The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that ...
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Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was unprepared to deal with the refugee crisis in Kosovo, and that its ability to coordinate the humanitarian response was hampered by lack of funding and coordination, proliferation of NGOs in the field funded directly by their governments and complex relations with the military. Part 2 of the chapter analyses the relationship between the media on one side and NATO, Yugoslav government, and NGOs on the other side. The second part of the chapter concludes by encouraging development of free press and mass media in post‐war Kosovo.Less
Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was unprepared to deal with the refugee crisis in Kosovo, and that its ability to coordinate the humanitarian response was hampered by lack of funding and coordination, proliferation of NGOs in the field funded directly by their governments and complex relations with the military. Part 2 of the chapter analyses the relationship between the media on one side and NATO, Yugoslav government, and NGOs on the other side. The second part of the chapter concludes by encouraging development of free press and mass media in post‐war Kosovo.
Ian McNeely
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520233300
- eISBN:
- 9780520928527
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520233300.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book studies writing in its connection to bureaucracy, citizenship, and the state in Germany. Stitching together micro- and macro-level analysis, it reconstructs the vibrant, textually saturated ...
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This book studies writing in its connection to bureaucracy, citizenship, and the state in Germany. Stitching together micro- and macro-level analysis, it reconstructs the vibrant, textually saturated civic culture of the German southwest in the aftermath of the French Revolution and Napoleon's invasions. The book reveals that Germany's notoriously oppressive bureaucracy, when viewed through the writing practices which were its lifeblood, could also function as a site of citizenship. Citizens, acting under the mediation of powerful local scribes, practiced their freedoms in written engagements with the state. Their communications laid the basis for civil society, showing how social networks commonly associated with the free market, the free press, and the voluntary association could also take root in powerful state institutions.Less
This book studies writing in its connection to bureaucracy, citizenship, and the state in Germany. Stitching together micro- and macro-level analysis, it reconstructs the vibrant, textually saturated civic culture of the German southwest in the aftermath of the French Revolution and Napoleon's invasions. The book reveals that Germany's notoriously oppressive bureaucracy, when viewed through the writing practices which were its lifeblood, could also function as a site of citizenship. Citizens, acting under the mediation of powerful local scribes, practiced their freedoms in written engagements with the state. Their communications laid the basis for civil society, showing how social networks commonly associated with the free market, the free press, and the voluntary association could also take root in powerful state institutions.
Volker R. Berghahn
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179636
- eISBN:
- 9780691185071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179636.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter analyzes the broader context of the three journalists' work in Hamburg as one of several media centers in West Germany. It also explores the question of press freedom during the Cold War ...
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This chapter analyzes the broader context of the three journalists' work in Hamburg as one of several media centers in West Germany. It also explores the question of press freedom during the Cold War and of how far journalists were able to enjoy it. After all, the West German Basic Law guaranteed the freedom to write and speak, within the limits of the law, without fear of being arrested and imprisoned. The Nazi era, when these freedoms had been suppressed, was over. Yet there was another constraint: after the war the Federal Republic, having abolished Nazi regimentation of the press, adopted a capitalist economy. This meant that the ultimate freedom to publish rested with the publishers and owners of a particular paper. This is the legal background of the emergence of a free press in West Germany. Many journalists who had experienced “un-freedom” and brutal censorship during the Nazi period now found themselves in the era of the Cold War, with its new conformist pressures, which were personified by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, for he in many ways embodied the autocratic style that continued to pervade post-1945 West German political culture.Less
This chapter analyzes the broader context of the three journalists' work in Hamburg as one of several media centers in West Germany. It also explores the question of press freedom during the Cold War and of how far journalists were able to enjoy it. After all, the West German Basic Law guaranteed the freedom to write and speak, within the limits of the law, without fear of being arrested and imprisoned. The Nazi era, when these freedoms had been suppressed, was over. Yet there was another constraint: after the war the Federal Republic, having abolished Nazi regimentation of the press, adopted a capitalist economy. This meant that the ultimate freedom to publish rested with the publishers and owners of a particular paper. This is the legal background of the emergence of a free press in West Germany. Many journalists who had experienced “un-freedom” and brutal censorship during the Nazi period now found themselves in the era of the Cold War, with its new conformist pressures, which were personified by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, for he in many ways embodied the autocratic style that continued to pervade post-1945 West German political culture.
