Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292219
- eISBN:
- 9780191603754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292213.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter focuses on various aspects of “external” affairs in Europe. It first shows that the Union is not on its way to becoming a Westphalian type of international actor. Foreign and security ...
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This chapter focuses on various aspects of “external” affairs in Europe. It first shows that the Union is not on its way to becoming a Westphalian type of international actor. Foreign and security policy is still largely in the hands of Member states and not the Union. Moreover, Member states are often hopelessly divided and eager to use various non-European institutional tools for their foreign and defense policies. The emerging international system in Europe also looks more medieval than Westphalian. The system is not anarchic, and collective bargaining over laws and procedures rather than balancing and ganging up over territorial gains is the essence of interstate politics at present.Less
This chapter focuses on various aspects of “external” affairs in Europe. It first shows that the Union is not on its way to becoming a Westphalian type of international actor. Foreign and security policy is still largely in the hands of Member states and not the Union. Moreover, Member states are often hopelessly divided and eager to use various non-European institutional tools for their foreign and defense policies. The emerging international system in Europe also looks more medieval than Westphalian. The system is not anarchic, and collective bargaining over laws and procedures rather than balancing and ganging up over territorial gains is the essence of interstate politics at present.
J. Bryan Collester
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297574
- eISBN:
- 9780191598982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297572.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines the EU’s decision to expand the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) to include defence. It begins by considering the significant developments in the WEU’s half-century of ...
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This chapter examines the EU’s decision to expand the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) to include defence. It begins by considering the significant developments in the WEU’s half-century of existence which led to the linkage between the EU and WEU. The events that reformed the EU and CFSP, and led to the revival for the common defence policy by integrating EU and WEU capabilities are reviewed. Some conditions that may forestall integration ‘spillover’ from turning into intergovernmental ‘spillback’ are discussed.Less
This chapter examines the EU’s decision to expand the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) to include defence. It begins by considering the significant developments in the WEU’s half-century of existence which led to the linkage between the EU and WEU. The events that reformed the EU and CFSP, and led to the revival for the common defence policy by integrating EU and WEU capabilities are reviewed. Some conditions that may forestall integration ‘spillover’ from turning into intergovernmental ‘spillback’ are discussed.
Archie Brown
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780192880529
- eISBN:
- 9780191598876
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0192880527.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Gorbachev was able to have a decisive impact on the development of ideas concerning the Soviet Union's relationship with the outside world and on the actual conduct of Soviet foreign policy by virtue ...
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Gorbachev was able to have a decisive impact on the development of ideas concerning the Soviet Union's relationship with the outside world and on the actual conduct of Soviet foreign policy by virtue of half a dozen key appointments. These were the elevation of Eduard Shevardnadze to the post of Foreign Minister, in succession to Andrey Gromyko, in the summer of 1985; the replacement of Boris Ponomarev as head of the International Department of the Central Committee by Anatoly Dobrynin in 1986; the promotion of Alexander Yakovlev to Politburo and Secretariat membership (with oversight of international affairs from the autumn of 1988); the replacement of Konstantin Rusakov by Vadim Medvedev as head of the Socialist Countries Department of the Central Committee in 1986; the appointment of Anatoly Chernyaev as Gorbachev's principal foreign policy aide in 1986; and the appointment of Georgy Shakhnazarov as another close aide two years later. These appointments both reflected and facilitated Gorbachev's adoption of new thinking in the foreign policy sphere with, for example, a concern for mutual security and an emphasis on interdependence taking the place of an antagonistic ‘class approach’ to international relations; a novel emphasis on universal interests and values that undercut the traditional ‘two camps’ approach; and ‘reasonable sufficiency’ becoming the criterion for justifying Soviet military expenditure. The sources of the new thinking are discussed, and in the conduct of state‐to‐state relations, particular attention is paid to the Soviet‐United States relationship and to relations with Europe, both West and East. The changes Gorbachev introduced in Soviet foreign policy made possible the transformation of the East European political landscape and it is especially notable that he refused to attempt to stem the democratic tide that flowed across the Eastern part of the continent even when it threatened to overwhelm him.Less
