Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most ...
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It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most seek autonomy and freedom to carry out nation-building projects within a federal state. This chapter introduces the potential federalist solution to the problems of multinational states. It considers the history of political philosophizing about federalism, particularly whether the neglect and even rejection of federalism by liberal theorists throughout much of the 20th century was justified.Less
It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most seek autonomy and freedom to carry out nation-building projects within a federal state. This chapter introduces the potential federalist solution to the problems of multinational states. It considers the history of political philosophizing about federalism, particularly whether the neglect and even rejection of federalism by liberal theorists throughout much of the 20th century was justified.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Preventing secession is the central design challenge in a multinational federation. This chapter considers how a well-designed legal secession procedure in a federal constitution could be attractive ...
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Preventing secession is the central design challenge in a multinational federation. This chapter considers how a well-designed legal secession procedure in a federal constitution could be attractive to both majority and minority nationalists. Legalizing (or ‘domesticating’) secession the right way could, paradoxically, make secession less likely by taking away some incentives for secessionist politics. It could also provide a powerful form of symbolic recognition for a national minority. The background context of secession in international law, as well as some lessons from the history of secessionist politics and the recent ‘legalization’ of secession in Canada and Quebec are discussed.Less
Preventing secession is the central design challenge in a multinational federation. This chapter considers how a well-designed legal secession procedure in a federal constitution could be attractive to both majority and minority nationalists. Legalizing (or ‘domesticating’) secession the right way could, paradoxically, make secession less likely by taking away some incentives for secessionist politics. It could also provide a powerful form of symbolic recognition for a national minority. The background context of secession in international law, as well as some lessons from the history of secessionist politics and the recent ‘legalization’ of secession in Canada and Quebec are discussed.
David McKay
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296775
- eISBN:
- 9780191685279
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296775.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book examines the decision to adopt European Monetary Union (EMU) as a federal bargain by the European Union, designed to provide the countries of Europe with a bulwark against the volatility of ...
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This book examines the decision to adopt European Monetary Union (EMU) as a federal bargain by the European Union, designed to provide the countries of Europe with a bulwark against the volatility of the international economy. Although the precise motives of the participants varied from country to country, all were agreed that only federal-like political and economic arrangements would provide a guarantee of economic and political stability. The book provides a coherent theoretical framework for understanding the decisions taken at Maastricht and later. By making comparisons with other federations, the book also examines the political and economic conditions under which federations succeed or fail. It concludes that EMU will only be politically sustainable if novel ways are found to limit centrally imposed fiscal and spending policies.Less
This book examines the decision to adopt European Monetary Union (EMU) as a federal bargain by the European Union, designed to provide the countries of Europe with a bulwark against the volatility of the international economy. Although the precise motives of the participants varied from country to country, all were agreed that only federal-like political and economic arrangements would provide a guarantee of economic and political stability. The book provides a coherent theoretical framework for understanding the decisions taken at Maastricht and later. By making comparisons with other federations, the book also examines the political and economic conditions under which federations succeed or fail. It concludes that EMU will only be politically sustainable if novel ways are found to limit centrally imposed fiscal and spending policies.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter provides a comprehensive constitutional and political evaluation of the Agreement of 1998. It explains that the Agreement is consistent with the four central pillars of consociational ...
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The chapter provides a comprehensive constitutional and political evaluation of the Agreement of 1998. It explains that the Agreement is consistent with the four central pillars of consociational democracy, but it also addressed the self-determination dispute at the heart of the conflict through a number of complex federal and confederal elements, involving both parts of Ireland, and Ireland and Great Britain. The chapter has an appendix which explains the d'Hondt formula used for executive appointment.Less
The chapter provides a comprehensive constitutional and political evaluation of the Agreement of 1998. It explains that the Agreement is consistent with the four central pillars of consociational democracy, but it also addressed the self-determination dispute at the heart of the conflict through a number of complex federal and confederal elements, involving both parts of Ireland, and Ireland and Great Britain. The chapter has an appendix which explains the d'Hondt formula used for executive appointment.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
The Soviet regime's political successors intended, from the start, a transition to a genuine federal system. An examination of the formal debates and conflicts between political elites reveals that ...
