Robert Morris
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237159
- eISBN:
- 9780191705427
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237159.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter develops a morally acceptable means of legally distinguishing between terrorists and non-terrorists. The paper is divided into four parts. Building on the work of Schmid, the first part ...
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This chapter develops a morally acceptable means of legally distinguishing between terrorists and non-terrorists. The paper is divided into four parts. Building on the work of Schmid, the first part proposes a conceptual definition of terrorism which is both morally accurate and also politically acceptable to states. The second part lays out the moral problem that is often thought to be fatal to the kind of definition proposed. The third part attempts to solve the problem by examining the nature of the responsibilities of soldiers. The fourth part shows how the understanding of terrorism presented in the chapter can help improve legal definitions of terrorism. It argues that if we recognize in law the distinction between war crime terrorists and crime against peace (CAP) terrorists then a method of legally distinguishing between freedom-fighters and terrorists becomes apparent.Less
This chapter develops a morally acceptable means of legally distinguishing between terrorists and non-terrorists. The paper is divided into four parts. Building on the work of Schmid, the first part proposes a conceptual definition of terrorism which is both morally accurate and also politically acceptable to states. The second part lays out the moral problem that is often thought to be fatal to the kind of definition proposed. The third part attempts to solve the problem by examining the nature of the responsibilities of soldiers. The fourth part shows how the understanding of terrorism presented in the chapter can help improve legal definitions of terrorism. It argues that if we recognize in law the distinction between war crime terrorists and crime against peace (CAP) terrorists then a method of legally distinguishing between freedom-fighters and terrorists becomes apparent.
Graham J. Murphy
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604737929
- eISBN:
- 9781604737936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604737929.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Comics Studies
Scholars and critics have long paid attention to comic books, including the superhero narrative, which remains a topseller in a fiercely competitive North American marketplace. One example of a ...
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Scholars and critics have long paid attention to comic books, including the superhero narrative, which remains a topseller in a fiercely competitive North American marketplace. One example of a superhero narrative is DC Comics’s Uncle Sam and the Freedom Fighters, which debuted in National Comics #1 in July 1940 and features characters such as Uncle Sam, the Human Bomb, Black Condor, Phantom Lady, Miss America, and Red Torpedo. The Freedom Fighters was relaunched by Justin Gray and Jimmy Palmiotti in a multi-title narrative arc that culminates in the eight-issue limited series Uncle Sam and the Freedom Fighters (2006–2007). This chapter examines the Freedom Fighters arc and its fusion of adventurous escapism with pointed political commentary, and how its creators exploited the freedom of the comics medium to critique the erosion of civil liberties in the United States under the Bush administration. More specifically, it analyzes Freedom Fighters’ allegory of Bush-era post-9/11 America operating in the pretext of a War on Terror and national security.Less
Scholars and critics have long paid attention to comic books, including the superhero narrative, which remains a topseller in a fiercely competitive North American marketplace. One example of a superhero narrative is DC Comics’s Uncle Sam and the Freedom Fighters, which debuted in National Comics #1 in July 1940 and features characters such as Uncle Sam, the Human Bomb, Black Condor, Phantom Lady, Miss America, and Red Torpedo. The Freedom Fighters was relaunched by Justin Gray and Jimmy Palmiotti in a multi-title narrative arc that culminates in the eight-issue limited series Uncle Sam and the Freedom Fighters (2006–2007). This chapter examines the Freedom Fighters arc and its fusion of adventurous escapism with pointed political commentary, and how its creators exploited the freedom of the comics medium to critique the erosion of civil liberties in the United States under the Bush administration. More specifically, it analyzes Freedom Fighters’ allegory of Bush-era post-9/11 America operating in the pretext of a War on Terror and national security.
Phuong Tran Nguyen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041358
- eISBN:
- 9780252099953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041358.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter resurrects the infamous history of shadowy US-based anti-communist insurgent forces modelled on Ronald Reagan’s “freedom fighters.” Often disparaged as the quintessential “bad refugee” ...
