John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562947
- eISBN:
- 9780191595042
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562947.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in ...
More
Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in applications to ever-increasing ranges of problems and issues. Following a survey of the life and times of deliberative democracy, the turns it has taken, and the logic of deliberative systems, contentious foundational issues receive attention. How can deliberative legitimacy be achieved in large-scale societies where face-to-face deliberation is implausible? What can and should representation mean in such systems? What kinds of communication should be valued, and why? How can competing appeals of pluralism and consensus in democratic politics be reconciled? New concepts are developed along the way: discursive legitimacy, discursive representation, systemic tests for rhetoric in democratic communication, and several forms of meta-consensus. Particular forums (be they legislative assemblies or designed mini-publics) have an important place in deliberative democracy, but more important are macro-level deliberative systems that encompass the engagement of discourses in the public sphere, as well as formal and informal institutions of governance. Deliberative democracy can be applied fruitfully in areas previously off-limits to democratic theory: networked governance, the democratization of authoritarian states, and global democracy, as well as in new ways to invigorate citizen participation. In these areas and more, deliberative democracy outperforms its competitors.Less
Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in applications to ever-increasing ranges of problems and issues. Following a survey of the life and times of deliberative democracy, the turns it has taken, and the logic of deliberative systems, contentious foundational issues receive attention. How can deliberative legitimacy be achieved in large-scale societies where face-to-face deliberation is implausible? What can and should representation mean in such systems? What kinds of communication should be valued, and why? How can competing appeals of pluralism and consensus in democratic politics be reconciled? New concepts are developed along the way: discursive legitimacy, discursive representation, systemic tests for rhetoric in democratic communication, and several forms of meta-consensus. Particular forums (be they legislative assemblies or designed mini-publics) have an important place in deliberative democracy, but more important are macro-level deliberative systems that encompass the engagement of discourses in the public sphere, as well as formal and informal institutions of governance. Deliberative democracy can be applied fruitfully in areas previously off-limits to democratic theory: networked governance, the democratization of authoritarian states, and global democracy, as well as in new ways to invigorate citizen participation. In these areas and more, deliberative democracy outperforms its competitors.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297550
- eISBN:
- 9780191716751
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297556.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The scope of issues of justice extends globally on many issues. Governance of global society therefore needs transformed institutions. A vision of global democracy assumes a relational model of ...
More
The scope of issues of justice extends globally on many issues. Governance of global society therefore needs transformed institutions. A vision of global democracy assumes a relational model of self‐determination as non‐domination in the context of inclusive and stronger global institutions.Less
The scope of issues of justice extends globally on many issues. Governance of global society therefore needs transformed institutions. A vision of global democracy assumes a relational model of self‐determination as non‐domination in the context of inclusive and stronger global institutions.
Célestin Monga
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781501759383
- eISBN:
- 9781501759284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501759383.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter discusses the “global economy of anger” and the “great discordance” that has been the collateral offshoot of technological progress and globalization. It shows that what is often ...
More
This chapter discusses the “global economy of anger” and the “great discordance” that has been the collateral offshoot of technological progress and globalization. It shows that what is often overlooked is that these “advances” have been slowly eroding the foundations of global democracy, enabling political leaders in big and powerful countries to take actions that have no legitimacy or legal basis and are sanctioned by none other than themselves, which is anathema to the very idea of democracy. Given the long history of democracy, which goes back to Athens and its surrounding territories of sixth century BCE, we often act as though we have an adequate understanding of its structure and modalities. The chapter argues that this is far from the truth. Given the intertwining of democracy with technology and institutions that are continuously evolving, our understanding is quite minimal, and the weaknesses are showing up in a stark fashion in today's globalized world. The chapter then lays out the importance of independent research and suggests a research agenda for law and economics.Less
This chapter discusses the “global economy of anger” and the “great discordance” that has been the collateral offshoot of technological progress and globalization. It shows that what is often overlooked is that these “advances” have been slowly eroding the foundations of global democracy, enabling political leaders in big and powerful countries to take actions that have no legitimacy or legal basis and are sanctioned by none other than themselves, which is anathema to the very idea of democracy. Given the long history of democracy, which goes back to Athens and its surrounding territories of sixth century BCE, we often act as though we have an adequate understanding of its structure and modalities. The chapter argues that this is far from the truth. Given the intertwining of democracy with technology and institutions that are continuously evolving, our understanding is quite minimal, and the weaknesses are showing up in a stark fashion in today's globalized world. The chapter then lays out the importance of independent research and suggests a research agenda for law and economics.
