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This chapter examines why mothers so often reported making new friends through their children’s childcare centers. It finds that centers, in order to perform the many tasks required for their operation, tended to generate both opportunities and inducements for parents to interact. These ranged from mundane fieldtrips to logistically complex fundraisers. As a result, many of the friends mothers formed were unexpected. The chapter also finds that centers differed dramatically in the extent to which they generated the opportunities and inducements important to tie formation.

The concluding chapter suggests that we are witnessing the emergence of ‘The New Fundraisers’ who exist in a necessarily complementary relationship with ‘The New Philanthropists’, said to typify the most recent generation of major givers. These two groups are shown to share similar demographic characteristics, attitudes and goals, including: shared passion for a cause and conviction about its importance that transcends any specific charitable organisation; the desire for agency and power; a focus on impact and results; and a joy in asking and giving. The similarities between ‘new philanthropists’ and ‘new fundraisers’ enables them to build mutually beneficial relationships that can achieve transformational results, despite a general lack of public affirmation in the UK for either givers or askers.

The Introduction chapter explains why a study of the social characteristics and daily practices of fundraisers is necessary and timely. A growing number of charitable organisations are shown to be pro-actively seeking voluntary income in a context of reduced income from other sources and a shortage of qualified and experienced fundraisers. The scarcity of fundraising talent is described as a global problem, and one that is exacerbated by the critical and cynical environment in which fundraisers operate. The efficacy of fundraising, such that most donations are prompted and solicited, is highlighted and linked to the argument that research attention needs to shift from the donors to the askers, which is the purpose of the rest of this book.

Chapter 1 reviews the historical roots and development of fundraising in the UK, highlighting important milestones and key issues that have emerged over time and that remain contentious today. Noting that asking is as old as giving, the standard origin myth of fundraising - which states that fundraising began in the US in the late 19^th/early 20^th century - is rejected as a-historical, overly-reliant on a ‘Great men’ explanation, and relevant only for explaining how for-profit consultancy came into being in specific countries. An alternative approach to charting the history of fundraising, focused on purpose and impact rather than people and processes, is illustrated with ten examples of the outcomes of fundraising over the centuries.

Chapter 2 presents findings of a major survey of over 1,200 UK fundraisers. It illustrates their backgrounds, their paths into this career and how they acquired relevant skills and knowledge. Data on personality traits and emotional intelligence, as well as trust levels, social lives, hobbies and many other factors, are presented and compared with data on the general public in order to identify the extent to which, and in what ways, people who raise money for a living – including those who have succeeded in raising £1 million or more - either share characteristics or appear to be distinctive. Fundraisers often have formative experiences of helping behaviours, high levels of generalised trust, a greater predilection for gift-giving to loved ones and donating blood to strangers, a willingness to facilitate social situations, a preference for community-oriented and intellectual hobbies, positive personality traits and higher levels of emotional intelligence. Successful ‘million pound askers’ are likely to be older, more experienced, have a mentor, be more open and less neurotic. But the idea of a homogenous, ‘perfect type’ of fundraiser is rejected due to the wide diversity of characteristics associated with fundraising success.

Chapter 3 explores ‘the science of fundraising’ through an analysis of 60 books that explain ‘how to’ fundraise, recommended by fundraisers participating in this research. There is a great deal of consensus in this literature on what fundraisers do, in terms of knowledge, methods and techniques. But alongside this broadly consistent and commonplace advice are found some notable contradictions in the depiction of the nature and ‘learnability’ of fundraising skills and knowledge. The content of these guides, and the language used in them, suggests that fundraising is often presented as a set of skills that can be learnt and mastered by anyone who puts in the time and effort. Yet many authors also accept and advance the premise that fundraising resists standardization as donors respond best to authentic approaches that respect their individuality. This chapter concludes that fundraisers are far more than ‘mere technicians because philanthropy involves meaningful and value-laden relations between living, breathing, idiosyncratic people.