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This chapter resurrects the infamous history of shadowy US-based anti-communist insurgent forces modelled on Ronald Reagan’s “freedom fighters.” Often disparaged as the quintessential “bad refugee” that brought the Vietnam War to America, as evidenced by the unsolved murders of several Vietnamese journalists suspected of communist ties, the members of the “resistance movement” were actually being “good refugees” as defined by the secret Cold War policies of the Reagan Administration.Less
This chapter resurrects the infamous history of shadowy US-based anti-communist insurgent forces modelled on Ronald Reagan’s “freedom fighters.” Often disparaged as the quintessential “bad refugee” that brought the Vietnam War to America, as evidenced by the unsolved murders of several Vietnamese journalists suspected of communist ties, the members of the “resistance movement” were actually being “good refugees” as defined by the secret Cold War policies of the Reagan Administration.
Simone de Beauvoir
Margaret A. Simons and Marybeth Timmermann (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036941
- eISBN:
- 9780252097201
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036941.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
This book offers an abundance of newly translated essays by the author that demonstrate a heretofore unknown side of her political philosophy. The book documents and contextualizes the author’s ...
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This book offers an abundance of newly translated essays by the author that demonstrate a heretofore unknown side of her political philosophy. The book documents and contextualizes the author’s thinking, writing, public statements, and activities in the services of causes like French divorce law reform and the rights of women in the Iranian Revolution. It traces nearly three decades of her leftist political engagement, from exposés of conditions in fascist Spain and Portugal in 1945 and hard-hitting attacks on right-wing French intellectuals in the 1950s, to the 1962 defense of an Algerian freedom fighter, Djamila Boupacha, and a 1975 article arguing for what is now called the “two-state solution” in Israel. Together these texts prefigure the author’s later feminist activism and provide a new interpretive context for reading her multi-volume autobiography, while also shedding new light on French intellectual history during the turbulent era of decolonization. The book provides new insights into the author’s complex thinking and illuminates her historic role in linking the movements for sexual freedom, sexual equality, homosexual rights, and women’s rights in France.Less
This book offers an abundance of newly translated essays by the author that demonstrate a heretofore unknown side of her political philosophy. The book documents and contextualizes the author’s thinking, writing, public statements, and activities in the services of causes like French divorce law reform and the rights of women in the Iranian Revolution. It traces nearly three decades of her leftist political engagement, from exposés of conditions in fascist Spain and Portugal in 1945 and hard-hitting attacks on right-wing French intellectuals in the 1950s, to the 1962 defense of an Algerian freedom fighter, Djamila Boupacha, and a 1975 article arguing for what is now called the “two-state solution” in Israel. Together these texts prefigure the author’s later feminist activism and provide a new interpretive context for reading her multi-volume autobiography, while also shedding new light on French intellectual history during the turbulent era of decolonization. The book provides new insights into the author’s complex thinking and illuminates her historic role in linking the movements for sexual freedom, sexual equality, homosexual rights, and women’s rights in France.
Ilona Klein
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780823233588
- eISBN:
- 9780823241811
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823233588.003.0009
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
Published in 1982, “Se non ora, quando?” (If Not Now, When?) is Primo Levi's first novel proper. Perhaps, Primo Levi regretted not fully living life as an Italian Jewish partisan that he re-created ...
