Maarten A. Hajer
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281671
- eISBN:
- 9780191713132
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281671.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Mediatic representation has become an integral part of politics and policy. The dominance of incident-oriented media formats has led students of politics and media to fear a trend of ‘dumbing down’: ...
More
Mediatic representation has become an integral part of politics and policy. The dominance of incident-oriented media formats has led students of politics and media to fear a trend of ‘dumbing down’: the privileging of style over content. This book takes issue with the ‘dumbing down’ thesis both on theoretical and empirical grounds. In particular it investigates how an authoritative governance is possible in crisis-ridden circumstances in a mediatized environment. Maarten Hajer comes up with a communicative understanding of authority, creating a new basis for an authoritative governance in a world marked by political and institutional fragmentation. Extending his discourse-analytical framework, Hajer uses both discursive and dramaturgical methods to study policy makers in their struggle for authority. Three elaborate case studies provide a wealth of details of the dynamics of authority in today's mediatized polity and the peculiar role of crisis and incidents in this. The message of the book is that in the age of mediatization governance needs to be performed. Hajer illuminates contours of a new authoritative governance that encompass different elements than usually get represented in the media or indeed in textbooks on media studies, public policy, or governance. The book shows new ways to recombine traditional government of standing institutions to notions of network governance. The book thus provides new ideas about authoritative governance which is based on the need to actively create relations with a variety of publics.Less
Mediatic representation has become an integral part of politics and policy. The dominance of incident-oriented media formats has led students of politics and media to fear a trend of ‘dumbing down’: the privileging of style over content. This book takes issue with the ‘dumbing down’ thesis both on theoretical and empirical grounds. In particular it investigates how an authoritative governance is possible in crisis-ridden circumstances in a mediatized environment. Maarten Hajer comes up with a communicative understanding of authority, creating a new basis for an authoritative governance in a world marked by political and institutional fragmentation. Extending his discourse-analytical framework, Hajer uses both discursive and dramaturgical methods to study policy makers in their struggle for authority. Three elaborate case studies provide a wealth of details of the dynamics of authority in today's mediatized polity and the peculiar role of crisis and incidents in this. The message of the book is that in the age of mediatization governance needs to be performed. Hajer illuminates contours of a new authoritative governance that encompass different elements than usually get represented in the media or indeed in textbooks on media studies, public policy, or governance. The book shows new ways to recombine traditional government of standing institutions to notions of network governance. The book thus provides new ideas about authoritative governance which is based on the need to actively create relations with a variety of publics.
Benjamin Reilly
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286874
- eISBN:
- 9780191713156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286874.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In examining the relationship between political reform and the redesign of Asia-Pacific electoral systems, this chapter argues that many of the political reforms undertaken across the region in ...
More
In examining the relationship between political reform and the redesign of Asia-Pacific electoral systems, this chapter argues that many of the political reforms undertaken across the region in recent years have, at their heart, the objective of promoting the development of more aggregative, centrist, and stable politics by encouraging cohesive political parties and limiting party fragmentation. It also highlights several distinctive patterns of electoral reform across the region, including the increasing prevalence of ‘mixed member’ systems in Asia; the spread of alternative vote systems in the Pacific Islands; the distinctively majoritarian nature of these reform trends; and the increasing willingness of many Asian and Pacific states to borrow from each other in the search for appropriate models of electoral system design.Less
In examining the relationship between political reform and the redesign of Asia-Pacific electoral systems, this chapter argues that many of the political reforms undertaken across the region in recent years have, at their heart, the objective of promoting the development of more aggregative, centrist, and stable politics by encouraging cohesive political parties and limiting party fragmentation. It also highlights several distinctive patterns of electoral reform across the region, including the increasing prevalence of ‘mixed member’ systems in Asia; the spread of alternative vote systems in the Pacific Islands; the distinctively majoritarian nature of these reform trends; and the increasing willingness of many Asian and Pacific states to borrow from each other in the search for appropriate models of electoral system design.
Erich Vranes
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199562787
- eISBN:
- 9780191705366
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562787.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, EU Law
This book deals with a central topic in general international law, WTO law, and international environmental law, namely the relevance of the WTO legal system for environmental protection. The ...
