Lee Ann Banaszak
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores the historic roots of feminist activists in the United States and the consequences of this that lead to the development of the American state. It begins by conceptualizing ...
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This chapter explores the historic roots of feminist activists in the United States and the consequences of this that lead to the development of the American state. It begins by conceptualizing feminist activists within the state as a state-movement intersection and then proceeds on presenting the role that the historical development of state and society can play in allowing other interests into the state. The changing nature of women's education and employment is then discussed and the chapter looks at how they attained significant presence in the federal bureaucracy. Due to the increasing number of feminist activist around during the period under discussion in this chapter, numerous changes in the nature of the federal government transpired.Less
This chapter explores the historic roots of feminist activists in the United States and the consequences of this that lead to the development of the American state. It begins by conceptualizing feminist activists within the state as a state-movement intersection and then proceeds on presenting the role that the historical development of state and society can play in allowing other interests into the state. The changing nature of women's education and employment is then discussed and the chapter looks at how they attained significant presence in the federal bureaucracy. Due to the increasing number of feminist activist around during the period under discussion in this chapter, numerous changes in the nature of the federal government transpired.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195165869
- eISBN:
- 9780199868025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195165869.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This chapter discusses the use and deployment of information technology by the federal government from 1950 to 2007. By looking at the government as a whole, several patterns of use, deployment, and ...
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This chapter discusses the use and deployment of information technology by the federal government from 1950 to 2007. By looking at the government as a whole, several patterns of use, deployment, and effects become evident. The federal government have demonstrated a continuous appetite for information technologies for over a half century. The motivations for relying on the digital hand came largely out of desires to lower operating costs and the amount of labor required to perform work. Agencies and departments, however, also proved quite reluctant to alter fundamental aspects of operating as a consequence of using IT, such as their missions, work processes, and measures of accountability for results. Over time, their increased use of IT ultimately did cause incremental changes in how work was done. These changes encouraged Congress to change missions and work, because of the availability of digital tools that made it possible either to do things more cheaply, faster, or better, or to do simply something new.Less
This chapter discusses the use and deployment of information technology by the federal government from 1950 to 2007. By looking at the government as a whole, several patterns of use, deployment, and effects become evident. The federal government have demonstrated a continuous appetite for information technologies for over a half century. The motivations for relying on the digital hand came largely out of desires to lower operating costs and the amount of labor required to perform work. Agencies and departments, however, also proved quite reluctant to alter fundamental aspects of operating as a consequence of using IT, such as their missions, work processes, and measures of accountability for results. Over time, their increased use of IT ultimately did cause incremental changes in how work was done. These changes encouraged Congress to change missions and work, because of the availability of digital tools that made it possible either to do things more cheaply, faster, or better, or to do simply something new.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195165869
- eISBN:
- 9780199868025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195165869.003.0007
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This chapter discusses the deployment and use of information technology in state, county, and local governments. Public sector managers and users enjoyed the same benefits and similar challenges in ...
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This chapter discusses the deployment and use of information technology in state, county, and local governments. Public sector managers and users enjoyed the same benefits and similar challenges in using the digital hand as those in many industries. They also avoided many of the difficulties faced by very large users of IT in the federal government, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. Unlike their federal colleagues, local government officials had either newer systems that were not in need of replacement too soon or they were small enough for them to find the necessary wherewithal and technical staff to keep systems up to date. In the case of small state, county, and municipal governments, the reason lay elsewhere — they just had not yet integrated computers into the core work of their departments. When these smaller agencies computerized their work systems, they did it on more modern systems, often using software designed by vendors for specific applications in public administration, or shared services put together by local governments more experienced in these matters, such as by state agencies or very large counties and cities.Less
This chapter discusses the deployment and use of information technology in state, county, and local governments. Public sector managers and users enjoyed the same benefits and similar challenges in using the digital hand as those in many industries. They also avoided many of the difficulties faced by very large users of IT in the federal government, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. Unlike their federal colleagues, local government officials had either newer systems that were not in need of replacement too soon or they were small enough for them to find the necessary wherewithal and technical staff to keep systems up to date. In the case of small state, county, and municipal governments, the reason lay elsewhere — they just had not yet integrated computers into the core work of their departments. When these smaller agencies computerized their work systems, they did it on more modern systems, often using software designed by vendors for specific applications in public administration, or shared services put together by local governments more experienced in these matters, such as by state agencies or very large counties and cities.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195165869
- eISBN:
- 9780199868025
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195165869.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to ...
