Georgina Waylen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199248032
- eISBN:
- 9780191714894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248032.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The first substantive part of the book examines women's organizing during different stages of transitions to democracy. As the starting point of the analysis, it explores how women mobilize, under ...
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The first substantive part of the book examines women's organizing during different stages of transitions to democracy. As the starting point of the analysis, it explores how women mobilize, under what conditions, and with what results. It also looks at how women's movements, including feminist movements, interact with their context — both national and international — during these different stages. The section begins with a discussion of the pre-existing literature on civil society and women's movements. This is followed by an analysis of different forms of women's organizing during state socialist and authoritarian regimes; the breakdown of non-democratic regimes and subsequent transitions; and in the post-transition period. It concludes by arguing that to understand the impact of women's organizing, it is necessary to broaden the analysis to include the electoral arena.Less
The first substantive part of the book examines women's organizing during different stages of transitions to democracy. As the starting point of the analysis, it explores how women mobilize, under what conditions, and with what results. It also looks at how women's movements, including feminist movements, interact with their context — both national and international — during these different stages. The section begins with a discussion of the pre-existing literature on civil society and women's movements. This is followed by an analysis of different forms of women's organizing during state socialist and authoritarian regimes; the breakdown of non-democratic regimes and subsequent transitions; and in the post-transition period. It concludes by arguing that to understand the impact of women's organizing, it is necessary to broaden the analysis to include the electoral arena.
Amy G. Mazur
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246724
- eISBN:
- 9780191599859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246726.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter covers the aims, arguments, and approach of the book to analysing gender and policy issues in comparative perspective. It defines the new area of Feminist Comparative Policy in terms of ...
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This chapter covers the aims, arguments, and approach of the book to analysing gender and policy issues in comparative perspective. It defines the new area of Feminist Comparative Policy in terms of its six major features, the four major areas of research, and the scientific community and research infrastructure. The six major features of FCP include (1) an applied feminist empirical approach; (2) operationalizing normative feminist theory on democracy; (3) bringing the patriarchal state back in as a question for research; (4) using ‘gender’ as a category of analysis; (5) comparative and qualitative theory‐building in western post‐industrial democracies; (6) one‐way intersections with non‐feminist Political Science. The four major areas covered by FCP policy research consist of the following: (1) feminist policy formation; (2) feminist movements and policy; (3) state feminism; and (4) gender and welfare states.Less
This chapter covers the aims, arguments, and approach of the book to analysing gender and policy issues in comparative perspective. It defines the new area of Feminist Comparative Policy in terms of its six major features, the four major areas of research, and the scientific community and research infrastructure. The six major features of FCP include (1) an applied feminist empirical approach; (2) operationalizing normative feminist theory on democracy; (3) bringing the patriarchal state back in as a question for research; (4) using ‘gender’ as a category of analysis; (5) comparative and qualitative theory‐building in western post‐industrial democracies; (6) one‐way intersections with non‐feminist Political Science. The four major areas covered by FCP policy research consist of the following: (1) feminist policy formation; (2) feminist movements and policy; (3) state feminism; and (4) gender and welfare states.
Winifred Breines
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195179040
- eISBN:
- 9780199788583
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179040.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book considers why a racially integrated feminist movement did not develop in the second wave of the feminist movement in the 1970s. It looks at radical white and black women in the civil rights ...