Gorbachev was able to have a decisive impact on the development of ideas concerning the Soviet Union's relationship with the outside world and on the actual conduct of Soviet foreign policy by virtue of half a dozen key appointments. These were the elevation of Eduard Shevardnadze to the post of Foreign Minister, in succession to Andrey Gromyko, in the summer of 1985; the replacement of Boris Ponomarev as head of the International Department of the Central Committee by Anatoly Dobrynin in 1986; the promotion of Alexander Yakovlev to Politburo and Secretariat membership (with oversight of international affairs from the autumn of 1988); the replacement of Konstantin Rusakov by Vadim Medvedev as head of the Socialist Countries Department of the Central Committee in 1986; the appointment of Anatoly Chernyaev as Gorbachev's principal foreign policy aide in 1986; and the appointment of Georgy Shakhnazarov as another close aide two years later. These appointments both reflected and facilitated Gorbachev's adoption of new thinking in the foreign policy sphere with, for example, a concern for mutual security and an emphasis on interdependence taking the place of an antagonistic ‘class approach’ to international relations; a novel emphasis on universal interests and values that undercut the traditional ‘two camps’ approach; and ‘reasonable sufficiency’ becoming the criterion for justifying Soviet military expenditure. The sources of the new thinking are discussed, and in the conduct of state‐to‐state relations, particular attention is paid to the Soviet‐United States relationship and to relations with Europe, both West and East. The changes Gorbachev introduced in Soviet foreign policy made possible the transformation of the East European political landscape and it is especially notable that he refused to attempt to stem the democratic tide that flowed across the Eastern part of the continent even when it threatened to overwhelm him.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
For the past fifty years, diplomacy in Europe has been mainly about Brussels. The vast majority of European diplomats are involved in shaping the EU's common foreign and security policy or the EU ...
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For the past fifty years, diplomacy in Europe has been mainly about Brussels. The vast majority of European diplomats are involved in shaping the EU's common foreign and security policy or the EU itself, that is, they are involved in the EU's both external and internal dimension. This has created a dense web of relations around EU business, which involves officials working on Community (e.g. trade, competition), functional (e.g. UN, disarmament), regional (e.g. Middle East, Africa), and institutional (e.g. European Summits) issues. This interaction shaped the European foreign policy field.Less
For the past fifty years, diplomacy in Europe has been mainly about Brussels. The vast majority of European diplomats are involved in shaping the EU's common foreign and security policy or the EU itself, that is, they are involved in the EU's both external and internal dimension. This has created a dense web of relations around EU business, which involves officials working on Community (e.g. trade, competition), functional (e.g. UN, disarmament), regional (e.g. Middle East, Africa), and institutional (e.g. European Summits) issues. This interaction shaped the European foreign policy field.
Ole R. Holsti
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the impact of public opinion upon American democracy promotion after the Cold War. It seeks to answer the following questions: How strong is public support for promoting democracy abroad? ...
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Discusses the impact of public opinion upon American democracy promotion after the Cold War. It seeks to answer the following questions: How strong is public support for promoting democracy abroad? To what extent do the views of the general public diverge from those of opinion leaders? How has the end of the Cold War affected support for democracy promotion? Has this goal served to bridge the partisan and ideological gap over foreign policy issues within the US political class?Less
Discusses the impact of public opinion upon American democracy promotion after the Cold War. It seeks to answer the following questions: How strong is public support for promoting democracy abroad? To what extent do the views of the general public diverge from those of opinion leaders? How has the end of the Cold War affected support for democracy promotion? Has this goal served to bridge the partisan and ideological gap over foreign policy issues within the US political class?
Simon J. Nuttall
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198293361
- eISBN:
- 9780191684982
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198293361.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book traces the development of the European Union's foreign policy making from the old governmental co-operation (EPC) to the common foreign and security policy introduced by the Maastricht ...