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Published in 1982, “Se non ora, quando?” (If Not Now, When?) is Primo Levi's first novel proper. Perhaps, Primo Levi regretted not fully living life as an Italian Jewish partisan that he re-created his lost dream through its pages and had his partisan brigade not been captured. This novel might reflect Levi's need to explore that sought after life as a partisan, which he had been denied after only three months of activity. This chapter proposes that this novel might be read and understood as the “other” story, the narrative of that partisan experience that Levi did not live in full, the story of his destroyed dream as an aspiring freedom fighter against the Nazi and Fascist tragedy. It submits, then, that the narrative of this novel develops the theme of Levi's doppelganger through the discourse of a fictional, projected alter-ego protagonist.Less
Published in 1982, “Se non ora, quando?” (If Not Now, When?) is Primo Levi's first novel proper. Perhaps, Primo Levi regretted not fully living life as an Italian Jewish partisan that he re-created his lost dream through its pages and had his partisan brigade not been captured. This novel might reflect Levi's need to explore that sought after life as a partisan, which he had been denied after only three months of activity. This chapter proposes that this novel might be read and understood as the “other” story, the narrative of that partisan experience that Levi did not live in full, the story of his destroyed dream as an aspiring freedom fighter against the Nazi and Fascist tragedy. It submits, then, that the narrative of this novel develops the theme of Levi's doppelganger through the discourse of a fictional, projected alter-ego protagonist.
Jacob Copeman and Dwaipayan Banerjee
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501745096
- eISBN:
- 9781501745102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501745096.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter enters a neglected corner of Gandhi's political thought—his preoccupation with blood. Here, blood indexed a past and present colonial violence, as well as the future possibility for an ...
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This chapter enters a neglected corner of Gandhi's political thought—his preoccupation with blood. Here, blood indexed a past and present colonial violence, as well as the future possibility for an ascetic transcendence of both politics and the body. The chapter then goes on to discuss how past, present, and future bloodsheds are evoked simultaneously in the iconography of fallen freedom-fighter martyrs. In this genre, heroes of India's independence struggle who shed their blood for the nation are depicted in portraits composed of human blood in the present. This aimed to inspire others to willingness to shed their blood, and that of others, in the future for the nation.Less
This chapter enters a neglected corner of Gandhi's political thought—his preoccupation with blood. Here, blood indexed a past and present colonial violence, as well as the future possibility for an ascetic transcendence of both politics and the body. The chapter then goes on to discuss how past, present, and future bloodsheds are evoked simultaneously in the iconography of fallen freedom-fighter martyrs. In this genre, heroes of India's independence struggle who shed their blood for the nation are depicted in portraits composed of human blood in the present. This aimed to inspire others to willingness to shed their blood, and that of others, in the future for the nation.
Ignacio López-Calvo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032405
- eISBN:
- 9780813039466
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032405.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter discusses three texts in which Chinese Cuban subjectivity can be analyzed from a self-representational point of view. These texts allow readers to explore Chinese Cuban self-perception, ...
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This chapter discusses three texts in which Chinese Cuban subjectivity can be analyzed from a self-representational point of view. These texts allow readers to explore Chinese Cuban self-perception, and the discussion puts particular emphasis on the image of the Chinese as patriotic freedom fighters.Less
This chapter discusses three texts in which Chinese Cuban subjectivity can be analyzed from a self-representational point of view. These texts allow readers to explore Chinese Cuban self-perception, and the discussion puts particular emphasis on the image of the Chinese as patriotic freedom fighters.
Brinsley Samaroo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049090
- eISBN:
- 9780813046693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049090.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter traces the emergence of the Black Power movement in Trinidad and Tobago, arguing that for all its shortcomings, the “February Revolution” of 1970 had a discernible impact on Trinidadian ...
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This chapter traces the emergence of the Black Power movement in Trinidad and Tobago, arguing that for all its shortcomings, the “February Revolution” of 1970 had a discernible impact on Trinidadian politics, society and development. It examines the emergence of the National Union of Freedom Fighters (NUFF), the effect of the Black Power movement on the country's Indian population, and the response of Prime Minister Eric Williams, showing how he used the revolution to push through long-delayed reforms. The Black Power revolution of 1970 can be seen as part of a longer historical struggle for meaningful emancipation.Less
This chapter traces the emergence of the Black Power movement in Trinidad and Tobago, arguing that for all its shortcomings, the “February Revolution” of 1970 had a discernible impact on Trinidadian politics, society and development. It examines the emergence of the National Union of Freedom Fighters (NUFF), the effect of the Black Power movement on the country's Indian population, and the response of Prime Minister Eric Williams, showing how he used the revolution to push through long-delayed reforms. The Black Power revolution of 1970 can be seen as part of a longer historical struggle for meaningful emancipation.
