Cynthia Miller-Idriss
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196152
- eISBN:
- 9781400888931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196152.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter situates the empirical base of this book within theories of culture, nationalism, iconography, and youth extremist subcultures. It begins by describing two prevailing notions of how ...
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This chapter situates the empirical base of this book within theories of culture, nationalism, iconography, and youth extremist subcultures. It begins by describing two prevailing notions of how culture “works”—one that presents culture as a coherent meaning system and the other that characterizes it as a “tool kit” of actions and strategies. The chapter also addresses theories of extremism and youth subcultures, arguing that previous research on nationalism and extremism has paid more attention to political dimensions than cultural ones. Finally, it links far right commercial symbols to recent scholarship on visual symbols, arguing that attention to the aesthetic dimensions of far right subculture is particularly overdue in light of the recent “iconic” turn in the social sciences. As the chapter points out, sociologists' ongoing attention to Marxist understanding of economic objects and their relationship to class-based exploitation has led many scholars to overlook the potential for economic objects to have constitutive power for individuals' lives, identities, sense of belonging, or—in this case—the extremist participation of consumers.Less
This chapter situates the empirical base of this book within theories of culture, nationalism, iconography, and youth extremist subcultures. It begins by describing two prevailing notions of how culture “works”—one that presents culture as a coherent meaning system and the other that characterizes it as a “tool kit” of actions and strategies. The chapter also addresses theories of extremism and youth subcultures, arguing that previous research on nationalism and extremism has paid more attention to political dimensions than cultural ones. Finally, it links far right commercial symbols to recent scholarship on visual symbols, arguing that attention to the aesthetic dimensions of far right subculture is particularly overdue in light of the recent “iconic” turn in the social sciences. As the chapter points out, sociologists' ongoing attention to Marxist understanding of economic objects and their relationship to class-based exploitation has led many scholars to overlook the potential for economic objects to have constitutive power for individuals' lives, identities, sense of belonging, or—in this case—the extremist participation of consumers.
Daniel K. Williams
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195340846
- eISBN:
- 9780199867141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340846.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
While most evangelicals supported Eisenhower’s centrist conservatism and moderate position on civil rights, self-identified fundamentalists, including Bob Jones, Jr., Billy James Hargis, Carl ...
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While most evangelicals supported Eisenhower’s centrist conservatism and moderate position on civil rights, self-identified fundamentalists, including Bob Jones, Jr., Billy James Hargis, Carl McIntire, John R. Rice, and Jerry Falwell, supported the more radical positions of the “far right.” Like Billy Graham, they were strongly anticommunist, but unlike Graham, they defended racial segregation and denounced the early civil rights movement. This chapter traces the emergence of a fundamentalist political program that operated alongside the more mainstream evangelical politics of the 1950s. The chapter argues that fundamentalists’ support for racial segregation, a position that was unpopular with many northern evangelicals, prevented them from attaining national political influence during the 1950s. Nevertheless, fundamentalists’ political activities during this decade shaped the political consciousness of many pastors, including Falwell, who would later become Religious Right leaders.Less
While most evangelicals supported Eisenhower’s centrist conservatism and moderate position on civil rights, self-identified fundamentalists, including Bob Jones, Jr., Billy James Hargis, Carl McIntire, John R. Rice, and Jerry Falwell, supported the more radical positions of the “far right.” Like Billy Graham, they were strongly anticommunist, but unlike Graham, they defended racial segregation and denounced the early civil rights movement. This chapter traces the emergence of a fundamentalist political program that operated alongside the more mainstream evangelical politics of the 1950s. The chapter argues that fundamentalists’ support for racial segregation, a position that was unpopular with many northern evangelicals, prevented them from attaining national political influence during the 1950s. Nevertheless, fundamentalists’ political activities during this decade shaped the political consciousness of many pastors, including Falwell, who would later become Religious Right leaders.
Cynthia Miller-Idriss
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196152
- eISBN:
- 9781400888931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196152.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of the extremist commercial market and how it has coincided with one of the most significant waves of far right popularity in Europe in recent ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of the extremist commercial market and how it has coincided with one of the most significant waves of far right popularity in Europe in recent memory. The past several years have witnessed a steady increase in far right wing politics and social movements across Europe. Such protests and violent episodes exist in a context in which far right, nationalist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, and racist rhetoric and discourse has risen across Europe. These developments pose significant challenges for countries that have spent decades rebuilding democratic societies in the post-World War II era and have firmly committed to policies and practices that protect pluralistic communities. Academics and policy makers have struggled to understand the diverse causes and dynamics that have made the far right so appealing for so many people—that appear, in other words, to have made the extreme more mainstream.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of the extremist commercial market and how it has coincided with one of the most significant waves of far right popularity in Europe in recent memory. The past several years have witnessed a steady increase in far right wing politics and social movements across Europe. Such protests and violent episodes exist in a context in which far right, nationalist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, and racist rhetoric and discourse has risen across Europe. These developments pose significant challenges for countries that have spent decades rebuilding democratic societies in the post-World War II era and have firmly committed to policies and practices that protect pluralistic communities. Academics and policy makers have struggled to understand the diverse causes and dynamics that have made the far right so appealing for so many people—that appear, in other words, to have made the extreme more mainstream.