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This book considers why a racially integrated feminist movement did not develop in the second wave of the feminist movement in the 1970s. It looks at radical white and black women in the civil rights movement: black women in the Black Power movement and the Black Panther Party; Bread and Roses, a primarily white Boston socialist feminist organization, black feminism with a focus on the Combahee River Collective in Boston; and cross-racial work and conferences in the late 1970s and early 1980s. It asks why the primarily white radical feminist movement has been considered racist and whether white women's racism kept African Americans away from the white movement. White radical feminists were committed to racial equality and to building a racially integrated movement. But due to young white radical women's romanticism, unconscious racism, segregated upbringing, and class privileges, the radical feminist movement they built was not attractive to black women. Influenced by the Black Power movement, radical black women were wary of white women. They distrusted white women's privilege, their focus on sisterhood without clearly recognizing difference based on race and class, and white women's innocence. Further, African American women were uninterested in white feminism because they were politically engaged with black nationalism and racial pride. Radical black women came to believe that they had to develop their own feminism, one which recognized the centrality of race and class to gender difference. Eventually, through much work and pain, instances occurred in which white and black feminists worked together politically. Their learning curve about gender, race, and class was steep in these years. Youthful American radical feminists were racial pioneers in developing a social movement that demonstrated politically how gender, race, and class are central to understanding and struggling against social inequality.Less
This book considers why a racially integrated feminist movement did not develop in the second wave of the feminist movement in the 1970s. It looks at radical white and black women in the civil rights movement: black women in the Black Power movement and the Black Panther Party; Bread and Roses, a primarily white Boston socialist feminist organization, black feminism with a focus on the Combahee River Collective in Boston; and cross-racial work and conferences in the late 1970s and early 1980s. It asks why the primarily white radical feminist movement has been considered racist and whether white women's racism kept African Americans away from the white movement. White radical feminists were committed to racial equality and to building a racially integrated movement. But due to young white radical women's romanticism, unconscious racism, segregated upbringing, and class privileges, the radical feminist movement they built was not attractive to black women. Influenced by the Black Power movement, radical black women were wary of white women. They distrusted white women's privilege, their focus on sisterhood without clearly recognizing difference based on race and class, and white women's innocence. Further, African American women were uninterested in white feminism because they were politically engaged with black nationalism and racial pride. Radical black women came to believe that they had to develop their own feminism, one which recognized the centrality of race and class to gender difference. Eventually, through much work and pain, instances occurred in which white and black feminists worked together politically. Their learning curve about gender, race, and class was steep in these years. Youthful American radical feminists were racial pioneers in developing a social movement that demonstrated politically how gender, race, and class are central to understanding and struggling against social inequality.
Sherie M. Randolph
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469623917
- eISBN:
- 9781469625119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469623917.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter examines Flo Kennedy’s leadership in creating a black feminist movement to challenge the critical linkages between all forms of oppression, especially racism and sexism. By 1972, while ...
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This chapter examines Flo Kennedy’s leadership in creating a black feminist movement to challenge the critical linkages between all forms of oppression, especially racism and sexism. By 1972, while she was excited about the growth of the predominantly white feminist movement, she was also profoundly disappointed that the struggle still did not fully embrace a black feminist position and make challenging racism as well as sexism central to its political agenda. Thus, Kennedy worked to create interracial feminist organizations that emphasized a black feminist praxis. Her activism during this period was central to building a women’s movement that included women of all races as well as an independent black feminist movement. To Kennedy’s thinking, Shirley Chisholm’s quest for the presidential nomination was the perfect opportunity for white feminists to build an alliance and support a black feminist politics. In 1971 she created the Feminist Party in hopes of bringing together an inclusive group of feminists to support not simply the candidacy of the black congresswoman but black feminism more generally. Equally interested in advancing black feminist praxis, she worked to create the National Black Feminist Organization in 1973 and pushed black women to form their own autonomous black feminist movement.Less
This chapter examines Flo Kennedy’s leadership in creating a black feminist movement to challenge the critical linkages between all forms of oppression, especially racism and sexism. By 1972, while she was excited about the growth of the predominantly white feminist movement, she was also profoundly disappointed that the struggle still did not fully embrace a black feminist position and make challenging racism as well as sexism central to its political agenda. Thus, Kennedy worked to create interracial feminist organizations that emphasized a black feminist praxis. Her activism during this period was central to building a women’s movement that included women of all races as well as an independent black feminist movement. To Kennedy’s thinking, Shirley Chisholm’s quest for the presidential nomination was the perfect opportunity for white feminists to build an alliance and support a black feminist politics. In 1971 she created the Feminist Party in hopes of bringing together an inclusive group of feminists to support not simply the candidacy of the black congresswoman but black feminism more generally. Equally interested in advancing black feminist praxis, she worked to create the National Black Feminist Organization in 1973 and pushed black women to form their own autonomous black feminist movement.
Arnfríður Guðmundsdóttir
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195397963
- eISBN:
- 9780199827206
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195397963.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter explores the three major issues of feminist theology: the role of women’s experience, the patriarchal bias of the Christian tradition, and sexism in our God-language. Given the feminist ...