Michael J. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814737484
- eISBN:
- 9780814708279
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814737484.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The men who fought in Napoleon's Grande Armée built a new empire that changed the world. Remarkably, the same men raised arms during the French Revolution for liberté, egalité, and fraternité. In ...
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The men who fought in Napoleon's Grande Armée built a new empire that changed the world. Remarkably, the same men raised arms during the French Revolution for liberté, egalité, and fraternité. In just over a decade, these freedom fighters, who had once struggled to overthrow tyrants, rallied to the side of a man who wanted to dominate Europe. What was behind this drastic change of heart? This book shows how Napoleonic military culture shaped the motivation of Napoleon's soldiers. Relying on extensive archival research and blending cultural and military history, the book demonstrates that the Napoleonic regime incorporated elements from both the Old Regime and French Revolutionary military culture to craft a new military culture, characterized by loyalty to both Napoleon and the preservation of French hegemony in Europe. Underscoring this new, hybrid military culture were five sources of motivation: honor, patriotism, a martial and virile masculinity, devotion to Napoleon, and coercion. The book illustrates how this many-pronged culture gave Napoleon's soldiers reasons to fight.Less
The men who fought in Napoleon's Grande Armée built a new empire that changed the world. Remarkably, the same men raised arms during the French Revolution for liberté, egalité, and fraternité. In just over a decade, these freedom fighters, who had once struggled to overthrow tyrants, rallied to the side of a man who wanted to dominate Europe. What was behind this drastic change of heart? This book shows how Napoleonic military culture shaped the motivation of Napoleon's soldiers. Relying on extensive archival research and blending cultural and military history, the book demonstrates that the Napoleonic regime incorporated elements from both the Old Regime and French Revolutionary military culture to craft a new military culture, characterized by loyalty to both Napoleon and the preservation of French hegemony in Europe. Underscoring this new, hybrid military culture were five sources of motivation: honor, patriotism, a martial and virile masculinity, devotion to Napoleon, and coercion. The book illustrates how this many-pronged culture gave Napoleon's soldiers reasons to fight.
Anthony James Joes
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124377
- eISBN:
- 9780813134833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124377.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The Budapest uprising of 1956 is unique to other similar upheavals in the sense that there was no revolutionary body that organized and directed it. What served as the spark was when the AVH, the ...
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The Budapest uprising of 1956 is unique to other similar upheavals in the sense that there was no revolutionary body that organized and directed it. What served as the spark was when the AVH, the Hungarian State Security Service of the communist regime, shot and killed an estimated 600 unarmed men and women demonstrators at the State Radio Building in October. Anti-communism sentiments were already prevalent among ordinary citizens prior to this incident, although many kept it hidden for fear of retribution. A swelling of support soon came from thousands of people, who were supplied guns and ammunitions by sympathizers in the regular army and the city police, in the days that followed. Realizing that the country's communist regime was in danger, outgoing puppet Prime Minister Hegedus sought Soviet intervention. The two mechanized Soviet divisions sent to Hungary proved inadequate and 11 more divisions followed, including 3,000 tanks, effectively ending the short-lived national uprising.Less
The Budapest uprising of 1956 is unique to other similar upheavals in the sense that there was no revolutionary body that organized and directed it. What served as the spark was when the AVH, the Hungarian State Security Service of the communist regime, shot and killed an estimated 600 unarmed men and women demonstrators at the State Radio Building in October. Anti-communism sentiments were already prevalent among ordinary citizens prior to this incident, although many kept it hidden for fear of retribution. A swelling of support soon came from thousands of people, who were supplied guns and ammunitions by sympathizers in the regular army and the city police, in the days that followed. Realizing that the country's communist regime was in danger, outgoing puppet Prime Minister Hegedus sought Soviet intervention. The two mechanized Soviet divisions sent to Hungary proved inadequate and 11 more divisions followed, including 3,000 tanks, effectively ending the short-lived national uprising.