More
This book deals with a central topic in general international law, WTO law, and international environmental law, namely the relevance of the WTO legal system for environmental protection. The relationship between WTO law and international and domestic efforts to protect the environment has moved to centre stage in WTO and international environmental law. It has also spurred the discussion on fragmentation in international law in recent years. This book analyses these issues by examining the ‘horizontal’ interaction between WTO law and ‘other’ international law, the ‘vertical’ relationship between WTO law and domestic law, and the contents of and interrelations between fundamental provisions of WTO law. This study relies on established insights from legal theory in order to achieve greater clarity in legal argumentation. The main results of this analysis are applied to two topical instances of international regime interplay, namely the relevance of WTO law for international and domestic measures protecting the earth's climate and the ozone layer. A series of controversial topics in WTO and general international law are addressed in this book such as the notion of conflicts of norms and the resolution of conflicts of norms; the role of international law in WTO proceedings; extraterritorial jurisdiction and unilateral trade measures; proportionality and balancing of interests in international and WTO law; the core disciplines of the GATT and the TBT Agreement; process and production-based measures (PPMs) in WTO law; and climate protection, protection of the ozone layer, and WTO disciplines. Less
This book deals with a central topic in general international law, WTO law, and international environmental law, namely the relevance of the WTO legal system for environmental protection. The relationship between WTO law and international and domestic efforts to protect the environment has moved to centre stage in WTO and international environmental law. It has also spurred the discussion on fragmentation in international law in recent years. This book analyses these issues by examining the ‘horizontal’ interaction between WTO law and ‘other’ international law, the ‘vertical’ relationship between WTO law and domestic law, and the contents of and interrelations between fundamental provisions of WTO law. This study relies on established insights from legal theory in order to achieve greater clarity in legal argumentation. The main results of this analysis are applied to two topical instances of international regime interplay, namely the relevance of WTO law for international and domestic measures protecting the earth's climate and the ozone layer. A series of controversial topics in WTO and general international law are addressed in this book such as the notion of conflicts of norms and the resolution of conflicts of norms; the role of international law in WTO proceedings; extraterritorial jurisdiction and unilateral trade measures; proportionality and balancing of interests in international and WTO law; the core disciplines of the GATT and the TBT Agreement; process and production-based measures (PPMs) in WTO law; and climate protection, protection of the ozone layer, and WTO disciplines.
Stephen Gaukroger
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594931
- eISBN:
- 9780191595745
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594931.003.0014
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Science, General
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the elevated place natural philosophy had achieved remained secure, and indeed was reinforced as naturalization became a dominant explanatory strategy. On the ...
More
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the elevated place natural philosophy had achieved remained secure, and indeed was reinforced as naturalization became a dominant explanatory strategy. On the other hand, those features of natural philosophy that had been considered, most notably by mechanists, to mark it out as a cognitive paradigm in the first place were not only now considered by most natural philosophers to be mistaken, but natural philosophy itself had largely fragmented into different disciplines, holding out no hope for a single, unified model for knowledge.Less
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the elevated place natural philosophy had achieved remained secure, and indeed was reinforced as naturalization became a dominant explanatory strategy. On the other hand, those features of natural philosophy that had been considered, most notably by mechanists, to mark it out as a cognitive paradigm in the first place were not only now considered by most natural philosophers to be mistaken, but natural philosophy itself had largely fragmented into different disciplines, holding out no hope for a single, unified model for knowledge.
A. H. Halsey
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266609
- eISBN:
- 9780191601019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266603.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The final quarter of the twentieth century brought, at first, institutional arrest, retrenchment, and reduced funding for both research and teaching. Then came the 1992 decision, paradoxically, by a ...
More
The final quarter of the twentieth century brought, at first, institutional arrest, retrenchment, and reduced funding for both research and teaching. Then came the 1992 decision, paradoxically, by a Conservative government, to admit the polytechnics and other institutions of higher education to university status. Thus, there was a renewed and greater expansion of students and teachers of university sociology. In the meantime, the SSRC had been replaced by the ESRC after the Rothschild report.Optimists now held that sociology was flourishing especially in the light of the feminist movement. The number of chairs rose to over 200.Two views of sociology emerged. One is that sociology is a polysyllabic plague subverting the political order; the other is that sociology is a modern assemblage of theory and method with potential for the reform of imperfect society. The two views fight for supremacy.Less
The final quarter of the twentieth century brought, at first, institutional arrest, retrenchment, and reduced funding for both research and teaching. Then came the 1992 decision, paradoxically, by a Conservative government, to admit the polytechnics and other institutions of higher education to university status. Thus, there was a renewed and greater expansion of students and teachers of university sociology. In the meantime, the SSRC had been replaced by the ESRC after the Rothschild report.