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This chapter explores the three major issues of feminist theology: the role of women’s experience, the patriarchal bias of the Christian tradition, and sexism in our God-language. Given the feminist evaluation of the role and meaning of experience, as well as the patriarchal bias of the Christian tradition and God-language, feminist theologians have emphasized the need for a feminist reconstruction also of that part of the Christian tradition devoted to the person and work of Jesus Christ. Still others have deemed the Christological doctrines irretrievable because of their patriarchal bias.Less
This chapter explores the three major issues of feminist theology: the role of women’s experience, the patriarchal bias of the Christian tradition, and sexism in our God-language. Given the feminist evaluation of the role and meaning of experience, as well as the patriarchal bias of the Christian tradition and God-language, feminist theologians have emphasized the need for a feminist reconstruction also of that part of the Christian tradition devoted to the person and work of Jesus Christ. Still others have deemed the Christological doctrines irretrievable because of their patriarchal bias.
David W. Kling
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195130089
- eISBN:
- 9780199835393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195130081.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter focuses on the history of interpretation of Galatians 3:28 and its application to women’s ministry and ordination in the American context. Not until the nineteenth century was the text ...
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This chapter focuses on the history of interpretation of Galatians 3:28 and its application to women’s ministry and ordination in the American context. Not until the nineteenth century was the text understood to mean anything other than a person’s standing before God. However, the coalescence of evangelical revivalism and the first women’s rights movement in the 1840s shifted the text’s meaning to the human dimension, namely, to a woman’s right to serve in an equal capacity to men as ordained ministers.Less
This chapter focuses on the history of interpretation of Galatians 3:28 and its application to women’s ministry and ordination in the American context. Not until the nineteenth century was the text understood to mean anything other than a person’s standing before God. However, the coalescence of evangelical revivalism and the first women’s rights movement in the 1840s shifted the text’s meaning to the human dimension, namely, to a woman’s right to serve in an equal capacity to men as ordained ministers.
Éléonore Lépinard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190077150
- eISBN:
- 9780190077198
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190077150.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter analyzes how racialized feminists have forged specific political vocabularies to name and politicize their relationships with white feminists in the context of the headscarf debates. ...
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This chapter analyzes how racialized feminists have forged specific political vocabularies to name and politicize their relationships with white feminists in the context of the headscarf debates. Their discourses are articulated with a set of emotions and moral dispositions. This chapter captures the formation of (collectively produced) moral, political, and ethical dispositions that are intimately linked to and shaped by the context of postcolonialism and postsecularism in France and Quebec. This chapter argues that by calling themselves feminists, racialized feminists in both contexts enter—among other processes—in relation with white feminists, a relation that they attempt to fashion with their own vocabulary, concepts, and discourses. Racialized feminists seek to create a new language from within a dominant discourse. The chapter explores the political emotions, such as indignation, frustration, pain, unease, anger, or lassitude, that sustain racialized feminists’ relationship to white feminists, and the forms of moral address they convey to white feminists through both resistance and resentment.Less
This chapter analyzes how racialized feminists have forged specific political vocabularies to name and politicize their relationships with white feminists in the context of the headscarf debates. Their discourses are articulated with a set of emotions and moral dispositions. This chapter captures the formation of (collectively produced) moral, political, and ethical dispositions that are intimately linked to and shaped by the context of postcolonialism and postsecularism in France and Quebec. This chapter argues that by calling themselves feminists, racialized feminists in both contexts enter—among other processes—in relation with white feminists, a relation that they attempt to fashion with their own vocabulary, concepts, and discourses. Racialized feminists seek to create a new language from within a dominant discourse. The chapter explores the political emotions, such as indignation, frustration, pain, unease, anger, or lassitude, that sustain racialized feminists’ relationship to white feminists, and the forms of moral address they convey to white feminists through both resistance and resentment.
Elizabeth Vlossak
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561117
- eISBN:
- 9780191595035
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561117.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The administrative, legal, civil, constitutional and political transitions that took place in Alsace and Lorraine after 1918 caused the ‘Malaise alsacien’. This chapter explores the extent to which ...