Hélène Landemore
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691181998
- eISBN:
- 9780691208725
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181998.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This concluding chapter highlights the need to expand the boundaries of the demos outward, beyond the nation-state and toward something like a global democracy, perhaps one rendered possible by ...
More
This concluding chapter highlights the need to expand the boundaries of the demos outward, beyond the nation-state and toward something like a global democracy, perhaps one rendered possible by digital technologies. At the same time, the need to decentralize decision-making to the level of relevantly affected interests suggests that the nation-state level should only retain historic and pragmatic as opposed to logical privilege. Something like a subsidiary principle should apply across the board, to diffuse and decentralize popular rule as needed as well. The chapter then tentatively puts forward two additional principles, which cannot be fully argued for but pave the way for more research, namely “dynamic inclusiveness” and “substantive equality.” These principles point in the direction of cosmopolitan democracy and workplace democracy, respectively. The chapter also considers the need to disseminate democratic principles to the local level while also creating the tools for running dematerialized, non-territorial democratic communities.Less
This concluding chapter highlights the need to expand the boundaries of the demos outward, beyond the nation-state and toward something like a global democracy, perhaps one rendered possible by digital technologies. At the same time, the need to decentralize decision-making to the level of relevantly affected interests suggests that the nation-state level should only retain historic and pragmatic as opposed to logical privilege. Something like a subsidiary principle should apply across the board, to diffuse and decentralize popular rule as needed as well. The chapter then tentatively puts forward two additional principles, which cannot be fully argued for but pave the way for more research, namely “dynamic inclusiveness” and “substantive equality.” These principles point in the direction of cosmopolitan democracy and workplace democracy, respectively. The chapter also considers the need to disseminate democratic principles to the local level while also creating the tools for running dematerialized, non-territorial democratic communities.
Nicole A. Waligora-Davis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195369915
- eISBN:
- 9780199893379
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369915.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, African-American Literature
W. E. B. Du Bois’s blueprint for an alternative global democracy—“the fourth dimension”—finds its fullest articulation in the aftermath of two world wars. In Darkwater and Dark Princess, Du Bois ...
More
W. E. B. Du Bois’s blueprint for an alternative global democracy—“the fourth dimension”—finds its fullest articulation in the aftermath of two world wars. In Darkwater and Dark Princess, Du Bois outline for socioeconomic and governance reform squarely locates the politically marginalized and colonized “colored world” at the center of a new global democracy. A proponent of republicanism, Du Bois rejects a “tyranny of the Majority,” and celebrates meaningful political participation by every member of society irrespective of race or gender. Du Bois’s critically cosmopolitan vision acknowledges the interrelation between intranational race conflicts and colonial and imperial projects practiced throughout the world. Addressing the primacy of race within domestic and international debates over national security, employment, resources, poverty, and health, Du Bois cites global democracy as a predicate for sustainable peace. Both governance strategy and critique, Du Bois’s “fourth dimension” revises the concept of citizenship and civil obligation, focuses on hinges on educational reform and the wellbeing of (black) American children. Prefiguring the arguments of mid and late 20th-century political philosophers, Du Bois insists that the disenfranchisement of one community within a society (specifically black Americans in the U.S.) risks the well being of the entire polis.Less
W. E. B. Du Bois’s blueprint for an alternative global democracy—“the fourth dimension”—finds its fullest articulation in the aftermath of two world wars. In Darkwater and Dark Princess, Du Bois outline for socioeconomic and governance reform squarely locates the politically marginalized and colonized “colored world” at the center of a new global democracy. A proponent of republicanism, Du Bois rejects a “tyranny of the Majority,” and celebrates meaningful political participation by every member of society irrespective of race or gender. Du Bois’s critically cosmopolitan vision acknowledges the interrelation between intranational race conflicts and colonial and imperial projects practiced throughout the world. Addressing the primacy of race within domestic and international debates over national security, employment, resources, poverty, and health, Du Bois cites global democracy as a predicate for sustainable peace. Both governance strategy and critique, Du Bois’s “fourth dimension” revises the concept of citizenship and civil obligation, focuses on hinges on educational reform and the wellbeing of (black) American children. Prefiguring the arguments of mid and late 20th-century political philosophers, Du Bois insists that the disenfranchisement of one community within a society (specifically black Americans in the U.S.) risks the well being of the entire polis.