Optimists now held that sociology was flourishing especially in the light of the feminist movement. The number of chairs rose to over 200.
Two views of sociology emerged. One is that sociology is a polysyllabic plague subverting the political order; the other is that sociology is a modern assemblage of theory and method with potential for the reform of imperfect society. The two views fight for supremacy.
Melchisedec TÖrÖnen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199296118
- eISBN:
- 9780191712258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296118.003.0014
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
Examines the situation of humanity in its fallen state. Confusion and fragmentation, passions and individualism prevail. Vices, self-love, and gnome divide the one humanity.
Examines the situation of humanity in its fallen state. Confusion and fragmentation, passions and individualism prevail. Vices, self-love, and gnome divide the one humanity.
Jonathan Hopkin
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Spain has a PR system that has not been particularly proportional. The main reason is that its 50 historic provinces (dating from 1833) were chosen as the electoral districts, and these provinces ...
More
Spain has a PR system that has not been particularly proportional. The main reason is that its 50 historic provinces (dating from 1833) were chosen as the electoral districts, and these provinces took no account of subsequent demographic changes. Thus, many of Spain’s districts are too small to achieve even reasonable proportionality, and the system as a whole is very malapportioned. Voters choose a party and not a candidate. The electoral rules have contributed to the success of non-statewide parties, but made life very difficult for small- and medium-sized statewide parties.Less
Spain has a PR system that has not been particularly proportional. The main reason is that its 50 historic provinces (dating from 1833) were chosen as the electoral districts, and these provinces took no account of subsequent demographic changes. Thus, many of Spain’s districts are too small to achieve even reasonable proportionality, and the system as a whole is very malapportioned. Voters choose a party and not a candidate. The electoral rules have contributed to the success of non-statewide parties, but made life very difficult for small- and medium-sized statewide parties.
Lieven De Winter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Belgium’s list PR system was reformed to enhance voters’ influence over which party candidates are elected. Belgium’s extreme party fragmentation (the largest party has only 15 per cent) has been ...
More
Belgium’s list PR system was reformed to enhance voters’ influence over which party candidates are elected. Belgium’s extreme party fragmentation (the largest party has only 15 per cent) has been curtailed by the introduction of a 5 per cent threshold. A consequence of this has been a dramatic increase in disproportionality.Less
Belgium’s list PR system was reformed to enhance voters’ influence over which party candidates are elected. Belgium’s extreme party fragmentation (the largest party has only 15 per cent) has been curtailed by the introduction of a 5 per cent threshold. A consequence of this has been a dramatic increase in disproportionality.
Tapio Raunio
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0023
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Finnish electoral system – which will be 100 years old in 2006 – enjoys a high level of legitimacy among voters, and is thus unlikely to be changed. Finland has one of the most candidate-centred ...
More
The Finnish electoral system – which will be 100 years old in 2006 – enjoys a high level of legitimacy among voters, and is thus unlikely to be changed. Finland has one of the most candidate-centred electoral systems, with electors casting only one vote for one of a party’s candidates. This preference voting produces heated competition between candidates of the same party. PR in quite large constituencies has produced one of Europe’s largest party systems.Less
The Finnish electoral system – which will be 100 years old in 2006 – enjoys a high level of legitimacy among voters, and is thus unlikely to be changed. Finland has one of the most candidate-centred electoral systems, with electors casting only one vote for one of a party’s candidates. This preference voting produces heated competition between candidates of the same party. PR in quite large constituencies has produced one of Europe’s largest party systems.
JAMES N. ROSENAU
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199259250
- eISBN:
- 9780191600968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199259259.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
James Rosenau considers whether multi‐level governance can serve as a ‘prime mechanism’ to steer the tensions of ‘fragmegration’ in constructive directions. Fragmegration, a contraction of the terms ...