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The Soviet regime's political successors intended, from the start, a transition to a genuine federal system. An examination of the formal debates and conflicts between political elites reveals that Russia's project of ‘renewed federation’ developed on several different institutional levels and cut across many different political interests. Three of four stages in the process of federal transition are examined in detail: the ‘Parade of Sovereignties’, development of the Federation Treaty, and the crisis over a new federal Constitution. The content of these documents and their relationship with power struggles in and between Moscow and the constituent units of the new Russian Federation are examined in detail. The Republic of Tatarstan is a special case study.Less
The Soviet regime's political successors intended, from the start, a transition to a genuine federal system. An examination of the formal debates and conflicts between political elites reveals that Russia's project of ‘renewed federation’ developed on several different institutional levels and cut across many different political interests. Three of four stages in the process of federal transition are examined in detail: the ‘Parade of Sovereignties’, development of the Federation Treaty, and the crisis over a new federal Constitution. The content of these documents and their relationship with power struggles in and between Moscow and the constituent units of the new Russian Federation are examined in detail. The Republic of Tatarstan is a special case study.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
The first year of Putin's presidency resulted in the most concerted and fundamental shake‐up of federal relations since 1993. Putin ended the bilateral treaty process and vowed to create a ...
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The first year of Putin's presidency resulted in the most concerted and fundamental shake‐up of federal relations since 1993. Putin ended the bilateral treaty process and vowed to create a ‘Dictatorship of Law’. Putin's reforms are examined in detail, including the creation of presidential envoys (polpredy) and federal districts, the quasi‐judicial use of presidential decrees (ukazy), reform of the Council of the Federation, growing federal influence of regional executives and legislatures, and local self‐government. These dramatic changes led to the reform of republican constitutions and a new stage in federal‐regional relations.Less
The first year of Putin's presidency resulted in the most concerted and fundamental shake‐up of federal relations since 1993. Putin ended the bilateral treaty process and vowed to create a ‘Dictatorship of Law’. Putin's reforms are examined in detail, including the creation of presidential envoys (polpredy) and federal districts, the quasi‐judicial use of presidential decrees (ukazy), reform of the Council of the Federation, growing federal influence of regional executives and legislatures, and local self‐government. These dramatic changes led to the reform of republican constitutions and a new stage in federal‐regional relations.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
A broad continuum of approaches to federal government exists. What choices are available to ruling elites at any given political moment depends greatly on previous institutional and political ...
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A broad continuum of approaches to federal government exists. What choices are available to ruling elites at any given political moment depends greatly on previous institutional and political choices. The importance of a culture of legality, democratic governance, and a shared appreciation for the concepts and goals behind federal choices cannot be understated. The author concludes that weak conceptual, democratic, and rule‐of‐law foundations continue to threaten the new Russian Federation.Less
A broad continuum of approaches to federal government exists. What choices are available to ruling elites at any given political moment depends greatly on previous institutional and political choices. The importance of a culture of legality, democratic governance, and a shared appreciation for the concepts and goals behind federal choices cannot be understated. The author concludes that weak conceptual, democratic, and rule‐of‐law foundations continue to threaten the new Russian Federation.
Neil Melvin
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199276141
- eISBN:
- 9780191603341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276145.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Putin’s reform of the Russian Federation can be viewed as both promoting and restricting democracy. While moves to challenge the democracy of Russia’s regions can be seen as a positive step, ...
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Putin’s reform of the Russian Federation can be viewed as both promoting and restricting democracy. While moves to challenge the democracy of Russia’s regions can be seen as a positive step, considerable doubts remain about whether the reforms involved gains in terms of democracy and effectiveness. Beyond increased stability, there is little evidence that the regional reforms fundamentally altered the networks of political and economic relationships that underpinned regional activism and the non-democratic regimes of many regions in the 1990s.Less
Putin’s reform of the Russian Federation can be viewed as both promoting and restricting democracy. While moves to challenge the democracy of Russia’s regions can be seen as a positive step, considerable doubts remain about whether the reforms involved gains in terms of democracy and effectiveness. Beyond increased stability, there is little evidence that the regional reforms fundamentally altered the networks of political and economic relationships that underpinned regional activism and the non-democratic regimes of many regions in the 1990s.