Beth Knobel
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780823279333
- eISBN:
- 9780823281404
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823279333.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Perhaps no other function of a free press is as important as the watchdog role. It is easier for politicians to get away with abusing power, wasting public funds, and making poor decisions if the ...
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Perhaps no other function of a free press is as important as the watchdog role. It is easier for politicians to get away with abusing power, wasting public funds, and making poor decisions if the press is not shining its light with what is termed “accountability reporting.” This need has become especially clear as the American press has come under direct attack for carrying out its watchdog duties. This book presents a study of how this most important form of journalism came of age in the digital era at American newspapers. The book examines the front pages of nine newspapers, located across the United States, for clues on how papers addressed the watchdog role as the advent of the Internet transformed journalism. It shows how papers of varying sizes and ownership structures around the country marshaled resources for accountability reporting despite significant financial and technological challenges. Although the American newspaper industry contracted significantly during the 1990s and 2000s due to the digital transformation, the data collected in this book shows that the papers held fast to the watchdog role. The newspapers all endured budget and staff cuts during the 20 years studied as paid circulation and advertising dropped, but the amount of deep watchdog reporting on their front pages generally increased over this time. The book contains interviews with editors of the newspapers studied, who explain why they are staking their papers' futures on the one thing that American newspapers still do better than any other segment of the media—watchdog and investigative reporting.Less
Perhaps no other function of a free press is as important as the watchdog role. It is easier for politicians to get away with abusing power, wasting public funds, and making poor decisions if the press is not shining its light with what is termed “accountability reporting.” This need has become especially clear as the American press has come under direct attack for carrying out its watchdog duties. This book presents a study of how this most important form of journalism came of age in the digital era at American newspapers. The book examines the front pages of nine newspapers, located across the United States, for clues on how papers addressed the watchdog role as the advent of the Internet transformed journalism. It shows how papers of varying sizes and ownership structures around the country marshaled resources for accountability reporting despite significant financial and technological challenges. Although the American newspaper industry contracted significantly during the 1990s and 2000s due to the digital transformation, the data collected in this book shows that the papers held fast to the watchdog role. The newspapers all endured budget and staff cuts during the 20 years studied as paid circulation and advertising dropped, but the amount of deep watchdog reporting on their front pages generally increased over this time. The book contains interviews with editors of the newspapers studied, who explain why they are staking their papers' futures on the one thing that American newspapers still do better than any other segment of the media—watchdog and investigative reporting.
Timothy Zick
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- October 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190073992
- eISBN:
- 9780190074029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073992.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses the fragility and necessity of a free and independent press. It places the Press Clause of the First Amendment in a historical and constitutional perspective, and considers ...
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This chapter discusses the fragility and necessity of a free and independent press. It places the Press Clause of the First Amendment in a historical and constitutional perspective, and considers both the core functions and the occasional excesses of the institutional press. President Trump is not the first chief executive to attack and challenge the institutional press. However, his attacks have been uniquely pervasive and public. The president’s “war” on the press has raised serious questions about the prospect for preserving a free and independent press. The chapter argues that despite its excesses, the institutional press is both necessary to a functioning democracy and, for a number of reasons, precariously positioned to fail.Less
This chapter discusses the fragility and necessity of a free and independent press. It places the Press Clause of the First Amendment in a historical and constitutional perspective, and considers both the core functions and the occasional excesses of the institutional press. President Trump is not the first chief executive to attack and challenge the institutional press. However, his attacks have been uniquely pervasive and public. The president’s “war” on the press has raised serious questions about the prospect for preserving a free and independent press. The chapter argues that despite its excesses, the institutional press is both necessary to a functioning democracy and, for a number of reasons, precariously positioned to fail.
Emily Roxworthy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824832209
- eISBN:
- 9780824869359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824832209.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This chapter explores the self-conscious construction of Japanese American identities and the internment experience in the internee-run Manzanar Free Press, which epitomized the camp newspapers ...