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This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to the public sector, examining how computers have fundamentally changed the nature of work in government and education. This book goes far beyond generalizations about the Information Age to the specifics of how industries have functioned, now function, and will function in the years to come. The book provides a broad overview of computing's and telecommunications' role in the entire public sector, including federal, state, and local governments, and in K-12 and higher education. Beginning in 1950, when commercial applications of digital technology began to appear, the book examines the unique ways different public sector industries adopted new technologies, showcasing the manner in which their innovative applications influenced other industries, as well as the US economy as a whole. The book builds on the surveys presented in the first volume, which examined sixteen manufacturing, process, transportation, wholesale and retail industries, and the second volume, which examined over a dozen financial, telecommunications, media, and entertainment industries. This book completes the trilogy and provides a picture of what the infrastructure of the Information Age really looks like and how we got there.Less
This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to the public sector, examining how computers have fundamentally changed the nature of work in government and education. This book goes far beyond generalizations about the Information Age to the specifics of how industries have functioned, now function, and will function in the years to come. The book provides a broad overview of computing's and telecommunications' role in the entire public sector, including federal, state, and local governments, and in K-12 and higher education. Beginning in 1950, when commercial applications of digital technology began to appear, the book examines the unique ways different public sector industries adopted new technologies, showcasing the manner in which their innovative applications influenced other industries, as well as the US economy as a whole. The book builds on the surveys presented in the first volume, which examined sixteen manufacturing, process, transportation, wholesale and retail industries, and the second volume, which examined over a dozen financial, telecommunications, media, and entertainment industries. This book completes the trilogy and provides a picture of what the infrastructure of the Information Age really looks like and how we got there.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the ...
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Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.Less
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King examines how interventions of the American federal government—namely, the United States Employment Service (USES), federal mortgage assistance, and public housing programmes—mirrored the ...
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King examines how interventions of the American federal government—namely, the United States Employment Service (USES), federal mortgage assistance, and public housing programmes—mirrored the segregationist order in which they were installed, thus consolidating residential separation by race. According to King, not only did USES discriminate in their job placements but also in its field office facilities and staff; he also shows how the anti‐discrimination policies of the USES were failures and explores the reasons. Next, King traces the evolution of federal public housing and mortgage assistance programmes, focusing especially on the policies of the US Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and responses from organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Less
King examines how interventions of the American federal government—namely, the United States Employment Service (USES), federal mortgage assistance, and public housing programmes—mirrored the segregationist order in which they were installed, thus consolidating residential separation by race. According to King, not only did USES discriminate in their job placements but also in its field office facilities and staff; he also shows how the anti‐discrimination policies of the USES were failures and explores the reasons. Next, King traces the evolution of federal public housing and mortgage assistance programmes, focusing especially on the policies of the US Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and responses from organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 9 and the corresponding Ch. 14 in Part Three of the book offer brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses ...