Daniele Archibugi and Marco Cellini
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198793342
- eISBN:
- 9780191835193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198793342.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what a democratic deficit is. The second part provides some benchmark ...
More
The chapter explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what a democratic deficit is. The second part provides some benchmark to identify when and how international organizations, the most important and visible part of global governance, correspond to the values of democracy. The third part presents the internal and external levers. The internal lever is defined as the ways in which democratization within countries helps to foster more transparent, accountable, and participatory forms of global governance. The external lever is defined as the ways in which international organizations contribute to promote democratic transition and consolidation in their members. Neither the internal nor the external levers work effectively if they are left to intergovernmental bargaining only. An active participation of non-governmental actors is needed to ensure efficiency. The chapter finally discuss a list of proposals to democratize global governance.Less
The chapter explores the methods to introduce democratic devices in global governance. The first part makes an attempt to define what a democratic deficit is. The second part provides some benchmark to identify when and how international organizations, the most important and visible part of global governance, correspond to the values of democracy. The third part presents the internal and external levers. The internal lever is defined as the ways in which democratization within countries helps to foster more transparent, accountable, and participatory forms of global governance. The external lever is defined as the ways in which international organizations contribute to promote democratic transition and consolidation in their members. Neither the internal nor the external levers work effectively if they are left to intergovernmental bargaining only. An active participation of non-governmental actors is needed to ensure efficiency. The chapter finally discuss a list of proposals to democratize global governance.
Carmen E. Pavel
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199376346
- eISBN:
- 9780190203344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199376346.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Chapter 5 argues that we have good reasons to doubt that establishing formal political institutions at the global level in the form of a global democracy will generate the benefits associated with ...
More
Chapter 5 argues that we have good reasons to doubt that establishing formal political institutions at the global level in the form of a global democracy will generate the benefits associated with democratic institutions in Western liberal democracies. In particular, institutional reform of this type is accompanied by a high degree of variance, and consequently, the risk associated with sweeping institutional change is substantial and the benefits uncertain. The empirical literature on rule of law reforms in Latin America and on organizational behavior show that at the very least, we simply do not know what it takes to create working, effective formal institutions from scratch. Moreover, we have good reason to be concerned that the dysfunctional behavior of existing international institutions and states will be grafted onto and magnified by a comprehensive cosmopolitan scheme for institutional reform.Less
Chapter 5 argues that we have good reasons to doubt that establishing formal political institutions at the global level in the form of a global democracy will generate the benefits associated with democratic institutions in Western liberal democracies. In particular, institutional reform of this type is accompanied by a high degree of variance, and consequently, the risk associated with sweeping institutional change is substantial and the benefits uncertain. The empirical literature on rule of law reforms in Latin America and on organizational behavior show that at the very least, we simply do not know what it takes to create working, effective formal institutions from scratch. Moreover, we have good reason to be concerned that the dysfunctional behavior of existing international institutions and states will be grafted onto and magnified by a comprehensive cosmopolitan scheme for institutional reform.
Pablo Gilabert
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- December 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198827221
- eISBN:
- 9780191866104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198827221.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Is there a human right to democracy (HRD)? How does the achievement of human rights, including the human right to democracy, contribute to the pursuit of global justice? The chapter identifies three ...
More
Is there a human right to democracy (HRD)? How does the achievement of human rights, including the human right to democracy, contribute to the pursuit of global justice? The chapter identifies three reasons for favoring democracy and explores their significance for defending it as a human right. It answers important worries that acknowledging an HRD would lead to intolerance and lack of respect for people’s self-determination, exaggerate the importance of democracy for securing other rights, generalize institutional arrangements that only work in some contexts, and tie human rights to specific ideas of freedom and equality that do not have the same universal appeal and urgency. Tackling the second question, the chapter argues that by providing a floor of dignity on which people can stand in the organization of their social life, democratic political empowerment is crucial for the pursuit of both basic and maximal global justice.Less
Is there a human right to democracy (HRD)? How does the achievement of human rights, including the human right to democracy, contribute to the pursuit of global justice? The chapter identifies three reasons for favoring democracy and explores their significance for defending it as a human right. It answers important worries that acknowledging an HRD would lead to intolerance and lack of respect for people’s self-determination, exaggerate the importance of democracy for securing other rights, generalize institutional arrangements that only work in some contexts, and tie human rights to specific ideas of freedom and equality that do not have the same universal appeal and urgency. Tackling the second question, the chapter argues that by providing a floor of dignity on which people can stand in the organization of their social life, democratic political empowerment is crucial for the pursuit of both basic and maximal global justice.
