Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 ...
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The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.Less
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.
Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking ...
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The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking Ireland with Britain, and argues that both the internal and external dimensions were necessary parts of a durable settlement given the identities and aspirations of nationalists and unionists. The chapter stresses, in contrast to positions taken by Arend Lijphart and Donald Horowitz, the advantages of the particular proportional electoral system used in Northern Ireland. It also points to the dangers that Britain's tradition of parliamentary sovereignty poses to stable agreements between Britain and Ireland. Northern Ireland, the author argues, could and should have become a federacy as well as having consociational governance.Less
The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking Ireland with Britain, and argues that both the internal and external dimensions were necessary parts of a durable settlement given the identities and aspirations of nationalists and unionists. The chapter stresses, in contrast to positions taken by Arend Lijphart and Donald Horowitz, the advantages of the particular proportional electoral system used in Northern Ireland. It also points to the dangers that Britain's tradition of parliamentary sovereignty poses to stable agreements between Britain and Ireland. Northern Ireland, the author argues, could and should have become a federacy as well as having consociational governance.
David A. Rezvani
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199688494
- eISBN:
- 9780191767739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199688494.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Chapter 1 introduces the importance of partially independent territories (PITs) as well as the key questions, central arguments, and methodology of the book. It examines the role that PITs play for ...
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Chapter 1 introduces the importance of partially independent territories (PITs) as well as the key questions, central arguments, and methodology of the book. It examines the role that PITs play for global finance, international security, geostrategic capability, and for understanding the structure of the international system. It also lays out the book’s central questions: What are partially independent territories? How do they emerge? What sustains them? And how do they potentially end? The chapter discusses the defining characteristics of PITs. It then summarizes some of the book’s arguments on the advantages of these polities as compared to sovereign states, the conditions of their emergence, and the factors for their sustainability and potential termination.Less
Chapter 1 introduces the importance of partially independent territories (PITs) as well as the key questions, central arguments, and methodology of the book. It examines the role that PITs play for global finance, international security, geostrategic capability, and for understanding the structure of the international system. It also lays out the book’s central questions: What are partially independent territories? How do they emerge? What sustains them? And how do they potentially end? The chapter discusses the defining characteristics of PITs. It then summarizes some of the book’s arguments on the advantages of these polities as compared to sovereign states, the conditions of their emergence, and the factors for their sustainability and potential termination.
David A. Rezvani
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199688494
- eISBN:
- 9780191767739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199688494.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Chapter 6 introduces a newly apparent and globally widespread form of neo-colonialism referred to here as sham federacy. It discusses the forms they can take, the problems they engender, and the ...
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Chapter 6 introduces a newly apparent and globally widespread form of neo-colonialism referred to here as sham federacy. It discusses the forms they can take, the problems they engender, and the misunderstanding that they often cause. Similar to colonies, sham federacies are nationalistically distinct and constitutionally unincorporated polities, except they have nominally been delegated some unentrenched powers that can be revoked by the fiat of the core state. The result is a widespread neo-colonial political form that arguably represents a darker side of regional autonomy that is frequently neglected in the political and legal literatures. It is useful to discuss sham federacy in the context of this book because some may mistakenly confuse them with PITs, because they underscore the disadvantages of not having powers that are entrenched, and because their large-scale international emergence reinforces the attractiveness of self-governance arrangements even if the reality of credible self-governance does not emerge.Less
Chapter 6 introduces a newly apparent and globally widespread form of neo-colonialism referred to here as sham federacy. It discusses the forms they can take, the problems they engender, and the misunderstanding that they often cause. Similar to colonies, sham federacies are nationalistically distinct and constitutionally unincorporated polities, except they have nominally been delegated some unentrenched powers that can be revoked by the fiat of the core state. The result is a widespread neo-colonial political form that arguably represents a darker side of regional autonomy that is frequently neglected in the political and legal literatures. It is useful to discuss sham federacy in the context of this book because some may mistakenly confuse them with PITs, because they underscore the disadvantages of not having powers that are entrenched, and because their large-scale international emergence reinforces the attractiveness of self-governance arrangements even if the reality of credible self-governance does not emerge.
Brendan O’Leary
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199243341
- eISBN:
- 9780191863462
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199243341.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the latter half of the Union, participation crises occurred across the institutional spectrum, with many Irish men and women choosing exit rather than voice or loyalty. That, however, produced a ...