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Chapter 9 and the corresponding Ch. 14 in Part Three of the book offer brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives a historical account of the uses made by the national government during that period of the military powers that it was granted by the Constitution. Aims to make a judgment on the political achievement of the Federalists that hinges on the extent to which they managed to translate their principles into action when they transformed the articles of the Constitution into the policies and institutions of the new national government. Part of the discussion also addresses the fact that during the quarter century following the First US Congress, the USA had to respond repeatedly to events originating in Europe far beyond the federal government's control, and overall, drew advantage from the warfare that engulfed Britain, France, and Spain. It is noted that is not easy to answer the question of whether the federal government had any part in making this possible, but a cautious answer based on works of diplomatic history is that the reform of the federal government did make a difference to the actions of European governments.Less
Chapter 9 and the corresponding Ch. 14 in Part Three of the book offer brief sketches of the institutionalization of the military and fiscal powers granted by the US Constitution, and of the uses made of them by the Federalists in the 1790s. Gives a historical account of the uses made by the national government during that period of the military powers that it was granted by the Constitution. Aims to make a judgment on the political achievement of the Federalists that hinges on the extent to which they managed to translate their principles into action when they transformed the articles of the Constitution into the policies and institutions of the new national government. Part of the discussion also addresses the fact that during the quarter century following the First US Congress, the USA had to respond repeatedly to events originating in Europe far beyond the federal government's control, and overall, drew advantage from the warfare that engulfed Britain, France, and Spain. It is noted that is not easy to answer the question of whether the federal government had any part in making this possible, but a cautious answer based on works of diplomatic history is that the reform of the federal government did make a difference to the actions of European governments.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Shows how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was ...
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Shows how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In the debate over ratification of the US Constitution there was little discussion about the exact way in which the Federalists intended to organize the revenue administration, but nevertheless, it is the argument of this chapter that with the important exception of the assumption of the state debts, the general outline of Hamiltonian public finance was in place in 1787, and widely shared by the supporters of the Constitution. Thus, the idea that the least oppressive tax was also the most productive, the claim that adoption of the Constitution would mean a change in the structure of taxation from direct to indirect taxes and a reliance on the impost (customs duties), and the ideal of the federal government as a “waterfront state” hardly noticed by the people, were all among the most important points made in Federalist rhetoric on the fiscal powers of the Constitution. In the ratifying debate, the Federalists presented a solution to the equation of how to create a sufficiently powerful government without making unacceptable demands on society: the federal government had the right to mobilize the full resources of society at will, but in peacetime it would keep a very low profile while assuming the payment of the union's debts and the cost of defense using money raised by taxation. This federal assumption of expenses that had earlier been carried by the states, and the mode of raising the taxes to pay for it ensured that overall taxation would not increase, as the Antifederalists claimed, but would become less burdensome to the majority of the people.Less
Shows how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In the debate over ratification of the US Constitution there was little discussion about the exact way in which the Federalists intended to organize the revenue administration, but nevertheless, it is the argument of this chapter that with the important exception of the assumption of the state debts, the general outline of Hamiltonian public finance was in place in 1787, and widely shared by the supporters of the Constitution. Thus, the idea that the least oppressive tax was also the most productive, the claim that adoption of the Constitution would mean a change in the structure of taxation from direct to indirect taxes and a reliance on the impost (customs duties), and the ideal of the federal government as a “waterfront state” hardly noticed by the people, were all among the most important points made in Federalist rhetoric on the fiscal powers of the Constitution. In the ratifying debate, the Federalists presented a solution to the equation of how to create a sufficiently powerful government without making unacceptable demands on society: the federal government had the right to mobilize the full resources of society at will, but in peacetime it would keep a very low profile while assuming the payment of the union's debts and the cost of defense using money raised by taxation. This federal assumption of expenses that had earlier been carried by the states, and the mode of raising the taxes to pay for it ensured that overall taxation would not increase, as the Antifederalists claimed, but would become less burdensome to the majority of the people.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and ...
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King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and prosecute discrimination and other abuses of citizens’ rights. He provides numerous table and data documenting improvements for Black Americans, both in terms of numbers and promotions within federal government employment positions. King concludes by examining multiple legacies of the US federal government's collusion in maintaining segregated relations for contemporary American politics.Less
King explores the position of Black Americans in the Federal government since the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he claims empowered the US Department of Justice extensively to investigate and prosecute discrimination and other abuses of citizens’ rights. He provides numerous table and data documenting improvements for Black Americans, both in terms of numbers and promotions within federal government employment positions. King concludes by examining multiple legacies of the US federal government's collusion in maintaining segregated relations for contemporary American politics.