Georg Menz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533886
- eISBN:
- 9780191714771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533886.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of ...
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This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of managed migration, and maps the different economic migration recruitment strategies adopted by distinct varieties of capitalism. Employers seek to reinforce existing labor markets structures and promote national corporate strategies by lobbying in favor of migrant profiles that compliment them. Unions are generally supportive of such endeavors, largely preferring managed and regularized economic migration to illicit flows that perpetuate the disintegration of labor market structures. NGOs face a difficult and ungrateful task with limited successes. Managed migration unfolds behind the backdrop of high unemployment, rising concerns over mass immigration and rising levels of xenophobia.Less
This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of managed migration, and maps the different economic migration recruitment strategies adopted by distinct varieties of capitalism. Employers seek to reinforce existing labor markets structures and promote national corporate strategies by lobbying in favor of migrant profiles that compliment them. Unions are generally supportive of such endeavors, largely preferring managed and regularized economic migration to illicit flows that perpetuate the disintegration of labor market structures. NGOs face a difficult and ungrateful task with limited successes. Managed migration unfolds behind the backdrop of high unemployment, rising concerns over mass immigration and rising levels of xenophobia.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how ...
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Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how women of the older generations, particularly those who were white, middle-class, and right-wing, sought to shape the entire values system of the younger generation. These women were active in grassroots campaigns in regions throughout the United States, campaigning as individuals, in women’s groups, and together with men in their efforts to achieve their goals. Their efforts frequently met with resistance from moderates, the left, and from the youth themselves; thus, the book also looks at reactions from baby boomers and women of the older generation who did not share rightist views. As many areas existed in which the far right and the mainstream concurred, these dimensions are also examined. The book explores ideas that define the “right” and “far right”, including the right’s allegations of “conspiracy” on the part of communists, liberals in government, scientists, and intellectual elites. Overall, this work provides a look into the roots of and growth of right-wing women’s influence, and reveals how women of more recent rightist movements, including the Tea Party movement, have much in common with those of the past. It also shows that the baby boom generation, being the largest generation in American history, became a major factor that the older generation had to deal with.Less
Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how women of the older generations, particularly those who were white, middle-class, and right-wing, sought to shape the entire values system of the younger generation. These women were active in grassroots campaigns in regions throughout the United States, campaigning as individuals, in women’s groups, and together with men in their efforts to achieve their goals. Their efforts frequently met with resistance from moderates, the left, and from the youth themselves; thus, the book also looks at reactions from baby boomers and women of the older generation who did not share rightist views. As many areas existed in which the far right and the mainstream concurred, these dimensions are also examined. The book explores ideas that define the “right” and “far right”, including the right’s allegations of “conspiracy” on the part of communists, liberals in government, scientists, and intellectual elites. Overall, this work provides a look into the roots of and growth of right-wing women’s influence, and reveals how women of more recent rightist movements, including the Tea Party movement, have much in common with those of the past. It also shows that the baby boom generation, being the largest generation in American history, became a major factor that the older generation had to deal with.
Cynthia Miller-Idriss
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196152
- eISBN:
- 9781400888931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196152.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter focuses on the ways in which symbolic codes are manipulated and deployed in the iconography and text of clothing products. It focuses in particular on the use of codes that draw on ...
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This chapter focuses on the ways in which symbolic codes are manipulated and deployed in the iconography and text of clothing products. It focuses in particular on the use of codes that draw on alphanumeric combinations or on historical references. Such codes are seen not only on T-shirts and other clothing products but also on tattoos, license plates, accessories, and even giant Styrofoam letters in football stadium stands. Some alphanumeric and historical codes are co-opted from other popular youth cultural scenes and then stripped of their original cultural referents. The chapter traces the game-playing aspect of the codes, by showing how young people (and commercial companies) adapt the codes and their display in order to navigate bans of particular symbols and brands. Drawing on interview data with young Germans in and around the far right scene, it also looks both at whether and how youth understand and interpret embedded far right codes, and at how they consume the clothing and products more generally.Less
This chapter focuses on the ways in which symbolic codes are manipulated and deployed in the iconography and text of clothing products. It focuses in particular on the use of codes that draw on alphanumeric combinations or on historical references. Such codes are seen not only on T-shirts and other clothing products but also on tattoos, license plates, accessories, and even giant Styrofoam letters in football stadium stands. Some alphanumeric and historical codes are co-opted from other popular youth cultural scenes and then stripped of their original cultural referents. The chapter traces the game-playing aspect of the codes, by showing how young people (and commercial companies) adapt the codes and their display in order to navigate bans of particular symbols and brands. Drawing on interview data with young Germans in and around the far right scene, it also looks both at whether and how youth understand and interpret embedded far right codes, and at how they consume the clothing and products more generally.