Detlev F. Vagts and Theodor Meron
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199680252
- eISBN:
- 9780191760181
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680252.003.0016
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
The discussions that have taken place in recent years in the UN General Assembly, in the two Conferences of Government Experts on the Humanitarian Law of War, and in other bodies demonstrate that ...
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The discussions that have taken place in recent years in the UN General Assembly, in the two Conferences of Government Experts on the Humanitarian Law of War, and in other bodies demonstrate that wars of national liberation are thought of in two ways. The first is the waging of hostilities by freedom fighters struggling for liberation and self-determination in territories under colonial domination. The second is resistance activities conducted against unlawful foreign occupation. This chapter discusses the two types of conflicts. It starts by considering the legal background against which consideration of wars of national liberation is taking place.Less
The discussions that have taken place in recent years in the UN General Assembly, in the two Conferences of Government Experts on the Humanitarian Law of War, and in other bodies demonstrate that wars of national liberation are thought of in two ways. The first is the waging of hostilities by freedom fighters struggling for liberation and self-determination in territories under colonial domination. The second is resistance activities conducted against unlawful foreign occupation. This chapter discusses the two types of conflicts. It starts by considering the legal background against which consideration of wars of national liberation is taking place.
Anthony Richards
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198746966
- eISBN:
- 9780191809255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746966.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter outlines the evolution of the definitional debate at the policymaking level, beginning with the League of Nations attempts and culminating in those of the United Nations. It argues that ...
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This chapter outlines the evolution of the definitional debate at the policymaking level, beginning with the League of Nations attempts and culminating in those of the United Nations. It argues that an agreed definition of terrorism remains elusive due to the subjective application of the term and the persistence of the ‘one person’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter’ mantra which, as the author has argued, confuses the goal with the method of terrorism. The inclination of the UN has been to define terrorism as targeting civilians and non-combatants and to seek a definition at least on this basis. The chapter argues, however, that anybody (including combatants) can be victims of terrorism providing they serve as sufficient ‘message generators’, and that moral repugnance against particular forms of the phenomenon (i.e. those that target civilians and non-combatants) should not compromise attempts to reach a general definition of the concept as a whole.Less
This chapter outlines the evolution of the definitional debate at the policymaking level, beginning with the League of Nations attempts and culminating in those of the United Nations. It argues that an agreed definition of terrorism remains elusive due to the subjective application of the term and the persistence of the ‘one person’s terrorist is another’s freedom fighter’ mantra which, as the author has argued, confuses the goal with the method of terrorism. The inclination of the UN has been to define terrorism as targeting civilians and non-combatants and to seek a definition at least on this basis. The chapter argues, however, that anybody (including combatants) can be victims of terrorism providing they serve as sufficient ‘message generators’, and that moral repugnance against particular forms of the phenomenon (i.e. those that target civilians and non-combatants) should not compromise attempts to reach a general definition of the concept as a whole.
L.M. Singhvi
Abhishek Manu Singhvi and Lokendra Malik (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199484164
- eISBN:
- 9780199097012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199484164.003.0026
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In Chapter 25, we have presented Dr Singhvi’s tribute to Shri Krishna Menon. In his tribute Dr Singhvi admired Krishna Menon’s contribution for the country in different capacities including the ...
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In Chapter 25, we have presented Dr Singhvi’s tribute to Shri Krishna Menon. In his tribute Dr Singhvi admired Krishna Menon’s contribution for the country in different capacities including the defence minister. He states that Shri Menon was a great patriot and a freedom fighter to the core.Less
In Chapter 25, we have presented Dr Singhvi’s tribute to Shri Krishna Menon. In his tribute Dr Singhvi admired Krishna Menon’s contribution for the country in different capacities including the defence minister. He states that Shri Menon was a great patriot and a freedom fighter to the core.