George A. Bermann
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Federal systems are about the distribution of legal and political power, but law is not only one of the currencies of federalism, it is also one of federalism's most important supports; this chapter ...
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Federal systems are about the distribution of legal and political power, but law is not only one of the currencies of federalism, it is also one of federalism's most important supports; this chapter considers the role that law plays in establishing and enforcing the system by which both legal and political power are distributed within the USA and the EU. Bermann explores the various ways in which the courts can, and choose to, enforce the principles of federalism beyond the classical ‘political’ and ‘procedural’ safeguards provided by the institutional structures themselves and the constraints on the deliberative process. He describes the reluctance on the part of courts on both sides to police the borders of enumerated competences, assess the ‘necessity’ of federal action, or carve out the ‘core’ of state sovereignty, all of which are ways of ‘second‐guessing’ the political process; he then points to the recent emphasis of the USA Supreme Court on what he calls the ‘relational’ aspects of federalism, whereby courts can identify ‘forbidden interfaces’ between State and federal governments, even without specific constitutional grounds. Bermann uses the examples of sovereign immunity and of anti‐commandeering to illustrate the manner in which court‐enforced constraints on the manner in which different levels of government interact can protect and promote democratic accountability in the USA. In contrast, European Union law offers no protection against risks to democracy from commandeering, but more broadly relies almost exclusively on the representation of member states and sub‐national units in the Council as structural political safeguards.Less
Federal systems are about the distribution of legal and political power, but law is not only one of the currencies of federalism, it is also one of federalism's most important supports; this chapter considers the role that law plays in establishing and enforcing the system by which both legal and political power are distributed within the USA and the EU. Bermann explores the various ways in which the courts can, and choose to, enforce the principles of federalism beyond the classical ‘political’ and ‘procedural’ safeguards provided by the institutional structures themselves and the constraints on the deliberative process. He describes the reluctance on the part of courts on both sides to police the borders of enumerated competences, assess the ‘necessity’ of federal action, or carve out the ‘core’ of state sovereignty, all of which are ways of ‘second‐guessing’ the political process; he then points to the recent emphasis of the USA Supreme Court on what he calls the ‘relational’ aspects of federalism, whereby courts can identify ‘forbidden interfaces’ between State and federal governments, even without specific constitutional grounds. Bermann uses the examples of sovereign immunity and of anti‐commandeering to illustrate the manner in which court‐enforced constraints on the manner in which different levels of government interact can protect and promote democratic accountability in the USA. In contrast, European Union law offers no protection against risks to democracy from commandeering, but more broadly relies almost exclusively on the representation of member states and sub‐national units in the Council as structural political safeguards.
Kimberly J. Morgan and Andrea Louise Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199730346
- eISBN:
- 9780199918447
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730346.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter develops the concept of delegated governance and applies it to the American welfare state. The chapter also places the American practice in historical, comparative, and cross-policy ...
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This chapter develops the concept of delegated governance and applies it to the American welfare state. The chapter also places the American practice in historical, comparative, and cross-policy perspective, analyzing how the US differs from other countries, but also how delegated governance in the welfare state has evolved over time and differs across policy areas. Of particular interest is the shift over time from relying on non-profits to increasingly using for-profit actors and social welfare marketplaces to deliver publicly-funded benefits and services. The chapter also discusses the implications of these administrative arrangements for scholarly debates about how best to characterize bureaucratic power and authority in the United States.Less
This chapter develops the concept of delegated governance and applies it to the American welfare state. The chapter also places the American practice in historical, comparative, and cross-policy perspective, analyzing how the US differs from other countries, but also how delegated governance in the welfare state has evolved over time and differs across policy areas. Of particular interest is the shift over time from relying on non-profits to increasingly using for-profit actors and social welfare marketplaces to deliver publicly-funded benefits and services. The chapter also discusses the implications of these administrative arrangements for scholarly debates about how best to characterize bureaucratic power and authority in the United States.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296294
- eISBN:
- 9780191599668
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296290.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examines the use of work camps in the US, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), as a mechanism to address unemployment in the 1930s. Beginning with a brief overview of the origins and establishment ...