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This book traces the development of the European Union's foreign policy making from the old governmental co-operation (EPC) to the common foreign and security policy introduced by the Maastricht Treaty. It explains the process from a comprehensive historical as well as political viewpoint. The impact of the fall of communism as well as the Gulf War and the early stages of the conflict in Yugoslavia are analysed. The personal roles played by François Mitterrand, Helmut Kohl, and George H. W. Bush are described. The theme of the book is the way in which ideological quarrels between intergovernmentalists and integrationists have distorted EU foreign policy making, leading to general dissatisfaction with the common foreign and security policy (CFSP). Yet, contrary to received opinion, the policy-making process is under the influence of bureaucratic procedures slowly shifting towards the Community model.Less
This book traces the development of the European Union's foreign policy making from the old governmental co-operation (EPC) to the common foreign and security policy introduced by the Maastricht Treaty. It explains the process from a comprehensive historical as well as political viewpoint. The impact of the fall of communism as well as the Gulf War and the early stages of the conflict in Yugoslavia are analysed. The personal roles played by François Mitterrand, Helmut Kohl, and George H. W. Bush are described. The theme of the book is the way in which ideological quarrels between intergovernmentalists and integrationists have distorted EU foreign policy making, leading to general dissatisfaction with the common foreign and security policy (CFSP). Yet, contrary to received opinion, the policy-making process is under the influence of bureaucratic procedures slowly shifting towards the Community model.
Richard Youngs
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249794
- eISBN:
- 9780191600357
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249792.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter outlines the nature of the instruments introduced by the EU pursuant to the democracy promotion commitment and examines the shortcomings and lacuna that remained in the range of policy ...
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This chapter outlines the nature of the instruments introduced by the EU pursuant to the democracy promotion commitment and examines the shortcomings and lacuna that remained in the range of policy tools available. The chapter describes the EU's new democracy aid provisions, its instruments of political conditionality, and the democracy‐related initiatives of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Different theories of integration are explored in relation to the development of the EU's presence as an international actor.Less
This chapter outlines the nature of the instruments introduced by the EU pursuant to the democracy promotion commitment and examines the shortcomings and lacuna that remained in the range of policy tools available. The chapter describes the EU's new democracy aid provisions, its instruments of political conditionality, and the democracy‐related initiatives of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Different theories of integration are explored in relation to the development of the EU's presence as an international actor.
Sergio Fabbrini
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235612
- eISBN:
- 9780191715686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235612.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter compares the institutional structures and political processes of America and the EU. It is argued that the institutional structures and the political processes of the EU are quite ...
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This chapter compares the institutional structures and political processes of America and the EU. It is argued that the institutional structures and the political processes of the EU are quite different from those of its member-states, they are not so different from the institutional structures and political processes of America. Both the EU and America have institutional and functional properties proper to polities which need to take decisions but nevertheless lack a centralized decision-making process. This absence affects their foreign policy-making process, which is a crucial policy area in polities as large and powerful as America and the EU. Both have a pluralistic decision making structure which inevitably generates incongruent and contradictory outcomes.Less
This chapter compares the institutional structures and political processes of America and the EU. It is argued that the institutional structures and the political processes of the EU are quite different from those of its member-states, they are not so different from the institutional structures and political processes of America. Both the EU and America have institutional and functional properties proper to polities which need to take decisions but nevertheless lack a centralized decision-making process. This absence affects their foreign policy-making process, which is a crucial policy area in polities as large and powerful as America and the EU. Both have a pluralistic decision making structure which inevitably generates incongruent and contradictory outcomes.
William G. Howell and Douglas L. Kriner
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on congressional efforts to curtail the president's foreign policy over terrorism and the Middle East, almost all of which has been unilaterally instituted. With a series of case ...
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This chapter focuses on congressional efforts to curtail the president's foreign policy over terrorism and the Middle East, almost all of which has been unilaterally instituted. With a series of case studies and new experimental survey data, it is shown that congressional opposition to the president systematically influences the willingness of average citizens to support the president's military campaigns abroad and, moreover, that such opposition has occasionally induced the president to back off from his preferred policies. So doing, it demonstrates that congressional checks on presidential war powers, though certainly diminished, remain a core feature of unilateral politics.Less
This chapter focuses on congressional efforts to curtail the president's foreign policy over terrorism and the Middle East, almost all of which has been unilaterally instituted. With a series of case studies and new experimental survey data, it is shown that congressional opposition to the president systematically influences the willingness of average citizens to support the president's military campaigns abroad and, moreover, that such opposition has occasionally induced the president to back off from his preferred policies. So doing, it demonstrates that congressional checks on presidential war powers, though certainly diminished, remain a core feature of unilateral politics.