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The administrative, legal, civil, constitutional and political transitions that took place in Alsace and Lorraine after 1918 caused the ‘Malaise alsacien’. This chapter explores the extent to which this malaise was gendered, and whether it led Alsatian women to question their national loyalties and identity. The controversial identity card system illuminates how French nationality laws discriminated against married women, an issue that became a cause célèbre of the French feminist movement throughout the 1920s. The newly-adopted French Civil Code curtailed the rights of Alsatian women who also remained entirely excluded from formal politics, unlike German women who won the right to vote in 1918. However, while Alsatian women actively opposed French attempts to secularize the region after 1924, they did not join French feminist organizations in great numbers, nor did they participate in the regionalist and autonomist movements, or receive support from German nationalist women's associations.Less
The administrative, legal, civil, constitutional and political transitions that took place in Alsace and Lorraine after 1918 caused the ‘Malaise alsacien’. This chapter explores the extent to which this malaise was gendered, and whether it led Alsatian women to question their national loyalties and identity. The controversial identity card system illuminates how French nationality laws discriminated against married women, an issue that became a cause célèbre of the French feminist movement throughout the 1920s. The newly-adopted French Civil Code curtailed the rights of Alsatian women who also remained entirely excluded from formal politics, unlike German women who won the right to vote in 1918. However, while Alsatian women actively opposed French attempts to secularize the region after 1924, they did not join French feminist organizations in great numbers, nor did they participate in the regionalist and autonomist movements, or receive support from German nationalist women's associations.
Webb Keane
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691167732
- eISBN:
- 9781400873593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691167732.003.0006
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter discusses the idea of ethical history, looking at situations in which hitherto taken-for-granted aspects of everyday life came to be the focus of attention, such as feminist ...
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This chapter discusses the idea of ethical history, looking at situations in which hitherto taken-for-granted aspects of everyday life came to be the focus of attention, such as feminist consciousness-raising in the 1960s and 1970s. Indeed, the American feminist movement is the invention and promulgation of the technique of consciousness-raising. Consciousness-raising is interesting for several reasons: it took very seriously the effects of problematizing the habits of everyday life, it succeeded in changing the descriptions and evaluations of actions and persons that were available for many Americans, and it ultimately foundered, in part, on an unresolved tension between subjective experience and objective social analysis. The chapter then argues that processes like this play an important role in the historical transformations of ethical and moral worlds.Less
This chapter discusses the idea of ethical history, looking at situations in which hitherto taken-for-granted aspects of everyday life came to be the focus of attention, such as feminist consciousness-raising in the 1960s and 1970s. Indeed, the American feminist movement is the invention and promulgation of the technique of consciousness-raising. Consciousness-raising is interesting for several reasons: it took very seriously the effects of problematizing the habits of everyday life, it succeeded in changing the descriptions and evaluations of actions and persons that were available for many Americans, and it ultimately foundered, in part, on an unresolved tension between subjective experience and objective social analysis. The chapter then argues that processes like this play an important role in the historical transformations of ethical and moral worlds.
Éléonore Lépinard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190077150
- eISBN:
- 9780190077198
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190077150.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter develops the implications of considering feminism as a moral and political project and articulates this conception with intersectionality. It argues that to capture both the political ...
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This chapter develops the implications of considering feminism as a moral and political project and articulates this conception with intersectionality. It argues that to capture both the political and moral dimensions of feminism we must explore feminists’ political subjectivations. Such an approach places at the center of its inquiry the moral dispositions that feminists cultivate toward other feminists, taking into account the power inequalities—particularly, but not only, along axes of race and religion—that shape these relations between feminists. This perspective is indebted to specific genealogies of intersectional feminist theory that have insisted on how social locations and hierarchies of power shape feminist subjectivities through emotions and moral sentiments. Theorizing feminism in this way also offers important insights on intersectionality theory when it comes to analyzing feminist movements and how they address power hierarchies of race and religion.Less
This chapter develops the implications of considering feminism as a moral and political project and articulates this conception with intersectionality. It argues that to capture both the political and moral dimensions of feminism we must explore feminists’ political subjectivations. Such an approach places at the center of its inquiry the moral dispositions that feminists cultivate toward other feminists, taking into account the power inequalities—particularly, but not only, along axes of race and religion—that shape these relations between feminists. This perspective is indebted to specific genealogies of intersectional feminist theory that have insisted on how social locations and hierarchies of power shape feminist subjectivities through emotions and moral sentiments. Theorizing feminism in this way also offers important insights on intersectionality theory when it comes to analyzing feminist movements and how they address power hierarchies of race and religion.
Barbara Caine
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204336
- eISBN:
- 9780191676215
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204336.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter examines the contribution of Emily Davies to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Davies was the founder of the Girton College and the leader of the fight for the higher education ...