Dan Dinello
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781999334024
- eISBN:
- 9781800342507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781999334024.003.0005
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter talks about the underground cadre of militant freedom fighters called the Fishes as the mostconspicuous organized resistance group portrayed in Alfonso Cuarón's Children of Men. It ...
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This chapter talks about the underground cadre of militant freedom fighters called the Fishes as the mostconspicuous organized resistance group portrayed in Alfonso Cuarón's Children of Men. It discusses how Children of Men disparages the Fishes and their mirage of revolution as the film condemns the fascistic actions of Britain — a modern democratic state turned savage. It also analyses how Children of Men rejects the Fishes as a treacherous goon squad, even though their political goal — the liberation of oppressed migrants — is worthy. The chapter examines Children of Men's main protagonist Theo Faron, who resembles the central character Meursault in Albert Camus'most famous novel The Stranger (1942). It mentions how no organized political groups are championed in Children of Men except for the vaguely defined Human Project, noting that the only source of hope for the future is Theo.Less
This chapter talks about the underground cadre of militant freedom fighters called the Fishes as the mostconspicuous organized resistance group portrayed in Alfonso Cuarón's Children of Men. It discusses how Children of Men disparages the Fishes and their mirage of revolution as the film condemns the fascistic actions of Britain — a modern democratic state turned savage. It also analyses how Children of Men rejects the Fishes as a treacherous goon squad, even though their political goal — the liberation of oppressed migrants — is worthy. The chapter examines Children of Men's main protagonist Theo Faron, who resembles the central character Meursault in Albert Camus'most famous novel The Stranger (1942). It mentions how no organized political groups are championed in Children of Men except for the vaguely defined Human Project, noting that the only source of hope for the future is Theo.
Phuong Nguyen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780824855765
- eISBN:
- 9780824875596
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824855765.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
Studies of Vietnamese Americans have traditionally shared a linear assimilationist framework, whereby “good” refugees have successfully moved beyond the Vietnam War while “bad” refugees continue to ...
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Studies of Vietnamese Americans have traditionally shared a linear assimilationist framework, whereby “good” refugees have successfully moved beyond the Vietnam War while “bad” refugees continue to engage in reactionary anti-communist protest. My own research into Little Saigon reveals that both types represented contrasting approaches to winning the postwar. Traditional model minority types tried to validate the South Vietnamese as a people worth fighting for while ultra-nationalist bad refugees imagined themselves as a far more capable fighting force than most Americans wish to remember. Like Greg Dvorak’s paper, this one explores the tensions present in social memory and social amnesia, where exhortations for the diasporic Vietnamese refugees to forget the past really meant they should forget their version of the past. Middle-aged veterans of South Vietnam in particular faced the challenge of maintaining an anti-communist refuge in America in the post-Cold War era where they could construct an identity for themselves contrary to the negative images dominant in Vietnam and the United States.Less
Studies of Vietnamese Americans have traditionally shared a linear assimilationist framework, whereby “good” refugees have successfully moved beyond the Vietnam War while “bad” refugees continue to engage in reactionary anti-communist protest. My own research into Little Saigon reveals that both types represented contrasting approaches to winning the postwar. Traditional model minority types tried to validate the South Vietnamese as a people worth fighting for while ultra-nationalist bad refugees imagined themselves as a far more capable fighting force than most Americans wish to remember. Like Greg Dvorak’s paper, this one explores the tensions present in social memory and social amnesia, where exhortations for the diasporic Vietnamese refugees to forget the past really meant they should forget their version of the past. Middle-aged veterans of South Vietnam in particular faced the challenge of maintaining an anti-communist refuge in America in the post-Cold War era where they could construct an identity for themselves contrary to the negative images dominant in Vietnam and the United States.