More
James Rosenau considers whether multi‐level governance can serve as a ‘prime mechanism’ to steer the tensions of ‘fragmegration’ in constructive directions. Fragmegration, a contraction of the terms ‘fragmentation’ and ‘integration’, refers to the ‘diverse and contradictory forces that can be summarized in the clash between globalization, centralization, and integration on the one hand and localization, decentralization and fragmentation on the other’. The process of fragmegration stimulates the need for new and relevant forms of governance. Rosenau suggests that the concept of multi‐level governance, while having many virtues, can be both ‘misleading and imprisoning’ and ‘does not allow for a full analysis of the complexity of the emergent political world. As such, Rosenau makes the case for the alterative conceptualization of ‘Spheres of Authority’.Less
James Rosenau considers whether multi‐level governance can serve as a ‘prime mechanism’ to steer the tensions of ‘fragmegration’ in constructive directions. Fragmegration, a contraction of the terms ‘fragmentation’ and ‘integration’, refers to the ‘diverse and contradictory forces that can be summarized in the clash between globalization, centralization, and integration on the one hand and localization, decentralization and fragmentation on the other’. The process of fragmegration stimulates the need for new and relevant forms of governance. Rosenau suggests that the concept of multi‐level governance, while having many virtues, can be both ‘misleading and imprisoning’ and ‘does not allow for a full analysis of the complexity of the emergent political world. As such, Rosenau makes the case for the alterative conceptualization of ‘Spheres of Authority’.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273218
- eISBN:
- 9780191602962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273219.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the ...
More
This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the various countries and classifies them by party family. Second, it deals with three aspects of inter-party competition which have been singled out as important by previous research efforts: (1) the number of political parties (fragmentation), (2) the ideological distance between parties (polarization), and (3) the degree of electoral change (volatility). Measures of these characteristics allow a basic description of the structure and dynamics of party systems.Less
This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the various countries and classifies them by party family. Second, it deals with three aspects of inter-party competition which have been singled out as important by previous research efforts: (1) the number of political parties (fragmentation), (2) the ideological distance between parties (polarization), and (3) the degree of electoral change (volatility). Measures of these characteristics allow a basic description of the structure and dynamics of party systems.
B. Guy Peters and Vincent Wright
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0027
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Public administration research and theory has undergone a fundamental change, unlike any other area in political science. Six fundamental assumptions of public administration have been challenged ...
More
Public administration research and theory has undergone a fundamental change, unlike any other area in political science. Six fundamental assumptions of public administration have been challenged during this transformation: the assumptions of bureaucratic self‐sufficiency, direct control, uniformity, accountability, standardization of procedure, and an apolitical service. These assumptions have been challenged as ‘new managerialism’, ‘new patrimonalism’, and ‘new fragmentation’ have superseded thinking about public administration.Less
Public administration research and theory has undergone a fundamental change, unlike any other area in political science. Six fundamental assumptions of public administration have been challenged during this transformation: the assumptions of bureaucratic self‐sufficiency, direct control, uniformity, accountability, standardization of procedure, and an apolitical service. These assumptions have been challenged as ‘new managerialism’, ‘new patrimonalism’, and ‘new fragmentation’ have superseded thinking about public administration.
Avi Max Spiegel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159843
- eISBN:
- 9781400866434
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Today, two-thirds of all Arab Muslims are under the age of thirty. This book takes readers inside the evolving competition for their support—a competition not simply between Islamism and the secular ...
More
Today, two-thirds of all Arab Muslims are under the age of thirty. This book takes readers inside the evolving competition for their support—a competition not simply between Islamism and the secular world, but between different and often conflicting visions of Islam itself. Drawing on extensive ethnographic research among rank-and-file activists in Morocco, the book shows how Islamist movements are encountering opposition from an unexpected source—each other. In vivid detail, the book describes the conflicts that arise as Islamist groups vie with one another for new recruits, and the unprecedented fragmentation that occurs as members wrangle over a shared urbanized base. Looking carefully at how political Islam is lived, expressed, and understood by young people, the book moves beyond the top-down focus of current research. Instead, it makes the compelling case that Islamist actors are shaped more by their relationships to each other than by their relationships to the state or even to religious ideology. By focusing not only on the texts of aging elites but also on the voices of diverse and sophisticated Muslim youths, the book exposes the shifting and contested nature of Islamist movements today—movements that are being reimagined from the bottom up by young Islam. This book, the first to shed light on this new and uncharted era of Islamist pluralism in the Middle East and North Africa, uncovers the rivalries that are redefining the next generation of political Islam.Less
Today, two-thirds of all Arab Muslims are under the age of thirty. This book takes readers inside the evolving competition for their support—a competition not simply between Islamism and the secular world, but between different and often conflicting visions of Islam itself. Drawing on extensive ethnographic research among rank-and-file activists in Morocco, the book shows how Islamist movements are encountering opposition from an unexpected source—each other. In vivid detail, the book describes the conflicts that arise as Islamist groups vie with one another for new recruits, and the unprecedented fragmentation that occurs as members wrangle over a shared urbanized base. Looking carefully at how political Islam is lived, expressed, and understood by young people, the book moves beyond the top-down focus of current research. Instead, it makes the compelling case that Islamist actors are shaped more by their relationships to each other than by their relationships to the state or even to religious ideology. By focusing not only on the texts of aging elites but also on the voices of diverse and sophisticated Muslim youths, the book exposes the shifting and contested nature of Islamist movements today—movements that are being reimagined from the bottom up by young Islam. This book, the first to shed light on this new and uncharted era of Islamist pluralism in the Middle East and North Africa, uncovers the rivalries that are redefining the next generation of political Islam.