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This chapter explores the self-conscious construction of Japanese American identities and the internment experience in the internee-run Manzanar Free Press, which epitomized the camp newspapers independently published in each of the ten relocation centers. In the face of political spectacularization and racist media slander, internee journalists drew attention to a “spectacle-archive,” recording the ambivalent scrutiny imposed upon them from all sides. At the same time, internees staged intercultural performing arts festivals that defied the U.S. government’s mono-Americanist assimilation policy, which pitted second-generation Nisei against their “Japanesey” Issei parents and criminalized displays of Japanese culture. For internee audiences these intercultural performances made visible the contradictions of American racial performativity. Unfortunately, the fact that this performed resistance lives on mainly through embodied memory has meant that progressive narratives of America’s triumph over adversity—epitomized by the U.S. National Park Service’s celebration of internees’ festivity at Manzanar National Historic Site—have appropriated only the “model minority” interpretation of camp performing arts as rehearsals for assimilation and accommodationist endorsements of U.S. policy.Less
This chapter explores the self-conscious construction of Japanese American identities and the internment experience in the internee-run Manzanar Free Press, which epitomized the camp newspapers independently published in each of the ten relocation centers. In the face of political spectacularization and racist media slander, internee journalists drew attention to a “spectacle-archive,” recording the ambivalent scrutiny imposed upon them from all sides. At the same time, internees staged intercultural performing arts festivals that defied the U.S. government’s mono-Americanist assimilation policy, which pitted second-generation Nisei against their “Japanesey” Issei parents and criminalized displays of Japanese culture. For internee audiences these intercultural performances made visible the contradictions of American racial performativity. Unfortunately, the fact that this performed resistance lives on mainly through embodied memory has meant that progressive narratives of America’s triumph over adversity—epitomized by the U.S. National Park Service’s celebration of internees’ festivity at Manzanar National Historic Site—have appropriated only the “model minority” interpretation of camp performing arts as rehearsals for assimilation and accommodationist endorsements of U.S. policy.
Wendell Bird
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- April 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197509197
- eISBN:
- 9780197509227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197509197.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
The narrow understanding of freedoms of press and speech, adopted by Sir William Blackstone and Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, defined those freedoms as no more than liberty from a government-issued ...
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The narrow understanding of freedoms of press and speech, adopted by Sir William Blackstone and Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, defined those freedoms as no more than liberty from a government-issued license or other prior restraint, with no liberty from punishment of sentiments once printed or spoken. In doing that, the last volume of Blackstone’s Commentaries in 1769 summarized a narrow common law definition of freedoms of press and speech that did not exist in common law. Mansfield’s decisions introduced a similar definition into the common law for the first time the year after that. Besides describing a new definition as ancient, both Blackstone and Mansfield described the related framework for prosecuting sedition as being ancient and universally accepted, when in fact it was a collection of unique rules adopted and manufactured seventy years before and recently revised. Blackstone and Mansfield were not declaring ancient law but were creating new law.Less
The narrow understanding of freedoms of press and speech, adopted by Sir William Blackstone and Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, defined those freedoms as no more than liberty from a government-issued license or other prior restraint, with no liberty from punishment of sentiments once printed or spoken. In doing that, the last volume of Blackstone’s Commentaries in 1769 summarized a narrow common law definition of freedoms of press and speech that did not exist in common law. Mansfield’s decisions introduced a similar definition into the common law for the first time the year after that. Besides describing a new definition as ancient, both Blackstone and Mansfield described the related framework for prosecuting sedition as being ancient and universally accepted, when in fact it was a collection of unique rules adopted and manufactured seventy years before and recently revised. Blackstone and Mansfield were not declaring ancient law but were creating new law.
Beth Knobel
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780823279333
- eISBN:
- 9780823281404
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823279333.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter discusses the erosion of the newspaper business and presents arguments as to why the free press is important, even in the Internet age. It also details the research behind this volume, ...