Chapter 4 focuses on the ‘art’ or the non-technical aspects of fundraising, exploring how the social and personal skills of fundraisers enable them to succeed. Drawing on interviews with 50 successful fundraisers, this chapter highlights the metaphors that fundraisers use to describe their work, the importance of skills such as reading body language, and exercising good judgments about how, and how fast, to progress relationships with donors. The importance of seemingly trivial decisions, such as the precise wording of an email or whether or not to send a birthday card, illustrates the difficulty of codifying this knowledge. It is argued that the art of fundraising involves responding creatively to the fact that each unique donor has different intentions, attitudes and aspirations in the context of each giving scenarios. As the language of gift giving is, by convention, oblique, it is also argued that the art of fundraising involves an ability to hear the ‘unsaid’ in order to understand donors’ desires and respond accordingly.

Despite the apparently self-explanatory job title, most fundraisers do not see ‘raising funds’ as their central task. This fifth chapter highlights the diversity and complexity of their work and describes the everyday reality of being a fundraiser. It is suggested that the job involves three sets of tasks: (1) Fostering a philanthropic culture within the charity and in wider society, as well as amongst potential supporters and donors; (2) Framing of needs in order to establish the legitimacy of the cause and educate potential donors about the existence of credible voluntary solutions; and (3) Facilitating donations by enabling people to act on their altruistic intentions through trusted and, where possible, enjoyable ways for donors to become engaged and involved in the cause. Successful fundraisers are engaged in emotional work (in the sense defined by Arlie Hochschild) within an emotional business. Their time is spent on fostering, framing and facilitating philanthropy by creating conducive contexts in which philanthropy can thrive, by inspiring and educating both colleagues and donors, and by setting the stage for effective asking and giving. None of these are straightforward activities, and thus require the ‘art’ and the ‘science’ described in the preceding chapters.

Chapter 6 draws together the findings of the previous chapters to explore the status of fundraising work: is it a profession, a job, a calling or a vocation? This chapter begins by reviewing the debate on professionalism, exploring the different ways this concept is defined and why professional status matters, before discussing claims for and against counting fundraising as a profession. In the absence of defining traits of a profession (such as a verifiable, agreed body of knowledge and formal qualifications after extended study), and the absence of a public consensus that the value and caliber of fundraising expertise deserves the status of a profession, it is suggested that fundraising is instead best understood as a ‘creative profession’. As contemporary fundraising involves a combination of creative innovation and managerial skills, and as fundraisers possess many of the traits commonly found in the creative class such as passion, openness, ability to synthesise, non-conformity and internal motivation, it is argued that fundraisers can accurately be described as a type of creative professional.

This chapter focuses on the experiences of African Americans as patients, medical students, and doctors from the end of the war through the early twentieth century. Faced with Jim Crow practices of exclusion from medical care and professional training, and in spite of limited resources, African American citizens had clear ideas about organizing their own medical care, establishing themselves as fundraisers and philanthropists who, by the end of the century, had founded medical institutions.

This chapter focuses on the origins and rise of another new form of secondhand exchange: the garage sales. Hosted and attended mostly by women, garage sales emerged in 1950s suburbs as tactics for newly isolated housewives to earn intermittent income, participate in politics, and build community networks. From huge Barry Goldwater campaign fundraisers to small family sales to raise "pin money," these intimate events both adapted to and defied the spatial limitations of suburban domesticity and postwar gender expectations. Moreover, garage sales introduced a new, larger-than-ever generation of middle-class youth to secondhand goods and clothing—providing provocative glimpses of the tools that could be used in a partly generational rejection of class status, sexual normativity, and political consensus.

This chapter considers Raskob's role as Governor Al Smith's campaign director, head fund-raiser, and chairman of the Democratic Party National Committee. Raskob signed up with Smith because he had become good friends with the governor and the crowd of predominately Irish Catholic New York businessmen who surrounded him. But Raskob had also become increasingly interested in federal tax and economic policy, as well as the Prohibition question, enough so that the idea of putting Smith into the White House and thus becoming a major player in Washington, preferably as Secretary of the Treasury, seemed like an excellent new chapter in his life.