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In the latter half of the Union, participation crises occurred across the institutional spectrum, with many Irish men and women choosing exit rather than voice or loyalty. That, however, produced a better-resourced Irish diaspora in an emergent great power. Catholics achieved some limited social mobility, but experienced regression in some occupations; by contrast, Presbyterians more clearly benefited from pan-Protestantism. The churches deepened their institutional strength in education, including higher education. The undemocratic character of the Union is emphasized in this chapter, but the secret ballot and the eventual widening of the male franchise made more visible what had long been evident: most Irish Catholics preferred repeal of the Union, home rule, or independence, or some variant thereof. The expanded electorate, in conjunction with modernization, underpinned the electoral solidification of nationalism and unionism, respectively supported by cultural Catholics and cultural Protestants, especially in Ulster, where polarization was deepest. The formation of Irish nationalism and republicanism in party formats, initially focused on land rights and home rule, and the countermovement of Irish and Ulster unionism are treated. The First World War postponed conflict in a newly para-militarized Ireland.Less
In the latter half of the Union, participation crises occurred across the institutional spectrum, with many Irish men and women choosing exit rather than voice or loyalty. That, however, produced a better-resourced Irish diaspora in an emergent great power. Catholics achieved some limited social mobility, but experienced regression in some occupations; by contrast, Presbyterians more clearly benefited from pan-Protestantism. The churches deepened their institutional strength in education, including higher education. The undemocratic character of the Union is emphasized in this chapter, but the secret ballot and the eventual widening of the male franchise made more visible what had long been evident: most Irish Catholics preferred repeal of the Union, home rule, or independence, or some variant thereof. The expanded electorate, in conjunction with modernization, underpinned the electoral solidification of nationalism and unionism, respectively supported by cultural Catholics and cultural Protestants, especially in Ulster, where polarization was deepest. The formation of Irish nationalism and republicanism in party formats, initially focused on land rights and home rule, and the countermovement of Irish and Ulster unionism are treated. The First World War postponed conflict in a newly para-militarized Ireland.
Brendan O’Leary
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198830580
- eISBN:
- 9780191868740
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198830580.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter provides a detailed account of the contents and significance of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement of 1998, and of its consociational and non-consociational components. It conforms to ...
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This chapter provides a detailed account of the contents and significance of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement of 1998, and of its consociational and non-consociational components. It conforms to all aspects of a consociational settlement—namely, parity, proportionality, autonomy, and veto rights among the partners—but it is not just a consociation. The agreement encompasses a peace agreement, a substantive program to complete the reform of Northern Ireland, cross-border cooperation across Ireland, and intergovernmental cooperation between Ireland, Northern Ireland, and all the British Isles. It can be seen as creating a “federacy” in Irish eyes; in unionist eyes every component of the agreement can be modified by normal UK legislation. An assessment of why the agreement was made is offered, as well as a preliminary evaluation of its early difficulties in implementation.Less
This chapter provides a detailed account of the contents and significance of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement of 1998, and of its consociational and non-consociational components. It conforms to all aspects of a consociational settlement—namely, parity, proportionality, autonomy, and veto rights among the partners—but it is not just a consociation. The agreement encompasses a peace agreement, a substantive program to complete the reform of Northern Ireland, cross-border cooperation across Ireland, and intergovernmental cooperation between Ireland, Northern Ireland, and all the British Isles. It can be seen as creating a “federacy” in Irish eyes; in unionist eyes every component of the agreement can be modified by normal UK legislation. An assessment of why the agreement was made is offered, as well as a preliminary evaluation of its early difficulties in implementation.
Brendan O’Leary
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198830580
- eISBN:
- 9780191868740
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198830580.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The concluding chapter critically reviews the role of European integration in improving British-Irish relations, and in the making of the Good Friday Agreement. Four major votes across Northern ...
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The concluding chapter critically reviews the role of European integration in improving British-Irish relations, and in the making of the Good Friday Agreement. Four major votes across Northern Ireland between 2016 and 2017 are surveyed, paying particular attention to the 2016 referendum on EU membership. Predictions are made about the future of Northern Ireland and its union with Great Britain or its reunification with Ireland based on unfolding developments. Transformations South and North, political, social, and economic, are emphasized. The closure of the prospects of a second partition of Ulster is highlighted. Discussion about the possible breakdown, decay, or amendment of existing consociational provisions, and possible modes and modalities of Irish reunification are considered against three twilights that are highlighted, and sketched.Less
The concluding chapter critically reviews the role of European integration in improving British-Irish relations, and in the making of the Good Friday Agreement. Four major votes across Northern Ireland between 2016 and 2017 are surveyed, paying particular attention to the 2016 referendum on EU membership. Predictions are made about the future of Northern Ireland and its union with Great Britain or its reunification with Ireland based on unfolding developments. Transformations South and North, political, social, and economic, are emphasized. The closure of the prospects of a second partition of Ulster is highlighted. Discussion about the possible breakdown, decay, or amendment of existing consociational provisions, and possible modes and modalities of Irish reunification are considered against three twilights that are highlighted, and sketched.