Chris Atton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617692
- eISBN:
- 9780748670819
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617692.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by ...
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This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.Less
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.
Tula A. Connell
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039904
- eISBN:
- 9780252098062
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039904.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter looks at how the city's fading foreign-language press and financially challenged labor media were offset by a vociferous conservative suburban press. Simultaneously, large mainstream ...
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This chapter looks at how the city's fading foreign-language press and financially challenged labor media were offset by a vociferous conservative suburban press. Simultaneously, large mainstream media outlets began a notable ideological shift toward free market triumphalism, while the surge in far-right national broadcast media and print publications began reaching Milwaukee households. This chapter underlines how the spread of far-right media, far from spontaneous, was generated with the partnership of large corporate interests that privately financed such endeavors even as they publicly espoused support for New Deal principles. Although most corporations publicly remained moderate in their approach to issues such as public provision of social welfare programs and unionization, many joined with “fringe” groups to surreptitiously unravel the postwar New Deal economic order. As such, even businesses that seemingly had bought into commercial Keynesianism played a considerable part in the conservative backlash to the New Deal.Less
This chapter looks at how the city's fading foreign-language press and financially challenged labor media were offset by a vociferous conservative suburban press. Simultaneously, large mainstream media outlets began a notable ideological shift toward free market triumphalism, while the surge in far-right national broadcast media and print publications began reaching Milwaukee households. This chapter underlines how the spread of far-right media, far from spontaneous, was generated with the partnership of large corporate interests that privately financed such endeavors even as they publicly espoused support for New Deal principles. Although most corporations publicly remained moderate in their approach to issues such as public provision of social welfare programs and unionization, many joined with “fringe” groups to surreptitiously unravel the postwar New Deal economic order. As such, even businesses that seemingly had bought into commercial Keynesianism played a considerable part in the conservative backlash to the New Deal.
Tula A. Connell
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039904
- eISBN:
- 9780252098062
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039904.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter examines how moderate conservative activists united with the far-right conservative local media, which sharply opposed the Frank Zeidler administration, to challenge the role of the ...
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This chapter examines how moderate conservative activists united with the far-right conservative local media, which sharply opposed the Frank Zeidler administration, to challenge the role of the public sector in providing educational television—a seemingly innocuous issue that far less liberal cities like Houston addressed without controversy. The battle over Channel 10 was part of the larger struggle between proponents of an expansive public sector and champions of limited government. Working with the Common Council and supportive community groups, commercial broadcast interests turned what could have been a simple process of accepting federal provision of airspace for nonprofit use into a years-long ideological struggle between supporters of publicly funded services and their opponents.Less
This chapter examines how moderate conservative activists united with the far-right conservative local media, which sharply opposed the Frank Zeidler administration, to challenge the role of the public sector in providing educational television—a seemingly innocuous issue that far less liberal cities like Houston addressed without controversy. The battle over Channel 10 was part of the larger struggle between proponents of an expansive public sector and champions of limited government. Working with the Common Council and supportive community groups, commercial broadcast interests turned what could have been a simple process of accepting federal provision of airspace for nonprofit use into a years-long ideological struggle between supporters of publicly funded services and their opponents.