Yitzhak Benbaji and Daniel Statman
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- November 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199577194
- eISBN:
- 9780191879548
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
In this chapter we offer some concluding remarks. We point to the limitations of contractarianism, to its advantages over revisionism, and to its practicality. We show that for contractarianism wars ...
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In this chapter we offer some concluding remarks. We point to the limitations of contractarianism, to its advantages over revisionism, and to its practicality. We show that for contractarianism wars are not necessarily ‘moral tragedies’, as they are for revisionists because wars do not necessarily involve unavoidable wrongdoing. According to contractarianism, combatants participating in war can do so without violating the rights of either combatants or civilians of the enemy side. The chapter also shows how even revisionists rely at times on contractualist premises to justify adherence to rules which they regard as unjustified in terms of ‘deep morality’. We also criticize the way this notion is utilized, especially the distinction between ‘deep morality’ and non-deep morality (associated with compliance with the laws of war). The distinction creates the impression that one should give priority to considerations stemming from deep morality over those stemming from shallow morality. But clearly, even revisionists do not assume such a priority—neither in general, nor in the field of war. Finally, the chapter highlights the ‘realist’ aspect of contractarianism, namely, its scepticism about the termination of wars and warfare. This scepticism has to do with the existence of evil individuals and of rogue states, but also with benign self-interest coupled with epistemic shortcomings and a constant suspicion of others. Given this realist assumption, states would be better off agreeing on rules to regulate war that would, on the one hand, facilitate effective self-defence, while on the other, reduce the killing and harm they cause.Less
In this chapter we offer some concluding remarks. We point to the limitations of contractarianism, to its advantages over revisionism, and to its practicality. We show that for contractarianism wars are not necessarily ‘moral tragedies’, as they are for revisionists because wars do not necessarily involve unavoidable wrongdoing. According to contractarianism, combatants participating in war can do so without violating the rights of either combatants or civilians of the enemy side. The chapter also shows how even revisionists rely at times on contractualist premises to justify adherence to rules which they regard as unjustified in terms of ‘deep morality’. We also criticize the way this notion is utilized, especially the distinction between ‘deep morality’ and non-deep morality (associated with compliance with the laws of war). The distinction creates the impression that one should give priority to considerations stemming from deep morality over those stemming from shallow morality. But clearly, even revisionists do not assume such a priority—neither in general, nor in the field of war. Finally, the chapter highlights the ‘realist’ aspect of contractarianism, namely, its scepticism about the termination of wars and warfare. This scepticism has to do with the existence of evil individuals and of rogue states, but also with benign self-interest coupled with epistemic shortcomings and a constant suspicion of others. Given this realist assumption, states would be better off agreeing on rules to regulate war that would, on the one hand, facilitate effective self-defence, while on the other, reduce the killing and harm they cause.
Venu Madhav Govindu and Deepak Malghan
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199460816
- eISBN:
- 9780199087150
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199460816.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter is entirely given over to a study of Kumarappa’s views on Christianity. Kumarappa emerged as the most important Indian Christian nationalist involved in the struggle for swaraj. Although ...
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This chapter is entirely given over to a study of Kumarappa’s views on Christianity. Kumarappa emerged as the most important Indian Christian nationalist involved in the struggle for swaraj. Although a layman, Kumarappa had a sound theological understanding which he deployed to great effect in countering criticism of the nationalist campaigns during the Civil Disobedience period. The chapter also presents Kumarappa’s novel and creative interpretation of the teachings of Jesus in light of Gandhi’s philosophy of Sarvodaya.Less
This chapter is entirely given over to a study of Kumarappa’s views on Christianity. Kumarappa emerged as the most important Indian Christian nationalist involved in the struggle for swaraj. Although a layman, Kumarappa had a sound theological understanding which he deployed to great effect in countering criticism of the nationalist campaigns during the Civil Disobedience period. The chapter also presents Kumarappa’s novel and creative interpretation of the teachings of Jesus in light of Gandhi’s philosophy of Sarvodaya.