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This chapter examines the contribution of Emily Davies to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Davies was the founder of the Girton College and the leader of the fight for the higher education of women. Though her role in establishing Girton College and her leadership in the campaign to have university local examinations opened to women were thoroughly explored, there is not much research about her feminist ideas. This chapter analyses Davies' feminist doctrine and compares hers with those of other prominent feminists of the period.Less
This chapter examines the contribution of Emily Davies to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Davies was the founder of the Girton College and the leader of the fight for the higher education of women. Though her role in establishing Girton College and her leadership in the campaign to have university local examinations opened to women were thoroughly explored, there is not much research about her feminist ideas. This chapter analyses Davies' feminist doctrine and compares hers with those of other prominent feminists of the period.
Éléonore Lépinard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190077150
- eISBN:
- 9780190077198
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190077150.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality, Social Movements and Social Change
The introductory chapter first identifies the trouble with feminism in post-secular times. It explains that the current crisis is different than previous ones because at its center is the question of ...
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The introductory chapter first identifies the trouble with feminism in post-secular times. It explains that the current crisis is different than previous ones because at its center is the question of feminist and religious agency. The chapter argues that we need to go beyond this debate which has been framed by the work of Saba Mahmood on religious agency, and limited to a critical analysis. To do so, drawing on critical feminist theories and on theories of care, it posits that we must consider feminism as both a political and a moral project. It details what such a conception of feminism entails, and what it brings to the analysis of current feminist conflicts. It then provides an outline of the subsequent chapters.Less
The introductory chapter first identifies the trouble with feminism in post-secular times. It explains that the current crisis is different than previous ones because at its center is the question of feminist and religious agency. The chapter argues that we need to go beyond this debate which has been framed by the work of Saba Mahmood on religious agency, and limited to a critical analysis. To do so, drawing on critical feminist theories and on theories of care, it posits that we must consider feminism as both a political and a moral project. It details what such a conception of feminism entails, and what it brings to the analysis of current feminist conflicts. It then provides an outline of the subsequent chapters.
Barbara Caine
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204336
- eISBN:
- 9780191676215
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204336.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter examines the contribution of Millicent Garrett Fawcett to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Fawcett was the only Victorian feminist who lived to celebrate the enfranchisement ...
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This chapter examines the contribution of Millicent Garrett Fawcett to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Fawcett was the only Victorian feminist who lived to celebrate the enfranchisement of women in 1928 and her own contribution to this was formally recognized in 1924 when she was made a Grand Dame Cross of the Order of the British Empire. Her feminist activities spanned several successive stages. She became a member of the first Women's Suffrage Committee in London in 1867 and president of the National Union of Women's Suffrage in 1918.Less
This chapter examines the contribution of Millicent Garrett Fawcett to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Fawcett was the only Victorian feminist who lived to celebrate the enfranchisement of women in 1928 and her own contribution to this was formally recognized in 1924 when she was made a Grand Dame Cross of the Order of the British Empire. Her feminist activities spanned several successive stages. She became a member of the first Women's Suffrage Committee in London in 1867 and president of the National Union of Women's Suffrage in 1918.
Aryeh Neier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691135151
- eISBN:
- 9781400841875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691135151.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter explains that the driving force behind the protection of human rights worldwide, today and for roughly the past thirty-five years, has been the nongovernmental human rights movement. ...
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This chapter explains that the driving force behind the protection of human rights worldwide, today and for roughly the past thirty-five years, has been the nongovernmental human rights movement. Intermittently during the last two-and-a-half centuries, citizens' movements did play important roles in efforts to promote human rights, as during the development of the antislavery movement in England in the eighteenth century and the rise of the feminist movement in the United States in the nineteenth century. The contemporary human rights movement responds to victories and defeats by shifting focus from time to time, but it shows signs that it will remain an enduring force in world affairs. Efforts by those outside governments have been particularly important in extending the protection of rights beyond national boundaries, and it is in the present era that they have been most significant.Less
This chapter explains that the driving force behind the protection of human rights worldwide, today and for roughly the past thirty-five years, has been the nongovernmental human rights movement. Intermittently during the last two-and-a-half centuries, citizens' movements did play important roles in efforts to promote human rights, as during the development of the antislavery movement in England in the eighteenth century and the rise of the feminist movement in the United States in the nineteenth century. The contemporary human rights movement responds to victories and defeats by shifting focus from time to time, but it shows signs that it will remain an enduring force in world affairs. Efforts by those outside governments have been particularly important in extending the protection of rights beyond national boundaries, and it is in the present era that they have been most significant.
Barbara Caine
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204336
- eISBN:
- 9780191676215
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204336.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter examines the contribution of Frances Power Cobbe to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Cobbe's feminist ideas have been widely received in comparison to those of Emily Davies. ...