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This chapter discusses the erosion of the newspaper business and presents arguments as to why the free press is important, even in the Internet age. It also details the research behind this volume, and argues that no other function of a free press is as important as its ability to monitor the work of the government. The presence of a vibrant press to monitor government is not just important on the micro level but is essential to the proper functioning of our democracy. In fact, the work of the news media is valued because it helps empower the “public sphere,” meaning a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. Here, the public sphere is not just a virtual or imagined place to discuss public affairs, but it is also a mechanism to enable citizens to influence social action.Less
This chapter discusses the erosion of the newspaper business and presents arguments as to why the free press is important, even in the Internet age. It also details the research behind this volume, and argues that no other function of a free press is as important as its ability to monitor the work of the government. The presence of a vibrant press to monitor government is not just important on the micro level but is essential to the proper functioning of our democracy. In fact, the work of the news media is valued because it helps empower the “public sphere,” meaning a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. Here, the public sphere is not just a virtual or imagined place to discuss public affairs, but it is also a mechanism to enable citizens to influence social action.
Craig Aaron and Timothy Karr
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780823271641
- eISBN:
- 9780823271696
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823271641.003.0007
- Subject:
- Information Science, Communications
Since its inception Free Press has strived to create a world where people have the information and opportunities they need to tell their own stories, hold leaders accountable, and actively ...
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Since its inception Free Press has strived to create a world where people have the information and opportunities they need to tell their own stories, hold leaders accountable, and actively participate in policymaking. Progress on any important issue will be impossible without changes to the policies, laws and politics that created the media we have now. The only way to make such changes is by creating a broad, popular movement for media reform. To mobilize this movement Free Press uses an outside-in approach. For its Net Neutrality campaign Free Press relied upon the expertise and credibility of its “inside” experts, lawyers, researchers and advocates, while simultaneously mobilizing hundreds of organizational allies and millions of “outside” activists to sign petitions, call Congress and attend FCC hearings and local rallies. Though vastly outnumbered on Capitol Hill—and absent at industry cocktail parties at campaign fundraisers—Free Press has worked to connect with key congressional staffers, educate “grasstops” leaders, and conducted independent research and analysis. Whether working for Internet freedom in the U.S. or abroad, advocates won’t be able to enact the right policies unless we can motivate and mobilize millions of people to take up the larger cause.Less
Since its inception Free Press has strived to create a world where people have the information and opportunities they need to tell their own stories, hold leaders accountable, and actively participate in policymaking. Progress on any important issue will be impossible without changes to the policies, laws and politics that created the media we have now. The only way to make such changes is by creating a broad, popular movement for media reform. To mobilize this movement Free Press uses an outside-in approach. For its Net Neutrality campaign Free Press relied upon the expertise and credibility of its “inside” experts, lawyers, researchers and advocates, while simultaneously mobilizing hundreds of organizational allies and millions of “outside” activists to sign petitions, call Congress and attend FCC hearings and local rallies. Though vastly outnumbered on Capitol Hill—and absent at industry cocktail parties at campaign fundraisers—Free Press has worked to connect with key congressional staffers, educate “grasstops” leaders, and conducted independent research and analysis. Whether working for Internet freedom in the U.S. or abroad, advocates won’t be able to enact the right policies unless we can motivate and mobilize millions of people to take up the larger cause.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226240664
- eISBN:
- 9780226240749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226240749.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter begins by briefly addressing the question of whether democracy requires the protection of free expression. It then discusses the dimensions of free expression. Most American colonists ...
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This chapter begins by briefly addressing the question of whether democracy requires the protection of free expression. It then discusses the dimensions of free expression. Most American colonists considered themselves Englishmen, and as such, believed they had inherited the rights and liberties of all Englishmen. The chapter also considers the extent to which free expression, including speech and press, was protected in England. It argues that the American colonists inherited from the English the legal restrictions on expression, commensurate with a form of (English) republican government, as well as the traditions of dissent and suppression. Not only did the English law punishing speech apply in the colonies, but many colonies adopted additional laws to restrict expression.Less
This chapter begins by briefly addressing the question of whether democracy requires the protection of free expression. It then discusses the dimensions of free expression. Most American colonists considered themselves Englishmen, and as such, believed they had inherited the rights and liberties of all Englishmen. The chapter also considers the extent to which free expression, including speech and press, was protected in England. It argues that the American colonists inherited from the English the legal restrictions on expression, commensurate with a form of (English) republican government, as well as the traditions of dissent and suppression. Not only did the English law punishing speech apply in the colonies, but many colonies adopted additional laws to restrict expression.