Derek Drinkwater
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273850
- eISBN:
- 9780191602344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273855.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal ...
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Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal elements of foreign policy, the operation of the balance of power, and the role of international law in world affairs. More particularly, he focused on the effectiveness of collective security and the League of Nations during the inter-war period when Great Britain was moving from a period of imperium over her former colonies to one of dominion over emergent Commonwealth nation-states. He was by turns optimistic and pessimistic about the UN as an instrument for securing and maintaining international order. Nicolson’s experience as a diplomat also led him to attach great importance to national character and prestige as factors in foreign relations and diplomatic negotiation; they are rarely absent from his analyses of international affairs.Less
Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal elements of foreign policy, the operation of the balance of power, and the role of international law in world affairs. More particularly, he focused on the effectiveness of collective security and the League of Nations during the inter-war period when Great Britain was moving from a period of imperium over her former colonies to one of dominion over emergent Commonwealth nation-states. He was by turns optimistic and pessimistic about the UN as an instrument for securing and maintaining international order. Nicolson’s experience as a diplomat also led him to attach great importance to national character and prestige as factors in foreign relations and diplomatic negotiation; they are rarely absent from his analyses of international affairs.
Young‐Iob Chung
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195325454
- eISBN:
- 9780199783908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325454.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter examines the governance, approach, and the government's industrial and foreign exchange policies that promoted capital formation in the private sector. These offered financial incentives ...
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This chapter examines the governance, approach, and the government's industrial and foreign exchange policies that promoted capital formation in the private sector. These offered financial incentives to invest and produce import substitutes and export goods, in addition to the reconstruction of the old and the construction of new social overhead capital, and pioneering new industries with private enterprises. The chapter also analyzes the impact of government property divestiture programs for former Japanese assets, new public enterprises, and their foreign exchange policy which involved the sale of foreign exchange to importers in targeted industries using subsidies. In evaluating these policies, the divestiture bounties, inflation windfalls, and their impact on capital formation in the private sector, the cost of production, private investment, beneficiaries, and resource allocation can be determined.Less
This chapter examines the governance, approach, and the government's industrial and foreign exchange policies that promoted capital formation in the private sector. These offered financial incentives to invest and produce import substitutes and export goods, in addition to the reconstruction of the old and the construction of new social overhead capital, and pioneering new industries with private enterprises. The chapter also analyzes the impact of government property divestiture programs for former Japanese assets, new public enterprises, and their foreign exchange policy which involved the sale of foreign exchange to importers in targeted industries using subsidies. In evaluating these policies, the divestiture bounties, inflation windfalls, and their impact on capital formation in the private sector, the cost of production, private investment, beneficiaries, and resource allocation can be determined.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The introduction explains the challenge posed by the European security and defense policy to the nature of the European state. Building on a critical dialogue between political sociologists and EU ...
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The introduction explains the challenge posed by the European security and defense policy to the nature of the European state. Building on a critical dialogue between political sociologists and EU scholars, it places military integration in the broader perspective of state formation since the 16th century. The puzzle is to understand why a large number of political leaders, defense planners, and diplomats are willing, without an external threat, to surrender key elements of state sovereignty. The argument is that the interpenetration of European states has created strong incentives for state actors to coordinate their foreign and defense policies at the EU level. More specifically, the development of ESDP is analyzed as the creation of transgovernmental field through fifty years of intense military and foreign policy cooperation among Europeans in the EU and also in NATO. Other theoretical perspectives on European defense (realism, liberalism, constructivism, and foreign policy analysis) are then presented and critiqued.Less
The introduction explains the challenge posed by the European security and defense policy to the nature of the European state. Building on a critical dialogue between political sociologists and EU scholars, it places military integration in the broader perspective of state formation since the 16th century. The puzzle is to understand why a large number of political leaders, defense planners, and diplomats are willing, without an external threat, to surrender key elements of state sovereignty. The argument is that the interpenetration of European states has created strong incentives for state actors to coordinate their foreign and defense policies at the EU level. More specifically, the development of ESDP is analyzed as the creation of transgovernmental field through fifty years of intense military and foreign policy cooperation among Europeans in the EU and also in NATO. Other theoretical perspectives on European defense (realism, liberalism, constructivism, and foreign policy analysis) are then presented and critiqued.