Hanspeter Mattes
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0029
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Libya follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Libya follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1971 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (none given or used); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances (no statistical data are available for the parliamentary elections held from 1952 to 1965, and neither presidential nor parliamentary elections have been held since the proclamation of the Libyan Arab Republic); 2.5 Referendum 1971 (details of registered voters and votes cast in the referendum on the foundation of the Federation of Arab Republics between Egypt, Libya, and Syria); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections (see note under 2.4); 2.8 Composition of Parliament (see note under 2.4); 2.9 Presidential Elections (see note under 2.4); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1951–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Libya follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1971 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (none given or used); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances (no statistical data are available for the parliamentary elections held from 1952 to 1965, and neither presidential nor parliamentary elections have been held since the proclamation of the Libyan Arab Republic); 2.5 Referendum 1971 (details of registered voters and votes cast in the referendum on the foundation of the Federation of Arab Republics between Egypt, Libya, and Syria); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections (see note under 2.4); 2.8 Composition of Parliament (see note under 2.4); 2.9 Presidential Elections (see note under 2.4); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1951–1998.
Giandomenico Majone
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199274307
- eISBN:
- 9780191603310
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274304.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The Community method is the traditional approach to European integration. However, the method is becoming obsolete, being too rigid to permit institutional and policy innovations, or to apply to ...
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The Community method is the traditional approach to European integration. However, the method is becoming obsolete, being too rigid to permit institutional and policy innovations, or to apply to politically sensitive areas. For these reasons, the member states of the EU are increasingly willing to commit themselves to common tasks, but wish to act outside the traditional framework. In a Union where national institutions and priorities are much more varied than in the past, it is impossible to force the integration process into a single pattern. The Community method was inspired by a federalist vision, but a federal superstate would be unable to provide the public goods which Europeans take for granted. Lacking legitimacy, the federation would be unable to act decisively even in areas where close cooperation is needed. A confederation built on the solid foundation of market integration offers the only viable model for a EU capable of playing a significant role on the international scene.Less
The Community method is the traditional approach to European integration. However, the method is becoming obsolete, being too rigid to permit institutional and policy innovations, or to apply to politically sensitive areas. For these reasons, the member states of the EU are increasingly willing to commit themselves to common tasks, but wish to act outside the traditional framework. In a Union where national institutions and priorities are much more varied than in the past, it is impossible to force the integration process into a single pattern. The Community method was inspired by a federalist vision, but a federal superstate would be unable to provide the public goods which Europeans take for granted. Lacking legitimacy, the federation would be unable to act decisively even in areas where close cooperation is needed. A confederation built on the solid foundation of market integration offers the only viable model for a EU capable of playing a significant role on the international scene.
Archie Brown
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780192880529
- eISBN:
- 9780191598876
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0192880527.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
A central thesis of the book, elaborated especially in this chapter, is that from the outset of his General Secretaryship, Gorbachev was seriously interested in political change as well as in ...
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A central thesis of the book, elaborated especially in this chapter, is that from the outset of his General Secretaryship, Gorbachev was seriously interested in political change as well as in economic reform, but that in the course of the struggle to introduce it, he came to the realization that reform was not enough and that the political system had to be comprehensively transformed. The chapter discusses six stages of transformation between March 1985 and December 1991 as well as the fourfold nature of the transformation that was required: first, the movement from authoritarianism to political pluralism; second, the need to move from a command economy with virtually 100% state ownership of the means of production to a market economy with a substantial private sector; third, the need to create a genuine federation or a looser confederation in place of the pseudo‐federalism in which the aspirations of the more self‐conscious nations within the Soviet borders had been ruthlessly suppressed; and, fourth, the need to transform foreign policy. The dilemma for Gorbachev was that the fourfold transformation was an interlinked process: any three of these basic changes were likely to be undermined by the absence of a fourth; yet, as each was implemented to a greater or lesser degree, its side effects produced complications in the other spheres. Among the political changes analysed are the breakthrough represented by the Nineteenth Party Conference of 1988, the movement from party to state power, the advent of contested elections for a new legislature, the indirect election by that legislature of Gorbachev as President, and the failure to split the Communist Party.Less
A central thesis of the book, elaborated especially in this chapter, is that from the outset of his General Secretaryship, Gorbachev was seriously interested in political change as well as in economic reform, but that in the course of the struggle to introduce it, he came to the realization that reform was not enough and that the political system had to be comprehensively transformed. The chapter discusses six stages of transformation between March 1985 and December 1991 as well as the fourfold nature of the transformation that was required: first, the movement from authoritarianism to political pluralism; second, the need to move from a command economy with virtually 100% state ownership of the means of production to a market economy with a substantial private sector; third, the need to create a genuine federation or a looser confederation in place of the pseudo‐federalism in which the aspirations of the more self‐conscious nations within the Soviet borders had been ruthlessly suppressed; and, fourth, the need to transform foreign policy. The dilemma for Gorbachev was that the fourfold transformation was an interlinked process: any three of these basic changes were likely to be undermined by the absence of a fourth; yet, as each was implemented to a greater or lesser degree, its side effects produced complications in the other spheres. Among the political changes analysed are the breakthrough represented by the Nineteenth Party Conference of 1988, the movement from party to state power, the advent of contested elections for a new legislature, the indirect election by that legislature of Gorbachev as President, and the failure to split the Communist Party.
Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking ...
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The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking Ireland with Britain, and argues that both the internal and external dimensions were necessary parts of a durable settlement given the identities and aspirations of nationalists and unionists. The chapter stresses, in contrast to positions taken by Arend Lijphart and Donald Horowitz, the advantages of the particular proportional electoral system used in Northern Ireland. It also points to the dangers that Britain's tradition of parliamentary sovereignty poses to stable agreements between Britain and Ireland. Northern Ireland, the author argues, could and should have become a federacy as well as having consociational governance.Less
The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking Ireland with Britain, and argues that both the internal and external dimensions were necessary parts of a durable settlement given the identities and aspirations of nationalists and unionists. The chapter stresses, in contrast to positions taken by Arend Lijphart and Donald Horowitz, the advantages of the particular proportional electoral system used in Northern Ireland. It also points to the dangers that Britain's tradition of parliamentary sovereignty poses to stable agreements between Britain and Ireland. Northern Ireland, the author argues, could and should have become a federacy as well as having consociational governance.
Ivo Samson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Shows the relative failure of Western pressure aimed at improving the democratic record of successive Slovak governments led by the former Prime Minister Vladimir Mečiar. The chapter points to ...
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Shows the relative failure of Western pressure aimed at improving the democratic record of successive Slovak governments led by the former Prime Minister Vladimir Mečiar. The chapter points to several factors that contributed to the ineffectiveness of Western influence. Firstly, the manner in which Slovakia achieved independence created unfavourable conditions for its democratic consolidation. The division of Czechoslovakia was accomplished against the will of the majority of Slovaks and officially presented as a rejection of rapid and radical transformation. Secondly, a new proud and insecure State tried to assert its independence of all external actors. Western pressure was often considered as alien to Slovak culture and in conflict with Slovak national interest. Thirdly, the former Prime Minister, Vladimir Mečiar, misread Western determination to bring about democratic reforms in Slovakia. It was wrongly believed that regardless of its many democratic flaws, Slovakia would soon become a member of the European Union and NATO, simply because of its unique geostrategic importance and decent economic performance. Bratislava thought that allowing free and relatively fair elections in Slovakia would be enough to satisfy Western actors. However, the West wanted Slovakia to embrace a Western‐type of liberal constitutionalism before considering its possible membership in the EU and NATO. Overall, Slovakia's misperception of its geopolitical uniqueness and paradoxes of its domestic political development led to serious misunderstandings about Western responses.Less
Shows the relative failure of Western pressure aimed at improving the democratic record of successive Slovak governments led by the former Prime Minister Vladimir Mečiar. The chapter points to several factors that contributed to the ineffectiveness of Western influence. Firstly, the manner in which Slovakia achieved independence created unfavourable conditions for its democratic consolidation. The division of Czechoslovakia was accomplished against the will of the majority of Slovaks and officially presented as a rejection of rapid and radical transformation. Secondly, a new proud and insecure State tried to assert its independence of all external actors. Western pressure was often considered as alien to Slovak culture and in conflict with Slovak national interest. Thirdly, the former Prime Minister, Vladimir Mečiar, misread Western determination to bring about democratic reforms in Slovakia. It was wrongly believed that regardless of its many democratic flaws, Slovakia would soon become a member of the European Union and NATO, simply because of its unique geostrategic importance and decent economic performance. Bratislava thought that allowing free and relatively fair elections in Slovakia would be enough to satisfy Western actors. However, the West wanted Slovakia to embrace a Western‐type of liberal constitutionalism before considering its possible membership in the EU and NATO. Overall, Slovakia's misperception of its geopolitical uniqueness and paradoxes of its domestic political development led to serious misunderstandings about Western responses.