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Examines the use of work camps in the US, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), as a mechanism to address unemployment in the 1930s. Beginning with a brief overview of the origins and establishment of the CCC, King provides an account of these camps at work: the ways in which the Corps was made compatible with traditional US political values as well as how attempts to make it permanent were thwarted. In addition, King underlines the racial dimension of the Corps’ organization and activities, while exploring the implications of the federal government's segregationist arrangements.Less
Examines the use of work camps in the US, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), as a mechanism to address unemployment in the 1930s. Beginning with a brief overview of the origins and establishment of the CCC, King provides an account of these camps at work: the ways in which the Corps was made compatible with traditional US political values as well as how attempts to make it permanent were thwarted. In addition, King underlines the racial dimension of the Corps’ organization and activities, while exploring the implications of the federal government's segregationist arrangements.
Cinnamon Piñon Carlarne
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199553419
- eISBN:
- 9780191594984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553419.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law, Private International Law
States have long been the ‘laboratories of democracy’ for US lawmaking; states and other sub-federal actors are proving particularly important to the development of climate change law and policy. ...
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States have long been the ‘laboratories of democracy’ for US lawmaking; states and other sub-federal actors are proving particularly important to the development of climate change law and policy. Through reference to key regional, state, and local efforts, this chapter explores how, why, and to what effect sub-federal actors are influencing climate policy in the US. It examines whether in confronting the federal government's failure to discharge its customary role as the principal architect of environmental policy, sub-federal entities have stepped in to fill the policy void. In doing so, it considers whether sub-federal climate change initiatives are merely symbolic in nature, ie, lacking substance and enforceability, or whether they are in fact having significant impact on the way that the domestic and private sectors and, ultimately, the federal government think about and respond to climate change in legal and political forums.Less
States have long been the ‘laboratories of democracy’ for US lawmaking; states and other sub-federal actors are proving particularly important to the development of climate change law and policy. Through reference to key regional, state, and local efforts, this chapter explores how, why, and to what effect sub-federal actors are influencing climate policy in the US. It examines whether in confronting the federal government's failure to discharge its customary role as the principal architect of environmental policy, sub-federal entities have stepped in to fill the policy void. In doing so, it considers whether sub-federal climate change initiatives are merely symbolic in nature, ie, lacking substance and enforceability, or whether they are in fact having significant impact on the way that the domestic and private sectors and, ultimately, the federal government think about and respond to climate change in legal and political forums.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
A broad continuum of approaches to federal government exists. What choices are available to ruling elites at any given political moment depends greatly on previous institutional and political ...
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A broad continuum of approaches to federal government exists. What choices are available to ruling elites at any given political moment depends greatly on previous institutional and political choices. The importance of a culture of legality, democratic governance, and a shared appreciation for the concepts and goals behind federal choices cannot be understated. The author concludes that weak conceptual, democratic, and rule‐of‐law foundations continue to threaten the new Russian Federation.Less
A broad continuum of approaches to federal government exists. What choices are available to ruling elites at any given political moment depends greatly on previous institutional and political choices. The importance of a culture of legality, democratic governance, and a shared appreciation for the concepts and goals behind federal choices cannot be understated. The author concludes that weak conceptual, democratic, and rule‐of‐law foundations continue to threaten the new Russian Federation.
Steven Brint
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182667
- eISBN:
- 9780691184890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182667.003.0006
- Subject:
- Education, Higher and Further Education
This chapter talks about the priorities that patrons expressed and the consequences of their largesse, focusing on the three giants of giving: the federal government, the fifty states, and ...