Catherine Lu
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190905651
- eISBN:
- 9780190905682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190905651.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter argues that being a good democrat in the twenty-first century requires, rather than precludes, engaging in both domestic and international political reform and struggle that will ...
More
This chapter argues that being a good democrat in the twenty-first century requires, rather than precludes, engaging in both domestic and international political reform and struggle that will culminate in the establishment of a world state, or a global political authority that can command and enforce duties of cosmopolitan justice. Cosmopolitan justice constitutes the background essential supporting conditions for the proper functioning and legitimacy of domestic, regional, and global political orders. Under contemporary global circumstances, the effective realization of cosmopolitan justice requires institutional cosmopolitanism in the form of an impartial global political authority that can adjudicate and enforce the rights and duties of states so that they are consistent with their cosmopolitan duties. Only with the realization of institutional cosmopolitanism in the form of a cosmopolitan world state can the principles and values of collective self-determination and social justice championed by democratic theorists be based on a morally acceptable foundation.Less
This chapter argues that being a good democrat in the twenty-first century requires, rather than precludes, engaging in both domestic and international political reform and struggle that will culminate in the establishment of a world state, or a global political authority that can command and enforce duties of cosmopolitan justice. Cosmopolitan justice constitutes the background essential supporting conditions for the proper functioning and legitimacy of domestic, regional, and global political orders. Under contemporary global circumstances, the effective realization of cosmopolitan justice requires institutional cosmopolitanism in the form of an impartial global political authority that can adjudicate and enforce the rights and duties of states so that they are consistent with their cosmopolitan duties. Only with the realization of institutional cosmopolitanism in the form of a cosmopolitan world state can the principles and values of collective self-determination and social justice championed by democratic theorists be based on a morally acceptable foundation.
Hans Agné
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- August 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198826873
- eISBN:
- 9780191865817
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198826873.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
As a prelude to the three themes in the volume, this chapter explores more generally the turn towards legitimacy in global governance research. The chapter suggests that this turn is partly explained ...
More
As a prelude to the three themes in the volume, this chapter explores more generally the turn towards legitimacy in global governance research. The chapter suggests that this turn is partly explained by shortcomings in normative research on global democracy, and the potential of research on legitimacy to overcome those problems. The chapter discusses the merits and demerits of alternative conceptualizations of legitimacy in serving these purposes. The chapter concludes in favor of a normative-sociological understanding of legitimacy that is sensitive to beliefs among members of relevant audiences about the normative qualities of political institutions that are ultimately specified by analysts.Less
As a prelude to the three themes in the volume, this chapter explores more generally the turn towards legitimacy in global governance research. The chapter suggests that this turn is partly explained by shortcomings in normative research on global democracy, and the potential of research on legitimacy to overcome those problems. The chapter discusses the merits and demerits of alternative conceptualizations of legitimacy in serving these purposes. The chapter concludes in favor of a normative-sociological understanding of legitimacy that is sensitive to beliefs among members of relevant audiences about the normative qualities of political institutions that are ultimately specified by analysts.
Luis Cabrera
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190869502
- eISBN:
- 9780190869540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190869502.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers some objections lodged by universalist moral theorists. First it addresses Martha Nussbaum’s rejection of robust cosmopolitan institutions on grounds that they would not ...
More
This chapter considers some objections lodged by universalist moral theorists. First it addresses Martha Nussbaum’s rejection of robust cosmopolitan institutions on grounds that they would not respect collective domestic choices. Such a stance is shown to give too little attention to domestic repression. Simon Caney’s partly instrumental model of cosmopolitan democracy is shown to provide important insights. It places such strong emphasis on respecting “reasonable disagreement” among persons, however, that it could affirm democratic outcomes deeply skewed in favor of the global majority. An alternative is outlined, informed by Ambedkar’s “soul of democracy” vision of social democracy. It would work to constitutionalize some global economic aim rights, including freer movement of persons, and support the development of related challenge mechanisms. Some practical insights to inform the development of such a framework, and rights specifications processes within it, are taken from the case of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, and from the European and other regional governance contexts.Less
This chapter considers some objections lodged by universalist moral theorists. First it addresses Martha Nussbaum’s rejection of robust cosmopolitan institutions on grounds that they would not respect collective domestic choices. Such a stance is shown to give too little attention to domestic repression. Simon Caney’s partly instrumental model of cosmopolitan democracy is shown to provide important insights. It places such strong emphasis on respecting “reasonable disagreement” among persons, however, that it could affirm democratic outcomes deeply skewed in favor of the global majority. An alternative is outlined, informed by Ambedkar’s “soul of democracy” vision of social democracy. It would work to constitutionalize some global economic aim rights, including freer movement of persons, and support the development of related challenge mechanisms. Some practical insights to inform the development of such a framework, and rights specifications processes within it, are taken from the case of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, and from the European and other regional governance contexts.