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This chapter examines the contribution of Frances Power Cobbe to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Cobbe's feminist ideas have been widely received in comparison to those of Emily Davies. This is because while Davies' feminism stressed equality Cobbe's centres on sexual difference. Her activities that gained the most attention were her discussions of marital violence and of women's domestic subordination on the one hand, and her defence of celibacy and of female domestic companionship on the other.Less
This chapter examines the contribution of Frances Power Cobbe to the feminist movement in Victorian England. Cobbe's feminist ideas have been widely received in comparison to those of Emily Davies. This is because while Davies' feminism stressed equality Cobbe's centres on sexual difference. Her activities that gained the most attention were her discussions of marital violence and of women's domestic subordination on the one hand, and her defence of celibacy and of female domestic companionship on the other.
Sarah Azaransky
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199744817
- eISBN:
- 9780199897308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744817.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter describes landmark legal arguments Murray made about equal protection in the 1960s. Using the category of “Jane Crow,” she demanded that the law be responsive to the synthetic nature of ...
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This chapter describes landmark legal arguments Murray made about equal protection in the 1960s. Using the category of “Jane Crow,” she demanded that the law be responsive to the synthetic nature of identity. In so doing, Murray placed African American women's experiences at the center of democratic consideration. Despite her attempts to build coalitions, she found herself increasingly at odds with leaders of the feminist and Black Freedom movements.Less
This chapter describes landmark legal arguments Murray made about equal protection in the 1960s. Using the category of “Jane Crow,” she demanded that the law be responsive to the synthetic nature of identity. In so doing, Murray placed African American women's experiences at the center of democratic consideration. Despite her attempts to build coalitions, she found herself increasingly at odds with leaders of the feminist and Black Freedom movements.
Barbara Caine
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204336
- eISBN:
- 9780191676215
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204336.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter examines the contribution of Josephine Butler to the feminist movement in Victorian England. While Butler was granted heroic status by Victorian reformers and her greater powers of ...
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This chapter examines the contribution of Josephine Butler to the feminist movement in Victorian England. While Butler was granted heroic status by Victorian reformers and her greater powers of persuasion and leadership were widely recognized, there is doubt about her feminism. Some historians have suggested that Butler's feminist concern can be seen in her involvement in the Contagious Disease agitation and her broader analysis of the oppression of women. This chapter clarifies the precise nature of Butler's feminism and her place in the 19th century women's movement.Less
This chapter examines the contribution of Josephine Butler to the feminist movement in Victorian England. While Butler was granted heroic status by Victorian reformers and her greater powers of persuasion and leadership were widely recognized, there is doubt about her feminism. Some historians have suggested that Butler's feminist concern can be seen in her involvement in the Contagious Disease agitation and her broader analysis of the oppression of women. This chapter clarifies the precise nature of Butler's feminism and her place in the 19th century women's movement.
Annmarie Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639816
- eISBN:
- 9780748653522
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639816.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
Many contemporary socialist men were antagonistic towards the first-wave feminist movement in Britain, believing that the women's movement ‘deflected the minds of the people from socialist propaganda ...
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Many contemporary socialist men were antagonistic towards the first-wave feminist movement in Britain, believing that the women's movement ‘deflected the minds of the people from socialist propaganda and socialist activities’. Opinions such as these have led a number of labour and feminist historians to identify the British labour movement as male-dominated and hostile to feminism and the feminist movement. Indeed, it seems that the working men and men of the labour movement were so suspicious of the largely middle-class feminist movement and separate sex organisations, which they regarded as undemocratic, that they advocated a policy whereby socialist women were expected to avoid contact with such organisations to the detriment of feminism and potential coalitions. However, feminism was not the preserve of middle-class women and formal feminist groups. There was a significant number of feminists within the labour movement in Scotland and among working-class women more generally. Although class issues may have remained more important than gender concerns within the labour movement, there were a variety of perspectives on feminism which allowed women to promote gender questions too. Furthermore, while feminists had to compete with anti-feminist ideas, most female activists within the labour movement were feminist in some form or another.Less
Many contemporary socialist men were antagonistic towards the first-wave feminist movement in Britain, believing that the women's movement ‘deflected the minds of the people from socialist propaganda and socialist activities’. Opinions such as these have led a number of labour and feminist historians to identify the British labour movement as male-dominated and hostile to feminism and the feminist movement. Indeed, it seems that the working men and men of the labour movement were so suspicious of the largely middle-class feminist movement and separate sex organisations, which they regarded as undemocratic, that they advocated a policy whereby socialist women were expected to avoid contact with such organisations to the detriment of feminism and potential coalitions. However, feminism was not the preserve of middle-class women and formal feminist groups. There was a significant number of feminists within the labour movement in Scotland and among working-class women more generally. Although class issues may have remained more important than gender concerns within the labour movement, there were a variety of perspectives on feminism which allowed women to promote gender questions too. Furthermore, while feminists had to compete with anti-feminist ideas, most female activists within the labour movement were feminist in some form or another.