Michael Cox
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Explores the many facets of democracy promotion as a grand foreign policy strategy during the Clinton administration. It argues that far from being a Wilsonian idealist, Clinton viewed democracy ...
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Explores the many facets of democracy promotion as a grand foreign policy strategy during the Clinton administration. It argues that far from being a Wilsonian idealist, Clinton viewed democracy promotion as a pragmatic strategy to enhance US influence worldwide. In his integrated worldview, there was no necessary conflict between global order, market economics, and democracy promotion. All three were intimately connected and could reinforce each other.Less
Explores the many facets of democracy promotion as a grand foreign policy strategy during the Clinton administration. It argues that far from being a Wilsonian idealist, Clinton viewed democracy promotion as a pragmatic strategy to enhance US influence worldwide. In his integrated worldview, there was no necessary conflict between global order, market economics, and democracy promotion. All three were intimately connected and could reinforce each other.
David Arter
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Since the retirement of President Kekkonen in 1981, a process of piecemeal constitutional reform has strengthened the core concept of parliamentary government at the expense of the old ...
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Since the retirement of President Kekkonen in 1981, a process of piecemeal constitutional reform has strengthened the core concept of parliamentary government at the expense of the old quasi‐monarchical elements in the Finnish political system; this modernization process has been propelled by a concern to avoid the possibility of a recurrence of the ‘enlightened despotism’ of the Kekkonen era, and has been aided by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Recent constitutional changes have also enhanced the involvement of the prime minister and government in the performance of the federative (foreign policy) function; above all, the institutional adaptation required by membership of the EU has emphasized the bicephalous character of the Finnish political executive in a way reminiscent of interwar practice. Political factors, notably the ability of the party system to deliver stable majority coalitions, have worked in the same direction, and indeed arguments have been made in favour of the abolition of the whole institution of the presidency. With parliament having recently accepted the main findings of the Nikula Committee's report and restricted the president's involvement in the process of coalition‐building, as well as vesting the government with powers jointly to manage foreign policy, it is clear that Finland is en route to becoming an orthodox parliamentary democracy: the head of state has lost his exclusive charge of the federative function; his involvement in the legislative process is limited and exceptional; and even his executive powers—particularly his powers of appointment—have been restricted in recent years. The different sections of the chapter are: Constitution‐Making 1917–1919: A Monarchical Republic?; The Shift to a President‐Dominant System, 1940–1987; From President‐Dominant to Pluralist Foreign Policy‐Making, 1987–1998; and Towards a Ceremonial Presidency?Less
Since the retirement of President Kekkonen in 1981, a process of piecemeal constitutional reform has strengthened the core concept of parliamentary government at the expense of the old quasi‐monarchical elements in the Finnish political system; this modernization process has been propelled by a concern to avoid the possibility of a recurrence of the ‘enlightened despotism’ of the Kekkonen era, and has been aided by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Recent constitutional changes have also enhanced the involvement of the prime minister and government in the performance of the federative (foreign policy) function; above all, the institutional adaptation required by membership of the EU has emphasized the bicephalous character of the Finnish political executive in a way reminiscent of interwar practice. Political factors, notably the ability of the party system to deliver stable majority coalitions, have worked in the same direction, and indeed arguments have been made in favour of the abolition of the whole institution of the presidency. With parliament having recently accepted the main findings of the Nikula Committee's report and restricted the president's involvement in the process of coalition‐building, as well as vesting the government with powers jointly to manage foreign policy, it is clear that Finland is en route to becoming an orthodox parliamentary democracy: the head of state has lost his exclusive charge of the federative function; his involvement in the legislative process is limited and exceptional; and even his executive powers—particularly his powers of appointment—have been restricted in recent years. The different sections of the chapter are: Constitution‐Making 1917–1919: A Monarchical Republic?; The Shift to a President‐Dominant System, 1940–1987; From President‐Dominant to Pluralist Foreign Policy‐Making, 1987–1998; and Towards a Ceremonial Presidency?