Mike Ananny
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780262037747
- eISBN:
- 9780262345828
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262037747.001.0001
- Subject:
- Information Science, Communications
This book offers a new way to think about freedom of the press in a time when media systems are in fundamental flux. The book challenges the idea that press freedom comes only from heroic, lone ...
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This book offers a new way to think about freedom of the press in a time when media systems are in fundamental flux. The book challenges the idea that press freedom comes only from heroic, lone journalists who speak truth to power. Instead, drawing on journalism studies, institutional sociology, political theory, science and technology studies, and an analysis of ten years of journalism discourse about news and technology, the book argues that press freedom emerges from social, technological, institutional, and normative forces that vie for power and fight for visions of democratic life. It shows how dominant, historical ideals of professionalized press freedom often mistook journalistic freedom from constraints for the public's freedom to encounter the rich mix of people and ideas that self-governance requires. The book's notion of press freedom ensures not only an individual right to speak, but also a public right to hear. Seeing press freedom as essential for democratic self-governance, the book explores what publics need, what kind of free press they should demand, and how today's press freedom emerges from intertwined collections of humans and machines. If someone says, “The public needs a free press,” the book urges us to ask in response, “What kind of public, what kind of freedom, and what kind of press?” Answering these questions shows what robust, self-governing publics need to demand of technologists and journalists alike.Less
This book offers a new way to think about freedom of the press in a time when media systems are in fundamental flux. The book challenges the idea that press freedom comes only from heroic, lone journalists who speak truth to power. Instead, drawing on journalism studies, institutional sociology, political theory, science and technology studies, and an analysis of ten years of journalism discourse about news and technology, the book argues that press freedom emerges from social, technological, institutional, and normative forces that vie for power and fight for visions of democratic life. It shows how dominant, historical ideals of professionalized press freedom often mistook journalistic freedom from constraints for the public's freedom to encounter the rich mix of people and ideas that self-governance requires. The book's notion of press freedom ensures not only an individual right to speak, but also a public right to hear. Seeing press freedom as essential for democratic self-governance, the book explores what publics need, what kind of free press they should demand, and how today's press freedom emerges from intertwined collections of humans and machines. If someone says, “The public needs a free press,” the book urges us to ask in response, “What kind of public, what kind of freedom, and what kind of press?” Answering these questions shows what robust, self-governing publics need to demand of technologists and journalists alike.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804745789
- eISBN:
- 9780804763271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804745789.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Intellectual Property, IT, and Media Law
This chapter proposes that the First Amendment should be uncoupled from the early-twentieth-century mindset that conditions its current interpretation, and that constitutional law should return to ...
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This chapter proposes that the First Amendment should be uncoupled from the early-twentieth-century mindset that conditions its current interpretation, and that constitutional law should return to the founding era's predominant understanding of the amendment as a ban on the exercise of a certain power rather than as a guarantee of individual liberty. It argues that the First Amendment would make more sense in relation to constitutional law if the amendment were thought of as a structural provision defining the scope of federal power and not, or not primarily, as a provision protecting individual liberty. It proposes to read the free speech and free press clauses as denials of power to Congress, and to give that denial its full textual force.Less
This chapter proposes that the First Amendment should be uncoupled from the early-twentieth-century mindset that conditions its current interpretation, and that constitutional law should return to the founding era's predominant understanding of the amendment as a ban on the exercise of a certain power rather than as a guarantee of individual liberty. It argues that the First Amendment would make more sense in relation to constitutional law if the amendment were thought of as a structural provision defining the scope of federal power and not, or not primarily, as a provision protecting individual liberty. It proposes to read the free speech and free press clauses as denials of power to Congress, and to give that denial its full textual force.
Iain Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474453134
- eISBN:
- 9781474481182
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474453134.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
Chapter Two considers Martineau’s American visit, the ways in which the three books she wrote out of it depict the role of education and a free press in the formation of American democracy, and the ...