Luis Cabrera
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190905651
- eISBN:
- 9780190905682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190905651.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Is a global institutional order composed of sovereign states fit for cosmopolitan moral purpose? This question has lain near the heart of cosmopolitan thought at least since Kant’s interventions of ...
More
Is a global institutional order composed of sovereign states fit for cosmopolitan moral purpose? This question has lain near the heart of cosmopolitan thought at least since Kant’s interventions of the 1780s and 1790s. Kant seemed torn between supporting large-scale global institutional reforms—the creation of a world republic—and promoting a more modest transformation of states and their interrelations within a voluntary union. Likewise, in the more recent flowering of cosmopolitan thought, dating to the 1970s and intensifying from the immediate post–Cold War period, a persistent question has been whether states can be ascribed duties consistent with a cosmopolitan moral orientation, or whether, as Harold Laski memorably put it in 1925, state sovereignty is simply “incompatible with the interests of humanity.” Such institutional questions are central to this volume. This chapter introduces the major themes examined here and summarizes each author’s contribution.Less
Is a global institutional order composed of sovereign states fit for cosmopolitan moral purpose? This question has lain near the heart of cosmopolitan thought at least since Kant’s interventions of the 1780s and 1790s. Kant seemed torn between supporting large-scale global institutional reforms—the creation of a world republic—and promoting a more modest transformation of states and their interrelations within a voluntary union. Likewise, in the more recent flowering of cosmopolitan thought, dating to the 1970s and intensifying from the immediate post–Cold War period, a persistent question has been whether states can be ascribed duties consistent with a cosmopolitan moral orientation, or whether, as Harold Laski memorably put it in 1925, state sovereignty is simply “incompatible with the interests of humanity.” Such institutional questions are central to this volume. This chapter introduces the major themes examined here and summarizes each author’s contribution.
Niamh McCrea and Fergal Finnegan (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781447336150
- eISBN:
- 9781447336204
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447336150.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
This book critically explores the funding arrangements governing contemporary community development and how they shape its theory and practice. The chapters consider the evolution of funding in ...
More
This book critically explores the funding arrangements governing contemporary community development and how they shape its theory and practice. The chapters consider the evolution of funding in community development, and how changes in policy and practice can be understood in relation to the politics of neoliberalism and contemporary efforts to build global democracy from the ‘bottom up’. Thematically, the book explores matters such as popular democracy, the shifting contours of the state–market relationship, prospects for democratising the state, the feasibility of community autonomy, the effects of managerialism, and hybrid modes of funding such as social finance. The book is positioned to stimulate critical debate on both policy and practice within the broad field of community development.Less
This book critically explores the funding arrangements governing contemporary community development and how they shape its theory and practice. The chapters consider the evolution of funding in community development, and how changes in policy and practice can be understood in relation to the politics of neoliberalism and contemporary efforts to build global democracy from the ‘bottom up’. Thematically, the book explores matters such as popular democracy, the shifting contours of the state–market relationship, prospects for democratising the state, the feasibility of community autonomy, the effects of managerialism, and hybrid modes of funding such as social finance. The book is positioned to stimulate critical debate on both policy and practice within the broad field of community development.
Jaklic Klemen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198703228
- eISBN:
- 9780191773051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198703228.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter shows how the construction of a more applicative form of the sound conception of substantive pluralism would proceed through such an improved foundation. This kind of pluralist approach ...