Andrei Grachev
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199276141
- eISBN:
- 9780191603341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276145.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines the foreign policies of Vladimir Putin. A ‘Putin Doctrine’ has emerged in at least two main spheres: in Moscow’s behaviour towards former Soviet republics — the new states that ...
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This chapter examines the foreign policies of Vladimir Putin. A ‘Putin Doctrine’ has emerged in at least two main spheres: in Moscow’s behaviour towards former Soviet republics — the new states that make up Russia’s ‘near abroad’; and the changing tone of Russia’s relations with the West, with important nuances distinguishing its Moscow’s policy towards the US and its dealing with Europe. Its policies towards China, Japan, and the revival of any kind of global strategy remained underdeveloped.Less
This chapter examines the foreign policies of Vladimir Putin. A ‘Putin Doctrine’ has emerged in at least two main spheres: in Moscow’s behaviour towards former Soviet republics — the new states that make up Russia’s ‘near abroad’; and the changing tone of Russia’s relations with the West, with important nuances distinguishing its Moscow’s policy towards the US and its dealing with Europe. Its policies towards China, Japan, and the revival of any kind of global strategy remained underdeveloped.
Henry R. Nau
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
What is the real influence of democracy on US foreign policy? This chapter argues that in order to assess this influence it is necessary to overcome the sharp dichotomy posed by realism and idealism. ...
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What is the real influence of democracy on US foreign policy? This chapter argues that in order to assess this influence it is necessary to overcome the sharp dichotomy posed by realism and idealism. It proposes a new approach that takes into account a nation's domestic agenda and national identity as well as its external national interests. It examines under what kind of external circumstances a country's internal characteristics are likely to play a role in that country's foreign policy.Less
What is the real influence of democracy on US foreign policy? This chapter argues that in order to assess this influence it is necessary to overcome the sharp dichotomy posed by realism and idealism. It proposes a new approach that takes into account a nation's domestic agenda and national identity as well as its external national interests. It examines under what kind of external circumstances a country's internal characteristics are likely to play a role in that country's foreign policy.
Anand Menon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199535026
- eISBN:
- 9780191715860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535026.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Despite acute international tensions, the EU has failed to exert influence, especially in security matters most requiring heroic leadership. The EU has no defence responsibility or capability, and ...
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Despite acute international tensions, the EU has failed to exert influence, especially in security matters most requiring heroic leadership. The EU has no defence responsibility or capability, and seeks indirect influence through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the Anglo-French European Security and Defence Policy, and through other policies. The main actors are the Council Secretariat and the Political and Security Committee, but lack of clear institutional lines of authority results in disputes, notably over relations with NATO and policy implementation despite the efforts of the High Representative for foreign policy. Because foreign and security policy are member state responsibilities, the EU is condemned to leaderlessness and concentration on non-military tasks and ambitious schemes are unrealistic. It should reduce institutional overlap to achieve greater coherence in action.Less
Despite acute international tensions, the EU has failed to exert influence, especially in security matters most requiring heroic leadership. The EU has no defence responsibility or capability, and seeks indirect influence through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the Anglo-French European Security and Defence Policy, and through other policies. The main actors are the Council Secretariat and the Political and Security Committee, but lack of clear institutional lines of authority results in disputes, notably over relations with NATO and policy implementation despite the efforts of the High Representative for foreign policy. Because foreign and security policy are member state responsibilities, the EU is condemned to leaderlessness and concentration on non-military tasks and ambitious schemes are unrealistic. It should reduce institutional overlap to achieve greater coherence in action.
G. John Ikenberry
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Analyses democracy promotion as part of America's ‘liberal grand strategy’, i.e. the notion that the US is better able to pursue its interests, reduce security threats, and foster a stable political ...