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Chapter Two considers Martineau’s American visit, the ways in which the three books she wrote out of it depict the role of education and a free press in the formation of American democracy, and the critical reception they received on both sides of the Atlantic. By contrast with the dichotomous readings of a nation divided between North and South along the lines of slave-ownership that have been the norm in studies of her visit, this chapter argues that the American books offer a more nuanced analysis of a society whose regional variations are most fully understood in terms of the extent to which they either have developed or constrained the development of a free press and a print culture that facilitates the evolution and implementation of liberal ideals. It pays particular attention to Martineau’s representation of the western states and, above all, Cincinnati, which she portrays as an exemplar of economic and moral stadial progress and as a counter to Boston, for her the ‘city of cant’ and an unexpected bastion of resistance to liberal change. Finally, the chapter shows how Martineau returned home committed to finding ways in which her work could participate in and contribute to America’s continuing advance and, in particular, focused upon prospective roles for herself in supporting the interwoven causes of abolitionism and of women’s ability to become agents of social progress.Less
Chapter Two considers Martineau’s American visit, the ways in which the three books she wrote out of it depict the role of education and a free press in the formation of American democracy, and the critical reception they received on both sides of the Atlantic. By contrast with the dichotomous readings of a nation divided between North and South along the lines of slave-ownership that have been the norm in studies of her visit, this chapter argues that the American books offer a more nuanced analysis of a society whose regional variations are most fully understood in terms of the extent to which they either have developed or constrained the development of a free press and a print culture that facilitates the evolution and implementation of liberal ideals. It pays particular attention to Martineau’s representation of the western states and, above all, Cincinnati, which she portrays as an exemplar of economic and moral stadial progress and as a counter to Boston, for her the ‘city of cant’ and an unexpected bastion of resistance to liberal change. Finally, the chapter shows how Martineau returned home committed to finding ways in which her work could participate in and contribute to America’s continuing advance and, in particular, focused upon prospective roles for herself in supporting the interwoven causes of abolitionism and of women’s ability to become agents of social progress.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804745789
- eISBN:
- 9780804763271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804745789.003.0013
- Subject:
- Law, Intellectual Property, IT, and Media Law
This chapter proposes that the First Amendment be read absolutely, in keeping with its first and most obvious meaning: that Congress shall make no law abridging freedom of speech or of the press by ...
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This chapter proposes that the First Amendment be read absolutely, in keeping with its first and most obvious meaning: that Congress shall make no law abridging freedom of speech or of the press by conferring monopolies in expression that otherwise would belong to the universe of discourses in which all are free to share and share alike. In at least this sense, “no law” should mean no law. It discusses the shape that intellectual property doctrines assume when reassessed against the constraints imposed by an absolute First Amendment.Less
This chapter proposes that the First Amendment be read absolutely, in keeping with its first and most obvious meaning: that Congress shall make no law abridging freedom of speech or of the press by conferring monopolies in expression that otherwise would belong to the universe of discourses in which all are free to share and share alike. In at least this sense, “no law” should mean no law. It discusses the shape that intellectual property doctrines assume when reassessed against the constraints imposed by an absolute First Amendment.
Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748668878
- eISBN:
- 9780748695218
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748668878.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Explaining the reputation of the left for failure helps make credible the idea of its success. The relative absence of a free press in America meant little credit was given to the left for its ...
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Explaining the reputation of the left for failure helps make credible the idea of its success. The relative absence of a free press in America meant little credit was given to the left for its successes. The tendency of conservatives to exaggerate the potency of the left helped to balance this. But the left’s tendency to minimize its own achievements had an impact on its reputation both at home and abroad.Less
Explaining the reputation of the left for failure helps make credible the idea of its success. The relative absence of a free press in America meant little credit was given to the left for its successes. The tendency of conservatives to exaggerate the potency of the left helped to balance this. But the left’s tendency to minimize its own achievements had an impact on its reputation both at home and abroad.
Timothy Zick
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- October 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190073992
- eISBN:
- 9780190074029
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073992.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This book examines challenges to the First Amendment during the Trump Era. The Trump Era is characterized first and foremost by a president who has publicly challenged First Amendment free speech and ...