More
This chapter shows how the construction of a more applicative form of the sound conception of substantive pluralism would proceed through such an improved foundation. This kind of pluralist approach leads to a further refinement of the substantive pluralist building blocks observed in the existing pluralist theories thus far, and to the development of further key substantive pluralist building blocks in the field of democracy. This sketches a more complete picture of substantive pluralism and its enhancement of democracy as the upshot of the process. Provided that Europe gets it right at its constitutional foundations, it can open the route for humanity to gradually, but inevitably, reach a further historic stage of democracy. This has been unattainable throughout our monist age, and because of monism. We conclude that the branch of constitutional pluralism thus reoriented and refined has the potential to be considered the superior new approach within constitutional thought.Less
This chapter shows how the construction of a more applicative form of the sound conception of substantive pluralism would proceed through such an improved foundation. This kind of pluralist approach leads to a further refinement of the substantive pluralist building blocks observed in the existing pluralist theories thus far, and to the development of further key substantive pluralist building blocks in the field of democracy. This sketches a more complete picture of substantive pluralism and its enhancement of democracy as the upshot of the process. Provided that Europe gets it right at its constitutional foundations, it can open the route for humanity to gradually, but inevitably, reach a further historic stage of democracy. This has been unattainable throughout our monist age, and because of monism. We conclude that the branch of constitutional pluralism thus reoriented and refined has the potential to be considered the superior new approach within constitutional thought.
Eugene W. Holland
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748620920
- eISBN:
- 9780748652365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748620920.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
This chapter explores the relation between nomad citizenship and global democracy. It discusses nomad science, nomad music, nomad games, and nomad management and nomad citizenship. It explains that ...
More
This chapter explores the relation between nomad citizenship and global democracy. It discusses nomad science, nomad music, nomad games, and nomad management and nomad citizenship. It explains that the concept of nomad citizenship developed here derives from the concepts of nomadism and nomadology expounded by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in A Thousand Plateaus. It contrasts nomad science with what Deleuze and Guattari call royal or state science.Less
This chapter explores the relation between nomad citizenship and global democracy. It discusses nomad science, nomad music, nomad games, and nomad management and nomad citizenship. It explains that the concept of nomad citizenship developed here derives from the concepts of nomadism and nomadology expounded by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in A Thousand Plateaus. It contrasts nomad science with what Deleuze and Guattari call royal or state science.
Luis Cabrera
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190869502
- eISBN:
- 9780190869540
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190869502.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
Cosmopolitanism is said by many critics to be arrogant. In emphasizing universal moral principles and granting no fundamental significance to national or other group belonging, it is held to wrongly ...
More
Cosmopolitanism is said by many critics to be arrogant. In emphasizing universal moral principles and granting no fundamental significance to national or other group belonging, it is held to wrongly treat those making non-universalist claims as not authorized to speak, while at the same time implicitly treating those in non-Western societies as not qualified. This book works to address such objections. It does so in part by engaging the work of B.R. Ambedkar, architect of India’s 1950 Constitution and revered champion of the country’s Dalits (formerly “untouchables”). Ambedkar cited universal principles of equality and rights in confronting domestic exclusions and the “arrogance” of caste. He sought to advance forms of political humility, or the affirmation of equal standing within political institutions and openness to input and challenge within them. This book examines how an “institutional global citizenship” approach to cosmopolitanism could similarly advance political humility, in supporting the development of democratic input, exchange, and challenge mechanisms beyond the state. It employs grounded normative theory methods, taking insights for the model from field research among Dalit activists pressing for domestic reforms through the UN human rights regime, and from their critics in the governing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. Insights also are taken from Turkish protesters challenging a rising domestic authoritarianism, and from UK Independence Party members supporting “Brexit” from the European Union—in part because of possibilities that predominantly Muslim Turkey will join. Overall, it is shown, an appropriately configured institutional cosmopolitanism should orient fundamentally to political humility rather than arrogance, while holding significant potential for advancing global rights protections.Less
Cosmopolitanism is said by many critics to be arrogant. In emphasizing universal moral principles and granting no fundamental significance to national or other group belonging, it is held to wrongly treat those making non-universalist claims as not authorized to speak, while at the same time implicitly treating those in non-Western societies as not qualified. This book works to address such objections. It does so in part by engaging the work of B.R. Ambedkar, architect of India’s 1950 Constitution and revered champion of the country’s Dalits (formerly “untouchables”). Ambedkar cited universal principles of equality and rights in confronting domestic exclusions and the “arrogance” of caste. He sought to advance forms of political humility, or the affirmation of equal standing within political institutions and openness to input and challenge within them. This book examines how an “institutional global citizenship” approach to cosmopolitanism could similarly advance political humility, in supporting the development of democratic input, exchange, and challenge mechanisms beyond the state. It employs grounded normative theory methods, taking insights for the model from field research among Dalit activists pressing for domestic reforms through the UN human rights regime, and from their critics in the governing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. Insights also are taken from Turkish protesters challenging a rising domestic authoritarianism, and from UK Independence Party members supporting “Brexit” from the European Union—in part because of possibilities that predominantly Muslim Turkey will join. Overall, it is shown, an appropriately configured institutional cosmopolitanism should orient fundamentally to political humility rather than arrogance, while holding significant potential for advancing global rights protections.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190905651
- eISBN:
- 9780190905682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190905651.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
In recent years, a number of powerful arguments have been given for thinking that there should be suprastate institutions, and that the current ones, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), ...