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This chapter talks about the priorities that patrons expressed and the consequences of their largesse, focusing on the three giants of giving: the federal government, the fifty states, and million-dollar-plus donors. It argues that the priorities of patrons tended to favor fields that were closely aligned with power centers in American society—many connected to technological innovation—and their financial aid preferences tipped decidedly in the direction of support for middle-class and affluent college students. Less well-connected fields and financially needy students were not neglected by patrons, but support for them failed to keep pace. By contrast, most professors identified with the structures of academic professionalism, and a large proportion also supported the universities' aspirations for wider social inclusion.Less
This chapter talks about the priorities that patrons expressed and the consequences of their largesse, focusing on the three giants of giving: the federal government, the fifty states, and million-dollar-plus donors. It argues that the priorities of patrons tended to favor fields that were closely aligned with power centers in American society—many connected to technological innovation—and their financial aid preferences tipped decidedly in the direction of support for middle-class and affluent college students. Less well-connected fields and financially needy students were not neglected by patrons, but support for them failed to keep pace. By contrast, most professors identified with the structures of academic professionalism, and a large proportion also supported the universities' aspirations for wider social inclusion.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative ...
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This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.Less
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.
Nancy Whittier
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195325102
- eISBN:
- 9780199869350
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325102.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on the state and public policy from the 1970s through the early 1990s, showing that state apparatus dealing with child sexual abuse was a location of both opportunity and ...
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This chapter focuses on the state and public policy from the 1970s through the early 1990s, showing that state apparatus dealing with child sexual abuse was a location of both opportunity and constraint for activists. The chapter analyzes the conditions under which activists engaged with the state, including the growth of child protective services and professional treatment organizations. Tracing legislation and funding, the chapter shows how federal funding for addressing child sexual abuse sometimes supported grassroots and activist organizations, including activist abuse prevention groups, and was an important force in the movement's increasing entry into the mainstream. At the same time, selection processes favored medical and criminal approaches over those of the earlier activists, even while they often mandated community involvement in funded initiatives. The chapter shows the shifting priorities and funding levels over time and links them to larger political shifts and emerging coalitions among activists and professionals from different political perspectives. The chapter also discusses theories of the therapeutic state and argues that the case of child sexual abuse shows that activists resisted the therapeutic state even as they engaged with it.Less
This chapter focuses on the state and public policy from the 1970s through the early 1990s, showing that state apparatus dealing with child sexual abuse was a location of both opportunity and constraint for activists. The chapter analyzes the conditions under which activists engaged with the state, including the growth of child protective services and professional treatment organizations. Tracing legislation and funding, the chapter shows how federal funding for addressing child sexual abuse sometimes supported grassroots and activist organizations, including activist abuse prevention groups, and was an important force in the movement's increasing entry into the mainstream. At the same time, selection processes favored medical and criminal approaches over those of the earlier activists, even while they often mandated community involvement in funded initiatives. The chapter shows the shifting priorities and funding levels over time and links them to larger political shifts and emerging coalitions among activists and professionals from different political perspectives. The chapter also discusses theories of the therapeutic state and argues that the case of child sexual abuse shows that activists resisted the therapeutic state even as they engaged with it.
Michael Burgess
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199606238
- eISBN:
- 9780191752476
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606238.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Comparative Politics
The chapter provides a brief intellectual biography of Wheare and examines in detail his major contribution to the study of federalism. His distinctive approach to and understanding of federalism is ...
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The chapter provides a brief intellectual biography of Wheare and examines in detail his major contribution to the study of federalism. His distinctive approach to and understanding of federalism is revealed and a textual exegesis of his major works on federalism is conducted that furnishes the basis for identifying the normative federal values and principles generally implicit in his work on the federal principle. This investigative approach clears the way for the federal spirit to be located at the core of his understanding of federalism.Less
The chapter provides a brief intellectual biography of Wheare and examines in detail his major contribution to the study of federalism. His distinctive approach to and understanding of federalism is revealed and a textual exegesis of his major works on federalism is conducted that furnishes the basis for identifying the normative federal values and principles generally implicit in his work on the federal principle. This investigative approach clears the way for the federal spirit to be located at the core of his understanding of federalism.