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This book examines challenges to the First Amendment during the Trump Era. The Trump Era is characterized first and foremost by a president who has publicly challenged First Amendment free speech and press principles, norms, and rights. Candidate and now President Trump has declared “war” on the institutional press, publicly condemned individual protesters, blocked Twitter critics, made derogatory comments about race and gender, and exhibited a general intolerance of criticism and dissent. These events have transpired in an era also characterized by a diminished institutional press, mass digitization of speech, generational uncertainty about the benefits of freedom of speech, deepening social and cultural cleavages, the rise of intense and negative partisanship, and the proliferation of hateful expression. Together, these conditions pose serious threats to our First Amendment traditions concerning freedom of press and speech. In particular, they pose a distinctive threat to the creation and preservation of a culture of dissent, without which democracy itself is imperiled. Although some of the era’s conditions and challenges are new, many of the First Amendment concerns they raise are not. The book thus looks to historical events to highlight both what is unique about the Trump Era and what is historically familiar. In terms of rebuffing authoritarian impulses and resisting pressures to conform, the lessons of the past point the way forward.Less
This book examines challenges to the First Amendment during the Trump Era. The Trump Era is characterized first and foremost by a president who has publicly challenged First Amendment free speech and press principles, norms, and rights. Candidate and now President Trump has declared “war” on the institutional press, publicly condemned individual protesters, blocked Twitter critics, made derogatory comments about race and gender, and exhibited a general intolerance of criticism and dissent. These events have transpired in an era also characterized by a diminished institutional press, mass digitization of speech, generational uncertainty about the benefits of freedom of speech, deepening social and cultural cleavages, the rise of intense and negative partisanship, and the proliferation of hateful expression. Together, these conditions pose serious threats to our First Amendment traditions concerning freedom of press and speech. In particular, they pose a distinctive threat to the creation and preservation of a culture of dissent, without which democracy itself is imperiled. Although some of the era’s conditions and challenges are new, many of the First Amendment concerns they raise are not. The book thus looks to historical events to highlight both what is unique about the Trump Era and what is historically familiar. In terms of rebuffing authoritarian impulses and resisting pressures to conform, the lessons of the past point the way forward.
Jose V. Fuentecilla
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037580
- eISBN:
- 9780252095092
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037580.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter details the continuous lobbying and organizing efforts of political exiles as well as their efforts to draw attention to their anti-Marcos and anti-martial law rhetoric. Reflecting their ...
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This chapter details the continuous lobbying and organizing efforts of political exiles as well as their efforts to draw attention to their anti-Marcos and anti-martial law rhetoric. Reflecting their bias for a free press and scorn for the controlled press in the Philippines, the major U.S. media consistently gave the exiles favorable coverage. By and large, the exiles had won the media war in the United States against the regime. The generally critical attitude of the U.S. media acutely troubled Mrs. Marcos. She summoned the American ambassador, Michael Armacost, to express her husband's “anxieties about his upcoming [1982] visit to the USA.” The regime countered as best as it could. During the first year of martial law, it ran colorful multipage spreads in influential U.S. business magazines such as Fortune and Business Week. The message: there was a new, much better investment climate in the country, and it was a safe tourist destination.Less
This chapter details the continuous lobbying and organizing efforts of political exiles as well as their efforts to draw attention to their anti-Marcos and anti-martial law rhetoric. Reflecting their bias for a free press and scorn for the controlled press in the Philippines, the major U.S. media consistently gave the exiles favorable coverage. By and large, the exiles had won the media war in the United States against the regime. The generally critical attitude of the U.S. media acutely troubled Mrs. Marcos. She summoned the American ambassador, Michael Armacost, to express her husband's “anxieties about his upcoming [1982] visit to the USA.” The regime countered as best as it could. During the first year of martial law, it ran colorful multipage spreads in influential U.S. business magazines such as Fortune and Business Week. The message: there was a new, much better investment climate in the country, and it was a safe tourist destination.
Timothy Zick
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- October 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190073992
- eISBN:
- 9780190074029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073992.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the concept of “sedition” and efforts to suppress dissent and disloyalty. President Adams used the Sedition Act of 1798 to prosecute and jail his critics and political ...