Yezid Sayigh
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The main strategic, economic, and political changes in the Middle East since the end of the cold war are outlined, and an attempt made to account for the linkages between them. It is argued, first, ...
More
The main strategic, economic, and political changes in the Middle East since the end of the cold war are outlined, and an attempt made to account for the linkages between them. It is argued, first, that a combination of external and internal factors has reinforced the fragmentation of the Middle East state system, and further undermined prospects for regional cooperation or integration in the security, economic, and political spheres. The record of economic liberalization is examined, before analysing the process of political liberalization. In both cases the focus is on the state, since that is the level at which management of the domestic and external environments is conducted. This allows consideration in the conclusion of the extent to which changes in the region can be directly attributed to the end of the cold war, and of the assumptions about the relationship between the international system and its regional and national units, particularly with regard to the impact of globalization on the nation state and domestic structures of political power.Less
The main strategic, economic, and political changes in the Middle East since the end of the cold war are outlined, and an attempt made to account for the linkages between them. It is argued, first, that a combination of external and internal factors has reinforced the fragmentation of the Middle East state system, and further undermined prospects for regional cooperation or integration in the security, economic, and political spheres. The record of economic liberalization is examined, before analysing the process of political liberalization. In both cases the focus is on the state, since that is the level at which management of the domestic and external environments is conducted. This allows consideration in the conclusion of the extent to which changes in the region can be directly attributed to the end of the cold war, and of the assumptions about the relationship between the international system and its regional and national units, particularly with regard to the impact of globalization on the nation state and domestic structures of political power.
Michelle P. Egan
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244058
- eISBN:
- 9780191599132
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244057.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Focuses on the costs of market fragmentation in Europe. It reviews the economic impact of removing barriers to trade as a result of divergent national standards, testing, and certification ...
More
Focuses on the costs of market fragmentation in Europe. It reviews the economic impact of removing barriers to trade as a result of divergent national standards, testing, and certification requirements. Ranked by business as the most important barrier to trade, these domestic regulations can prevent firms from engaging in cross‐border competition and hinder market access. Like other forms of trade protection, such non‐tariff barriers impact the importing country through higher domestic prices, higher cost margins and productive inefficiencies. This chapter also highlights the impact of trade barriers on firm strategies, and provides some empirical evidence of the benefits expected to accrue from market integration.Less
Focuses on the costs of market fragmentation in Europe. It reviews the economic impact of removing barriers to trade as a result of divergent national standards, testing, and certification requirements. Ranked by business as the most important barrier to trade, these domestic regulations can prevent firms from engaging in cross‐border competition and hinder market access. Like other forms of trade protection, such non‐tariff barriers impact the importing country through higher domestic prices, higher cost margins and productive inefficiencies. This chapter also highlights the impact of trade barriers on firm strategies, and provides some empirical evidence of the benefits expected to accrue from market integration.
Patrick Le Galés
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0022
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter deals with bottom up pressures on the state. It focuses on the challenges that cities and regions are posing to the nation state in Western Europe, rather than on the rise of ...
More
This chapter deals with bottom up pressures on the state. It focuses on the challenges that cities and regions are posing to the nation state in Western Europe, rather than on the rise of ‘meso–government’ in Europe. It analyses three sets of pressures (the fragmentation of the public policy process; the competition for resources (finance) and the threat of impoverishment; and the legitimacy of the nation state – the deregulation of identity structuring), and the role that they play in the transformation of the state.Less
This chapter deals with bottom up pressures on the state. It focuses on the challenges that cities and regions are posing to the nation state in Western Europe, rather than on the rise of ‘meso–government’ in Europe. It analyses three sets of pressures (the fragmentation of the public policy process; the competition for resources (finance) and the threat of impoverishment; and the legitimacy of the nation state – the deregulation of identity structuring), and the role that they play in the transformation of the state.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung ...