Carol Giardina
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034560
- eISBN:
- 9780813039329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034560.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Male domination in the early 1960s limited women's participation in important spheres of life. Few women were even aware of the fact that they were being oppressed in any way. Then by the close of ...
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Male domination in the early 1960s limited women's participation in important spheres of life. Few women were even aware of the fact that they were being oppressed in any way. Then by the close of the decade, a movement was initiated, challenging male chauvinism in every field. This chapter pays attention to the emergence of the feminist movement for fighting against injustice committed against women by their counterparts. The chapter throws light on the oppressive conditions of women from which they were entirely unconscious. Then slowly conditions changed the Women's Liberation Movements which started in the 1960s. The chapter views the changes that were brought about by the liberation movement. Further, the chapter charts the journey of women activists involved in women's liberation movements.Less
Male domination in the early 1960s limited women's participation in important spheres of life. Few women were even aware of the fact that they were being oppressed in any way. Then by the close of the decade, a movement was initiated, challenging male chauvinism in every field. This chapter pays attention to the emergence of the feminist movement for fighting against injustice committed against women by their counterparts. The chapter throws light on the oppressive conditions of women from which they were entirely unconscious. Then slowly conditions changed the Women's Liberation Movements which started in the 1960s. The chapter views the changes that were brought about by the liberation movement. Further, the chapter charts the journey of women activists involved in women's liberation movements.
Bonnie J. Dow
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038563
- eISBN:
- 9780252096488
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038563.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter begins the story of 1970's “grand press blitz,” when a barrage of print stories on the movement set the stage for network news' first reports on women's liberation. It couples a ...
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This chapter begins the story of 1970's “grand press blitz,” when a barrage of print stories on the movement set the stage for network news' first reports on women's liberation. It couples a discussion of all three networks' first, brief, hard news reports on feminist protest in January—the disruption of the Senate birth control pill hearings by a women's liberation group—with an extensive analysis of two series of lengthy soft feature stories on women's liberation broadcast by CBS and NBC in March and April. On one level, both network series created a sort of moderate middle ground of acceptable feminism anchored by their legitimation of liberal feminist issues related to workplace discrimination, but they diverged sharply in other ways that indicated key differences in their purposes and their imagined audiences. The CBS and NBC series provide a sort of baseline for national television representations of the movement in 1970; between them, they display the wide range of rhetorical strategies contained in early network reports. The CBS stories offered a generally dismissive and visually sensationalized narrative about the movement, particularly its radical contingent, displaying the gender anxiety assumed to afflict its male target audience. In contrast, the NBC series presented a generally sympathetic narrative about the movement's issues that unified radical and liberal concerns rather than using the latter to marginalize the former.Less
This chapter begins the story of 1970's “grand press blitz,” when a barrage of print stories on the movement set the stage for network news' first reports on women's liberation. It couples a discussion of all three networks' first, brief, hard news reports on feminist protest in January—the disruption of the Senate birth control pill hearings by a women's liberation group—with an extensive analysis of two series of lengthy soft feature stories on women's liberation broadcast by CBS and NBC in March and April. On one level, both network series created a sort of moderate middle ground of acceptable feminism anchored by their legitimation of liberal feminist issues related to workplace discrimination, but they diverged sharply in other ways that indicated key differences in their purposes and their imagined audiences. The CBS and NBC series provide a sort of baseline for national television representations of the movement in 1970; between them, they display the wide range of rhetorical strategies contained in early network reports. The CBS stories offered a generally dismissive and visually sensationalized narrative about the movement, particularly its radical contingent, displaying the gender anxiety assumed to afflict its male target audience. In contrast, the NBC series presented a generally sympathetic narrative about the movement's issues that unified radical and liberal concerns rather than using the latter to marginalize the former.