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This chapter examines the concept of “sedition” and efforts to suppress dissent and disloyalty. President Adams used the Sedition Act of 1798 to prosecute and jail his critics and political opponents. That episode ultimately revealed the “central meaning of the First Amendment”—that Americans must be free to criticize their public officials, even if that criticism is often caustic and unpleasant. Federal and state officials have not proposed reviving the crime of seditious libel. However, several critics of the Trump administration have come under fire and suffered tangible consequences for openly criticizing the president and the Trump administration. As in prior eras, recent efforts to punish sedition and disloyalty pose serious threats to democratic self-government and political discourse.Less
This chapter examines the concept of “sedition” and efforts to suppress dissent and disloyalty. President Adams used the Sedition Act of 1798 to prosecute and jail his critics and political opponents. That episode ultimately revealed the “central meaning of the First Amendment”—that Americans must be free to criticize their public officials, even if that criticism is often caustic and unpleasant. Federal and state officials have not proposed reviving the crime of seditious libel. However, several critics of the Trump administration have come under fire and suffered tangible consequences for openly criticizing the president and the Trump administration. As in prior eras, recent efforts to punish sedition and disloyalty pose serious threats to democratic self-government and political discourse.
Jean W. Cash
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604739800
- eISBN:
- 9781604739862
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604739800.003.0016
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
This chapter discusses Larry Brown’s death and his novel A Miracle of Catfish. Mary Annie Brown, in the wake of Larry’s death, sent the unfinished manuscript of the novel to the Free Press via her ...
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This chapter discusses Larry Brown’s death and his novel A Miracle of Catfish. Mary Annie Brown, in the wake of Larry’s death, sent the unfinished manuscript of the novel to the Free Press via her late husband’s agent, Liz Darhansoff. With the author unable to promote the book, the press was not enthusiastic about publishing the novel, and Mary Annie asked to have the manuscript returned. She thought of submitting it to Shannon Ravenel; she “just felt like with this book, Larry needed to go back home to Algonquin.” Ravenel liked the novel but hated the “silliness” of the chapter titles. She felt that Brown had created them just to have fun as he wrote, but “what’s not silly is the novel’s overriding insistence on the importance of fatherhood.”Less
This chapter discusses Larry Brown’s death and his novel A Miracle of Catfish. Mary Annie Brown, in the wake of Larry’s death, sent the unfinished manuscript of the novel to the Free Press via her late husband’s agent, Liz Darhansoff. With the author unable to promote the book, the press was not enthusiastic about publishing the novel, and Mary Annie asked to have the manuscript returned. She thought of submitting it to Shannon Ravenel; she “just felt like with this book, Larry needed to go back home to Algonquin.” Ravenel liked the novel but hated the “silliness” of the chapter titles. She felt that Brown had created them just to have fun as he wrote, but “what’s not silly is the novel’s overriding insistence on the importance of fatherhood.”
Lindsey A. Freeman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622378
- eISBN:
- 9781469623177
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622378.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Science, Technology and Environment
This chapter describes a particular form of democracy at play in Oak Ridge. Workers who arrived in Oak Ridge had been recruited in the name of freedom and democracy, yet paradoxically they found ...
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This chapter describes a particular form of democracy at play in Oak Ridge. Workers who arrived in Oak Ridge had been recruited in the name of freedom and democracy, yet paradoxically they found themselves inside a restrictive federal reservation surrounded by barbed wire, armed guards, and monitored gates. There were also no local elections, no free press, and no freedom of assembly. Workers were even forbidden to keep a journal that mentioned anything about Oak Ridge. Moreover, the workers were not supposed to share any information about their job with their co-workers or even their spouses. Thus, letters were heavily censored, and lie-detector tests were commonly employed.Less
This chapter describes a particular form of democracy at play in Oak Ridge. Workers who arrived in Oak Ridge had been recruited in the name of freedom and democracy, yet paradoxically they found themselves inside a restrictive federal reservation surrounded by barbed wire, armed guards, and monitored gates. There were also no local elections, no free press, and no freedom of assembly. Workers were even forbidden to keep a journal that mentioned anything about Oak Ridge. Moreover, the workers were not supposed to share any information about their job with their co-workers or even their spouses. Thus, letters were heavily censored, and lie-detector tests were commonly employed.