More
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.Less
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.
Carlos M. Vilas
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The articles in the book are set in the context of the ongoing debate over the conflict‐ridden and partial democracy that has emerged in the region, a democracy that tolerates military vetoes over ...
More
The articles in the book are set in the context of the ongoing debate over the conflict‐ridden and partial democracy that has emerged in the region, a democracy that tolerates military vetoes over policy, authoritarian educational systems, public insecurity, significant violence, and massive and increasing inequality. The chapters show the shift away from action by popular actors in the political realm in favour of the social one, from broad‐based movements to fragmentation, and a wide variety of experiments and adaptations in parties, unions, and other popular groups in the continuing struggle for popular representation.Less
The articles in the book are set in the context of the ongoing debate over the conflict‐ridden and partial democracy that has emerged in the region, a democracy that tolerates military vetoes over policy, authoritarian educational systems, public insecurity, significant violence, and massive and increasing inequality. The chapters show the shift away from action by popular actors in the political realm in favour of the social one, from broad‐based movements to fragmentation, and a wide variety of experiments and adaptations in parties, unions, and other popular groups in the continuing struggle for popular representation.
Roberto D'Alimonte
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
When the new mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system was introduced in the summer of 1993, Italian politics was characterized by a destructuring of the old party system with a dramatic ...
More
When the new mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system was introduced in the summer of 1993, Italian politics was characterized by a destructuring of the old party system with a dramatic weakening of the old dominant parties and the rise of new ones. In such a context, the introduction of a predominantly plurality system did not reduce party fragmentation, but it did provide powerful institutional incentives for parties to enter into pre‐election coalitions, which have permitted clearer choices for voters, although parties within the coalitions have ‘proportionalized’ the single‐seat districts by dividing up the nominations among themselves. The coalitions have restructured the pattern of competition and created the condition for a system of alternating governments, in spite of the high number of parties. In this respect, the new electoral system has worked, producing a more efficient system of interparty competition, yet it remains a difficult case to classify, precisely because the new electoral rules have produced two types of actor: coalitions (which are few) and parties (which are many), with each playing a role, and each contributing to the overall dynamics of the system. However, the main argument is that with the present electoral rules the coalitions will remain the prevailing feature of the system, whether they evolve into new parties, federations of parties or something else.Less
When the new mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system was introduced in the summer of 1993, Italian politics was characterized by a destructuring of the old party system with a dramatic weakening of the old dominant parties and the rise of new ones. In such a context, the introduction of a predominantly plurality system did not reduce party fragmentation, but it did provide powerful institutional incentives for parties to enter into pre‐election coalitions, which have permitted clearer choices for voters, although parties within the coalitions have ‘proportionalized’ the single‐seat districts by dividing up the nominations among themselves. The coalitions have restructured the pattern of competition and created the condition for a system of alternating governments, in spite of the high number of parties. In this respect, the new electoral system has worked, producing a more efficient system of interparty competition, yet it remains a difficult case to classify, precisely because the new electoral rules have produced two types of actor: coalitions (which are few) and parties (which are many), with each playing a role, and each contributing to the overall dynamics of the system. However, the main argument is that with the present electoral rules the coalitions will remain the prevailing feature of the system, whether they evolve into new parties, federations of parties or something else.
Tapio Raunio and Matti Wiberg
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297840
- eISBN:
- 9780191602016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829784X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Describes the chain of delegation in the context of a semi-presidential democracy. The Finnish president has wide-ranging powers and is a strong political player, which influences the patterns of ...
More
Describes the chain of delegation in the context of a semi-presidential democracy. The Finnish president has wide-ranging powers and is a strong political player, which influences the patterns of delegation and accountability in Finland. The chain of delegation and accountability in Finnish democracy is influenced by a number of constraints relating to political parties, the party system, and the power of various kinds of external agents (i.e. interest organizations and international actors like the European Union).Less
Describes the chain of delegation in the context of a semi-presidential democracy. The Finnish president has wide-ranging powers and is a strong political player, which influences the patterns of delegation and accountability in Finland. The chain of delegation and accountability in Finnish democracy is influenced by a number of constraints relating to political parties, the party system, and the power of various kinds of external agents (i.e. interest organizations and international actors like the European Union).