More
In recent years, a number of powerful arguments have been given for thinking that there should be suprastate institutions, and that the current ones, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and United Nations Security Council, need to be radically reformed and new ones created. Two distinct kinds of argument have been advanced. One is instrumental and emphasizes the need for effective suprastate political institutions to realize some important substantive ideals (such as preventing dangerous climate change, eradicating poverty, promoting fair trade, and securing peace). The second is procedural and emphasizes the importance of political institutions that include all those subject to their power in as democratic a process as possible, and builds on this to call for democratically accountable international institutions. In this chapter, the author argues that the two approaches need not conflict, and that they can in fact lend support to each other.Less
In recent years, a number of powerful arguments have been given for thinking that there should be suprastate institutions, and that the current ones, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and United Nations Security Council, need to be radically reformed and new ones created. Two distinct kinds of argument have been advanced. One is instrumental and emphasizes the need for effective suprastate political institutions to realize some important substantive ideals (such as preventing dangerous climate change, eradicating poverty, promoting fair trade, and securing peace). The second is procedural and emphasizes the importance of political institutions that include all those subject to their power in as democratic a process as possible, and builds on this to call for democratically accountable international institutions. In this chapter, the author argues that the two approaches need not conflict, and that they can in fact lend support to each other.
Luis Cabrera
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190869502
- eISBN:
- 9780190869540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190869502.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter concludes the book by examining how Ambedkar’s own thought on democracy and individual rights within the deeply diverse Indian context could inform efforts to develop a framework of more ...
More
This chapter concludes the book by examining how Ambedkar’s own thought on democracy and individual rights within the deeply diverse Indian context could inform efforts to develop a framework of more cosmopolitan, more democratically accountable political institutional at the regional and ultimately global levels. It reviews the argument of the book by chapter, then explores a possible “Ambedkarian” model for advancing the development of democratic institutions and forms of political humility beyond the state. Such a model would focus on softening barriers and promoting interaction between national communities, while promoting some types of broader identification as a means of advancing rights protections. The chapter closes with discussion of a future project on feasibility issues related to the development of such a framework.Less
This chapter concludes the book by examining how Ambedkar’s own thought on democracy and individual rights within the deeply diverse Indian context could inform efforts to develop a framework of more cosmopolitan, more democratically accountable political institutional at the regional and ultimately global levels. It reviews the argument of the book by chapter, then explores a possible “Ambedkarian” model for advancing the development of democratic institutions and forms of political humility beyond the state. Such a model would focus on softening barriers and promoting interaction between national communities, while promoting some types of broader identification as a means of advancing rights protections. The chapter closes with discussion of a future project on feasibility issues related to the development of such a framework.
Luis Cabrera (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190905651
- eISBN:
- 9780190905682
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190905651.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Is a global institutional order composed of sovereign states fit for cosmopolitan moral purpose? Cosmopolitan political theorists challenge claims that states, nations, and other collectives have ...