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Analyses democracy promotion as part of America's ‘liberal grand strategy’, i.e. the notion that the US is better able to pursue its interests, reduce security threats, and foster a stable political order when other states are democracies. It provides answers to the following questions: What are the elements of the liberal grand strategy? Why has it been so persistent? Which groups support it within the foreign policy community? How significant is the liberal democratic orientation in current American foreign policy?Less
Analyses democracy promotion as part of America's ‘liberal grand strategy’, i.e. the notion that the US is better able to pursue its interests, reduce security threats, and foster a stable political order when other states are democracies. It provides answers to the following questions: What are the elements of the liberal grand strategy? Why has it been so persistent? Which groups support it within the foreign policy community? How significant is the liberal democratic orientation in current American foreign policy?
David Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198275282
- eISBN:
- 9780191598739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198275285.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
While there are important differences between the American Revolution and other revolutions, there are also some striking similarities. The basic ideas of the American outlook on international ...
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While there are important differences between the American Revolution and other revolutions, there are also some striking similarities. The basic ideas of the American outlook on international affairs emerged in the hundred years before the revolution. Central amongst these ideas was the need to build and secure a republic in North America. A fundamental debate took place after the revolution between the different views of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson as to the most appropriate American posture towards the rest of the world. The essential elements in this debate have continued to affect the US foreign policy.Less
While there are important differences between the American Revolution and other revolutions, there are also some striking similarities. The basic ideas of the American outlook on international affairs emerged in the hundred years before the revolution. Central amongst these ideas was the need to build and secure a republic in North America. A fundamental debate took place after the revolution between the different views of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson as to the most appropriate American posture towards the rest of the world. The essential elements in this debate have continued to affect the US foreign policy.
Philip Nel
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those ...
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The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those regional institutions/organizations of which it is not) and multilateralism itself to pursue its interests on the African continent. The emergence of a noticeable multilateral dimension to American policy towards Africa is situated against two backgrounds: the first (Sect. 1 of the chapter) deals with the general features of American policy towards Africa since the Second World War and the role that multilateralism in general has played in that; the second (Sect. 2) deals with the rise of multilateralism (and multilateral regional institutions/organizations) on the African continent as a process that has a dynamic of its own. This perspective on Africa as an agent, and not simply as an object, of US policy is important for maintaining a critical perspective on the successes but also the contradictions and failures of US policy towards Africa. The final two sections offer a detailed description and evaluation of the dimensions of multilateralism in post‐cold‐war US policy, and, in particular, the Clinton era, which, in many respects, encapsulates much of what is right and wrong with US policy towards the continent. The evaluation made and the general assumptions used to approach the theme of US policy towards Africa are informed by a broadly neo‐Gramscian appraisal of the hegemonic function of the US in the current global political and economic order, and of the place of multilateralism within that hegemonic function.Less
The purpose is to trace and assess the ways in which the US has used multilateral institutions/organizations (both those international institutions/organizations of which it is a member and those regional institutions/organizations of which it is not) and multilateralism itself to pursue its interests on the African continent. The emergence of a noticeable multilateral dimension to American policy towards Africa is situated against two backgrounds: the first (Sect. 1 of the chapter) deals with the general features of American policy towards Africa since the Second World War and the role that multilateralism in general has played in that; the second (Sect. 2) deals with the rise of multilateralism (and multilateral regional institutions/organizations) on the African continent as a process that has a dynamic of its own. This perspective on Africa as an agent, and not simply as an object, of US policy is important for maintaining a critical perspective on the successes but also the contradictions and failures of US policy towards Africa. The final two sections offer a detailed description and evaluation of the dimensions of multilateralism in post‐cold‐war US policy, and, in particular, the Clinton era, which, in many respects, encapsulates much of what is right and wrong with US policy towards the continent. The evaluation made and the general assumptions used to approach the theme of US policy towards Africa are informed by a broadly neo‐Gramscian appraisal of the hegemonic function of the US in the current global political and economic order, and of the place of multilateralism within that hegemonic function.
