal details, many of which have never been told, enliven each of the stories, as well as the behind-the-scenes dramas that accompanied the creation of institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, UN and World Trade Organization and the informal governance structures that are part of the postwar global architecture. Their legacies are critically examined, both their successes and their disappointments: a global financial system that is fragile and unstable; an international trading system that is unfair; the unintended consequences of largely unregulated transnational capital; and dysfunction that plagues institutions like the European Union and the United Nations. The book ends by examining what implications the flawed architecture may have for the future of globalisation.
Gillian Brock
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199678426
- eISBN:
- 9780191757839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199678426.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter introduces and analyzes core issues in the debate between cosmopolitans and non-cosmopolitans. It provides important background, sketches all the authors’ arguments, and analyzes ...
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This chapter introduces and analyzes core issues in the debate between cosmopolitans and non-cosmopolitans. It provides important background, sketches all the authors’ arguments, and analyzes contributors’ answers to fourteen central questions. These include: What is distinctive about a cosmopolitan approach to matters of justice? What does the commitment to the ideal of moral equality entail for global justice? Does membership in associations, especially national ones, matter to our duties to one another in the global context? Does the global economic order violate the rights of the poor or harm their interests in ways that require redress? What is it to be a good “world citizen” and is this in conflict with local duties and being a good citizen of a state? Do cosmopolitan or non-cosmopolitan theories provide a better account of our obligations or a more useful framework for mediating the interests of compatriots and non-compatriots?Less
This chapter introduces and analyzes core issues in the debate between cosmopolitans and non-cosmopolitans. It provides important background, sketches all the authors’ arguments, and analyzes contributors’ answers to fourteen central questions. These include: What is distinctive about a cosmopolitan approach to matters of justice? What does the commitment to the ideal of moral equality entail for global justice? Does membership in associations, especially national ones, matter to our duties to one another in the global context? Does the global economic order violate the rights of the poor or harm their interests in ways that require redress? What is it to be a good “world citizen” and is this in conflict with local duties and being a good citizen of a state? Do cosmopolitan or non-cosmopolitan theories provide a better account of our obligations or a more useful framework for mediating the interests of compatriots and non-compatriots?
Evelyn Goh
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199599363
- eISBN:
- 9780191763304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599363.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter studies the functional development and political construction of a regional international society, by focusing on its substantive manifestation in financial regionalism after the 1997 ...
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This chapter studies the functional development and political construction of a regional international society, by focusing on its substantive manifestation in financial regionalism after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. More than in the political realm, the negotiation of a particularly East Asian social compact in the economic realm crucially depends upon leadership from regional great powers. Critically evaluating the process of creating the Chiang Mai Initiative monitoring and currency swap arrangements, this chapter highlights the struggle for leadership between the U.S., Japan and China. It also finds limited the prospects of East Asian financial regionalism challenging the U.S.-led global economic order because of the region’s externally-oriented economic production structures. Thus, East Asian states returned to partial support of the neoliberal economic orthodoxy and international financial institutions shortly after the 1997 crisis.Less
This chapter studies the functional development and political construction of a regional international society, by focusing on its substantive manifestation in financial regionalism after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. More than in the political realm, the negotiation of a particularly East Asian social compact in the economic realm crucially depends upon leadership from regional great powers. Critically evaluating the process of creating the Chiang Mai Initiative monitoring and currency swap arrangements, this chapter highlights the struggle for leadership between the U.S., Japan and China. It also finds limited the prospects of East Asian financial regionalism challenging the U.S.-led global economic order because of the region’s externally-oriented economic production structures. Thus, East Asian states returned to partial support of the neoliberal economic orthodoxy and international financial institutions shortly after the 1997 crisis.
Robert Van Gulick
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780262029346
- eISBN:
- 9780262330213
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262029346.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Robert Van Gulick explains how integration and unity play an important role in a number of current theories and models of consciousness. Normal consciousness is unified in a variety of ways but many ...