More
Is a global institutional order composed of sovereign states fit for cosmopolitan moral purpose? Cosmopolitan political theorists challenge claims that states, nations, and other collectives have ultimate moral significance. They focus instead on individuals: on what they share and on what each may owe to all others. They see principles of distributive justice—and increasingly political justice—applying with force in a global system in which billions continue to suffer from severe poverty and deprivation, political repression, interstate violence, and other ills. Cosmopolitans diverge, however, on the institutional implications of their shared moral view. Some argue that the current system of competing sovereign states tends to promote unjust outcomes and stands in need of deep structural reform. Others reject such claims and contend that justice can be pursued through transforming the orientations and conduct of individual and collective agents, especially states. This volume brings together prominent political theorists and international relations scholars—including some skeptics of cosmopolitanism—in a far-ranging dialogue about the institutional implications of the approach. The contributors offer penetrating analyses of both continuing and emerging issues around state sovereignty, democratic autonomy and accountability, and the promotion and protection of human rights. They also debate potential reforms of the current global system, from the transformation of cities and states to the creation of some encompassing world government capable of effectively promoting cosmopolitan aims.Less
Is a global institutional order composed of sovereign states fit for cosmopolitan moral purpose? Cosmopolitan political theorists challenge claims that states, nations, and other collectives have ultimate moral significance. They focus instead on individuals: on what they share and on what each may owe to all others. They see principles of distributive justice—and increasingly political justice—applying with force in a global system in which billions continue to suffer from severe poverty and deprivation, political repression, interstate violence, and other ills. Cosmopolitans diverge, however, on the institutional implications of their shared moral view. Some argue that the current system of competing sovereign states tends to promote unjust outcomes and stands in need of deep structural reform. Others reject such claims and contend that justice can be pursued through transforming the orientations and conduct of individual and collective agents, especially states. This volume brings together prominent political theorists and international relations scholars—including some skeptics of cosmopolitanism—in a far-ranging dialogue about the institutional implications of the approach. The contributors offer penetrating analyses of both continuing and emerging issues around state sovereignty, democratic autonomy and accountability, and the promotion and protection of human rights. They also debate potential reforms of the current global system, from the transformation of cities and states to the creation of some encompassing world government capable of effectively promoting cosmopolitan aims.
Laura DeNardis
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262042574
- eISBN:
- 9780262258739
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262042574.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
The Internet has reached a critical point. The world is running out of Internet addresses. There is a finite supply of approximately 4.3 billion Internet Protocol (IP) addresses—the unique binary ...
More
The Internet has reached a critical point. The world is running out of Internet addresses. There is a finite supply of approximately 4.3 billion Internet Protocol (IP) addresses—the unique binary numbers required for every exchange of information over the Internet—within the Internet’s prevailing technical architecture (IPv4). In the 1990s, the Internet standards community identified the potential depletion of these addresses as a crucial design concern and selected a new protocol (IPv6) that would expand the number of Internet addresses exponentially—to 340 undecillion addresses. Despite a decade of predictions about imminent global conversion, IPv6 adoption has barely begun. IPv6 is not backward compatible with IPv4, and its ultimate success depends on a critical mass of IPv6 deployment, even among users who do not need it or on technical workarounds that could, in turn, create a new set of concerns. This book examines what is at stake politically, economically, and technically in the selection and adoption of a new Internet protocol. Its key insight is that protocols are political. IPv6 serves as a case study for how protocols are intertwined with socioeconomic and political order. It intersects with topics including Internet civil liberties, U.S. military objectives, globalization, institutional power struggles, and the promise of global democratic freedoms. The author offers recommendations for Internet standards governance based on technical concerns and on principles of openness and transparency, and examines the global implications of Internet address scarcity versus the slow deployment of the new protocol designed to solve this problem.Less
The Internet has reached a critical point. The world is running out of Internet addresses. There is a finite supply of approximately 4.3 billion Internet Protocol (IP) addresses—the unique binary numbers required for every exchange of information over the Internet—within the Internet’s prevailing technical architecture (IPv4). In the 1990s, the Internet standards community identified the potential depletion of these addresses as a crucial design concern and selected a new protocol (IPv6) that would expand the number of Internet addresses exponentially—to 340 undecillion addresses. Despite a decade of predictions about imminent global conversion, IPv6 adoption has barely begun. IPv6 is not backward compatible with IPv4, and its ultimate success depends on a critical mass of IPv6 deployment, even among users who do not need it or on technical workarounds that could, in turn, create a new set of concerns. This book examines what is at stake politically, economically, and technically in the selection and adoption of a new Internet protocol. Its key insight is that protocols are political. IPv6 serves as a case study for how protocols are intertwined with socioeconomic and political order. It intersects with topics including Internet civil liberties, U.S. military objectives, globalization, institutional power struggles, and the promise of global democratic freedoms. The author offers recommendations for Internet standards governance based on technical concerns and on principles of openness and transparency, and examines the global implications of Internet address scarcity versus the slow deployment of the new protocol designed to solve this problem.