David McKay
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199242139
- eISBN:
- 9780191697012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242139.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The territory that makes up modern Australia was first settled by the British as a penal colony in 1788. It was not until the 1880s that changing internal and external conditions provoked widespread ...
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The territory that makes up modern Australia was first settled by the British as a penal colony in 1788. It was not until the 1880s that changing internal and external conditions provoked widespread support for federalist ideas in Australia. Australia is not a country associated with ‘stateness’ problems. On the contrary, with the minor exception of the symbolic vote for secession in Western Australia in 1933, throughout its history it has been a model of democracy and political stability. In spite of its vast size and great geographic diversity, modern Australia is relatively homogeneous in economic and social terms. The Northern Territory apart, no great spatial disparities in wealth and income exist. In spite of this, Australian politics does have a clear territorial dimension. Australia has been fortunate that its constitutional and institutional arrangements have been adapted in ways that have facilitated the centralization of power in the federal government without at the same time provoking resentment among the peoples of culturally or economically distinctive states.Less
The territory that makes up modern Australia was first settled by the British as a penal colony in 1788. It was not until the 1880s that changing internal and external conditions provoked widespread support for federalist ideas in Australia. Australia is not a country associated with ‘stateness’ problems. On the contrary, with the minor exception of the symbolic vote for secession in Western Australia in 1933, throughout its history it has been a model of democracy and political stability. In spite of its vast size and great geographic diversity, modern Australia is relatively homogeneous in economic and social terms. The Northern Territory apart, no great spatial disparities in wealth and income exist. In spite of this, Australian politics does have a clear territorial dimension. Australia has been fortunate that its constitutional and institutional arrangements have been adapted in ways that have facilitated the centralization of power in the federal government without at the same time provoking resentment among the peoples of culturally or economically distinctive states.
Richard W. Painter
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195378719
- eISBN:
- 9780199869619
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378719.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In order to be effective, federal ethics law must address sources of systematic corruption rather than simply address motives that individual government employees might have to betray the public ...
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In order to be effective, federal ethics law must address sources of systematic corruption rather than simply address motives that individual government employees might have to betray the public trust, such as personal financial holdings or family relationships. This book articulates a general approach to combating systemic corruption as well as some specific proposals for doing so. Federal ethics law is relatively unknown in legal academia and elsewhere outside of Washington, D.C., but it is binding on over one million federal employees. Lobbyists, federal contractors, lawyers, and others who interact with the federal government are also deeply interested in federal ethics law and represent a surprisingly large market for a little-studied area of the law. The book argues that the existing ethics regime is in need of substantial reform since federal ethics laws fail to curtail conduct that undermines the integrity of government, such as political activity by federal employees and their interaction with lobbyists and interest groups. It also contends that in some other areas, such as personal financial conflicts of interest, there is too much complexity in regulatory and reporting requirements, and rules need to be simplified. The book's solution includes strengthening the enforcement of ethics rules, reforming the lobbying industry, and changing a system of campaign finance that impedes meaningful government ethics reform.Less
In order to be effective, federal ethics law must address sources of systematic corruption rather than simply address motives that individual government employees might have to betray the public trust, such as personal financial holdings or family relationships. This book articulates a general approach to combating systemic corruption as well as some specific proposals for doing so. Federal ethics law is relatively unknown in legal academia and elsewhere outside of Washington, D.C., but it is binding on over one million federal employees. Lobbyists, federal contractors, lawyers, and others who interact with the federal government are also deeply interested in federal ethics law and represent a surprisingly large market for a little-studied area of the law. The book argues that the existing ethics regime is in need of substantial reform since federal ethics laws fail to curtail conduct that undermines the integrity of government, such as political activity by federal employees and their interaction with lobbyists and interest groups. It also contends that in some other areas, such as personal financial conflicts of interest, there is too much complexity in regulatory and reporting requirements, and rules need to be simplified. The book's solution includes strengthening the enforcement of ethics rules, reforming the lobbying industry, and changing a system of campaign finance that impedes meaningful government ethics reform.