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Robert Van Gulick explains how integration and unity play an important role in a number of current theories and models of consciousness. Normal consciousness is unified in a variety of ways but many disorders of disunity can also occur. What can we learn from them about consciousness and unity? What theories of consciousness might help us better understand the nature and basis of such disorders? Van Gulick first surveys the diverse types of conscious unity. He then briefly describes five theories of consciousness that involve integration, that is, Baars’s Global Workspace Theory (GWT), Tononi's Integrated Information Theory (IIT), Jesse Prinz's AIR theory (Attended Intermediate Representation), Tim Bayne's Phenomenal Unity thesis, and the combination of his own HOGS (Higher-order Global States) model with Virtual Self Realism (VSR). In that context, he discusses three specific pathologies of disunity -- neglect and extinction, dissociative identity disorder, and split-brains–and each is considered in relation to the integration based theories of consciousness.Less
Robert Van Gulick explains how integration and unity play an important role in a number of current theories and models of consciousness. Normal consciousness is unified in a variety of ways but many disorders of disunity can also occur. What can we learn from them about consciousness and unity? What theories of consciousness might help us better understand the nature and basis of such disorders? Van Gulick first surveys the diverse types of conscious unity. He then briefly describes five theories of consciousness that involve integration, that is, Baars’s Global Workspace Theory (GWT), Tononi's Integrated Information Theory (IIT), Jesse Prinz's AIR theory (Attended Intermediate Representation), Tim Bayne's Phenomenal Unity thesis, and the combination of his own HOGS (Higher-order Global States) model with Virtual Self Realism (VSR). In that context, he discusses three specific pathologies of disunity -- neglect and extinction, dissociative identity disorder, and split-brains–and each is considered in relation to the integration based theories of consciousness.
Nils Brunsson and Bengt Jacobsson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199256952
- eISBN:
- 9780191716508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256952.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Knowledge Management
This book discusses standards and standardization — the production of standards — as a form of regulation, and argues that standards generate a strong element of global order in the modern world. ...
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This book discusses standards and standardization — the production of standards — as a form of regulation, and argues that standards generate a strong element of global order in the modern world. People and organizations all over the world follow the same standards. Standards facilitate coordination and cooperation on a global scale and create similarity and homogeneity even among people and organizations far apart from one another. Standards are instruments of control, and standardization is a form of regulation just as crucial as hierarchies and markets. This book looks at a number of aspects of standardization, how standards are created, and their consequences. Some examples of standardizers and standards as well as the adopters of the standards are given.Less
This book discusses standards and standardization — the production of standards — as a form of regulation, and argues that standards generate a strong element of global order in the modern world. People and organizations all over the world follow the same standards. Standards facilitate coordination and cooperation on a global scale and create similarity and homogeneity even among people and organizations far apart from one another. Standards are instruments of control, and standardization is a form of regulation just as crucial as hierarchies and markets. This book looks at a number of aspects of standardization, how standards are created, and their consequences. Some examples of standardizers and standards as well as the adopters of the standards are given.
Brad R. Roth
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195342666
- eISBN:
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195342666.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter articulates a defense of the sovereign equality regime's pluralism on the basis of the need for a global order to accommodate endemic moral disagreement. It argues that the pursuit of ...
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This chapter articulates a defense of the sovereign equality regime's pluralism on the basis of the need for a global order to accommodate endemic moral disagreement. It argues that the pursuit of peace is, on the whole, well served by an international legal framework that, rather than embracing a particular vision of a just public order, embodies a respectful accommodation among conflicting visions. That accommodation includes elements of overlapping moral consensus, but that consensus should not be overestimated. The affirmation of the legitimacy of moral diversity in the international arena is not, as some would charge, a surrender to moral skepticism or relativism. It is, rather, a sound application of the most essential liberal premises about morality, in light of a sober recognition of the limitations of moral absolutes in international politics.Less
This chapter articulates a defense of the sovereign equality regime's pluralism on the basis of the need for a global order to accommodate endemic moral disagreement. It argues that the pursuit of peace is, on the whole, well served by an international legal framework that, rather than embracing a particular vision of a just public order, embodies a respectful accommodation among conflicting visions. That accommodation includes elements of overlapping moral consensus, but that consensus should not be overestimated. The affirmation of the legitimacy of moral diversity in the international arena is not, as some would charge, a surrender to moral skepticism or relativism. It is, rather, a sound application of the most essential liberal premises about morality, in light of a sober recognition of the limitations of moral absolutes in international politics.