Rogan Kersh and James Morone
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199283958
- eISBN:
- 9780191603297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199283958.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The USA is deeply implicated in European dreams of a more perfect union. This chapter investigates three aspects of the European-American nexus. First, it focuses on the striking gap between politics ...
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The USA is deeply implicated in European dreams of a more perfect union. This chapter investigates three aspects of the European-American nexus. First, it focuses on the striking gap between politics and administration in contemporary Europe, and reflects on the implications for democracy. Second, it examines recent tensions between the USA and European governments, arguing that the source goes far deeper than the bare-knuckles diplomacy of the current Bush Administration. Finally, it examines the early history of US national unity as a model for European efforts.Less
The USA is deeply implicated in European dreams of a more perfect union. This chapter investigates three aspects of the European-American nexus. First, it focuses on the striking gap between politics and administration in contemporary Europe, and reflects on the implications for democracy. Second, it examines recent tensions between the USA and European governments, arguing that the source goes far deeper than the bare-knuckles diplomacy of the current Bush Administration. Finally, it examines the early history of US national unity as a model for European efforts.
Rainer Bauböck
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297703
- eISBN:
- 9780191602948
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829770X.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
None of the current Anglo‐American theories of secession gives proper consideration to the most common grievance voiced by national minorities in multinational states—that the terms of federation are ...
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None of the current Anglo‐American theories of secession gives proper consideration to the most common grievance voiced by national minorities in multinational states—that the terms of federation are either unfair or have been violated by the majority. If this charge were a plausible and necessary justification for threatening with secession, then it would also follow that a national minority is morally bound to maintain the unity of the existing state as long as fair terms of federation are respected. That is the main idea addressed in this chapter. Arguments are advanced against a right to self‐determination and in favour of a right to self‐government that can be sufficiently realized within a federal framework. Three perspectives on federalism that could help establish the federal rights and duties of minorities are explored, and the matter of territorial self‐government within multinational federations is addressed.Less
None of the current Anglo‐American theories of secession gives proper consideration to the most common grievance voiced by national minorities in multinational states—that the terms of federation are either unfair or have been violated by the majority. If this charge were a plausible and necessary justification for threatening with secession, then it would also follow that a national minority is morally bound to maintain the unity of the existing state as long as fair terms of federation are respected. That is the main idea addressed in this chapter. Arguments are advanced against a right to self‐determination and in favour of a right to self‐government that can be sufficiently realized within a federal framework. Three perspectives on federalism that could help establish the federal rights and duties of minorities are explored, and the matter of territorial self‐government within multinational federations is addressed.
Martin Wight
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273676
- eISBN:
- 9780191602771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273677.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Kant was the greatest of modern philosophers. He held that we have knowledge of the phenomenal world alone; of the realm of the noumenal we have only moral experience. But he had moral passion in his ...
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Kant was the greatest of modern philosophers. He held that we have knowledge of the phenomenal world alone; of the realm of the noumenal we have only moral experience. But he had moral passion in his notion of the categorical imperative, or goodwill dedicated to duty. Kant’s revolutionism is seen in the idea of the homogeneity of states—a federation of ‘republics’; or alternatively in cosmopolitanism— a world of individuals and peoples rather than of governments and states. Kant’s belief in the harmony of interests underlies his doctrine of progress. There are categories of Kantians, although Kant himself was both comprehensive and universal as a philosopher.Less
Kant was the greatest of modern philosophers. He held that we have knowledge of the phenomenal world alone; of the realm of the noumenal we have only moral experience. But he had moral passion in his notion of the categorical imperative, or goodwill dedicated to duty. Kant’s revolutionism is seen in the idea of the homogeneity of states—a federation of ‘republics’; or alternatively in cosmopolitanism— a world of individuals and peoples rather than of governments and states. Kant’s belief in the harmony of interests underlies his doctrine of progress. There are categories of Kantians, although Kant himself was both comprehensive and universal as a philosopher.
T. N. Bisson
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202363
- eISBN:
- 9780191675294
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202363.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
This introductory chapter sets out the focus on the book, namely the history of the Crown of Aragon. It examines the history of the lands they ruled, of societies in Aragon and the Catalan-speaking ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the focus on the book, namely the history of the Crown of Aragon. It examines the history of the lands they ruled, of societies in Aragon and the Catalan-speaking counties that were on the threshold of national identity when their ruling dynasties merged and that continued to evolve in distinctive ways. It highlights the most salient peculiarity of the medieval Crown of Aragon: the rise of Catalonia to pre-eminence in the federation.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the focus on the book, namely the history of the Crown of Aragon. It examines the history of the lands they ruled, of societies in Aragon and the Catalan-speaking counties that were on the threshold of national identity when their ruling dynasties merged and that continued to evolve in distinctive ways. It highlights the most salient peculiarity of the medieval Crown of Aragon: the rise of Catalonia to pre-eminence in the federation.
Michael Hechter
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199247516
- eISBN:
- 9780191599460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924751X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
A variety of institutional mechanisms of containing nationalist violence is considered, including consociationalism, electoral design, and federation. Federation is a viable means of containing ...
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A variety of institutional mechanisms of containing nationalist violence is considered, including consociationalism, electoral design, and federation. Federation is a viable means of containing nationalist violence, but only as long as the minority nation remains dependent on the centre for key public goods. The centre's capacity to devolve authority credibly to minority nations hinges not on value considerations, but on its adoption of institutions guaranteeing procedural justice.Less
A variety of institutional mechanisms of containing nationalist violence is considered, including consociationalism, electoral design, and federation. Federation is a viable means of containing nationalist violence, but only as long as the minority nation remains dependent on the centre for key public goods. The centre's capacity to devolve authority credibly to minority nations hinges not on value considerations, but on its adoption of institutions guaranteeing procedural justice.
Mari Sako
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199268160
- eISBN:
- 9780191708534
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268160.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter presents the results of a survey of enterprise unions affiliated to roren union federations. It identifies the key structural and functional differences between two sectors: automobiles ...
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This chapter presents the results of a survey of enterprise unions affiliated to roren union federations. It identifies the key structural and functional differences between two sectors: automobiles and electrical machinery. It classifies roren into those based primarily on capital affiliation and those based on trading links. Capital affiliation is more important in drawing the boundary of electrical machinery roren, while trading links with parts suppliers are generally more important for roren in the automobile industry. The reasons for this contrast are provided, including consequences of these structural differences for the role of the roren in pay bargaining, employment adjustment, and worker participation.Less
This chapter presents the results of a survey of enterprise unions affiliated to roren union federations. It identifies the key structural and functional differences between two sectors: automobiles and electrical machinery. It classifies roren into those based primarily on capital affiliation and those based on trading links. Capital affiliation is more important in drawing the boundary of electrical machinery roren, while trading links with parts suppliers are generally more important for roren in the automobile industry. The reasons for this contrast are provided, including consequences of these structural differences for the role of the roren in pay bargaining, employment adjustment, and worker participation.
John S. Ahlquist and Margaret Levi
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158563
- eISBN:
- 9781400848652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158563.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter examines how the national-level organizations manage internal heterogeneity across individual members, as well as specific geographically defined subunits. By observing internal ...
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This chapter examines how the national-level organizations manage internal heterogeneity across individual members, as well as specific geographically defined subunits. By observing internal opposition to the dominant national leadership of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF), the chapter compares specific locals within each union. Consequently, it shows the robustness of the larger organizational governance institutions to perturbation once in equilibrium and that, at the local level, workers did not sort in to unions for political or social reasons; rather, they joined where the economic opportunities first appeared. The ILWU and WWF, whose leaders ask member contributions to political projects, pursued active persuasion combined with tolerance. The IBT, on the other hand, invested less in persuasion and employed screening and repression.Less
This chapter examines how the national-level organizations manage internal heterogeneity across individual members, as well as specific geographically defined subunits. By observing internal opposition to the dominant national leadership of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF), the chapter compares specific locals within each union. Consequently, it shows the robustness of the larger organizational governance institutions to perturbation once in equilibrium and that, at the local level, workers did not sort in to unions for political or social reasons; rather, they joined where the economic opportunities first appeared. The ILWU and WWF, whose leaders ask member contributions to political projects, pursued active persuasion combined with tolerance. The IBT, on the other hand, invested less in persuasion and employed screening and repression.