Melinda Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780823285716
- eISBN:
- 9780823288793
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823285716.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
After almost a decade of punishing austerity and social-democratic paralysis, the electoral success of the far right appears as a real and credible threat across Europe. This chapter focuses on the ...
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After almost a decade of punishing austerity and social-democratic paralysis, the electoral success of the far right appears as a real and credible threat across Europe. This chapter focuses on the resurgence of a specifically anti-neoliberal or national-social far right in Europe today and investigates its complex relationship with a hitherto hegemonic neoliberal far right. This resurgent anti-capitalist far right has obvious affinities with the German conservative revolution of the Weimar Republic and the National Socialism of the Third Reich. But it also has more proximate origins in the French Nouvelle Droite of the late 1960s, which very rapidly distinguished itself through its opposition to neoliberal economics and its mimetic relationship to the new left. This chapter looks at the disquieting parallels between the German debt deflation of the 1930s and the long aftermath of the sovereign debt crisis today. It then turns to the complex relations between the pro-neoliberal and anti-neoliberal factions in the European far right, focusing in particular on the key influence of the French intellectual Alain de Benoist in articulating an anti-capitalist neofascism for the twenty-first century. The chapter argues that the left needs to take the anti-capitalist far right more seriously than it often does.Less
After almost a decade of punishing austerity and social-democratic paralysis, the electoral success of the far right appears as a real and credible threat across Europe. This chapter focuses on the resurgence of a specifically anti-neoliberal or national-social far right in Europe today and investigates its complex relationship with a hitherto hegemonic neoliberal far right. This resurgent anti-capitalist far right has obvious affinities with the German conservative revolution of the Weimar Republic and the National Socialism of the Third Reich. But it also has more proximate origins in the French Nouvelle Droite of the late 1960s, which very rapidly distinguished itself through its opposition to neoliberal economics and its mimetic relationship to the new left. This chapter looks at the disquieting parallels between the German debt deflation of the 1930s and the long aftermath of the sovereign debt crisis today. It then turns to the complex relations between the pro-neoliberal and anti-neoliberal factions in the European far right, focusing in particular on the key influence of the French intellectual Alain de Benoist in articulating an anti-capitalist neofascism for the twenty-first century. The chapter argues that the left needs to take the anti-capitalist far right more seriously than it often does.
Cynthia Miller-Idriss
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196152
- eISBN:
- 9781400888931
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196152.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Far right politics and extremist violence are on the rise across Europe, prompting scholars and policymakers to question why extremism has become so appealing to so many people. This book examines ...
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Far right politics and extremist violence are on the rise across Europe, prompting scholars and policymakers to question why extremism has become so appealing to so many people. This book examines how far right ideologies have entered mainstream German culture through commercialized products and clothing laced with extremist, anti-Semitic, racist, and nationalist coded symbols and references. Required reading for anyone concerned about the global resurgence of the far right, the book shows how these new brands desensitize consumers to extremist ideas, dehumanize victims, and are virtually indistinguishable from other popular clothing.Less
Far right politics and extremist violence are on the rise across Europe, prompting scholars and policymakers to question why extremism has become so appealing to so many people. This book examines how far right ideologies have entered mainstream German culture through commercialized products and clothing laced with extremist, anti-Semitic, racist, and nationalist coded symbols and references. Required reading for anyone concerned about the global resurgence of the far right, the book shows how these new brands desensitize consumers to extremist ideas, dehumanize victims, and are virtually indistinguishable from other popular clothing.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal ...
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This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.Less
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.
Tom K. Wong
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804793063
- eISBN:
- 9780804794572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804793063.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
What are the politics and determinants of deportation? This chapter investigates this question by analyzing data across twenty-five immigrant-receiving countries from 2000 to 2009. It represents one ...
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What are the politics and determinants of deportation? This chapter investigates this question by analyzing data across twenty-five immigrant-receiving countries from 2000 to 2009. It represents one of the first systematic, cross-national, and over time studies of deportation and its political, economic, and migration-related determinants. The main argument of the chapter is that while the economic and societal implications of immigration may harden public attitudes, thus increasing the demand for greater policy restrictiveness, the extent to which this demand is translated into policy outcomes hinges on the political landscape in which the politics of immigration plays out. In other words, public preferences do not directly translate into immigration control outcomes, as political institutions mediate these preferences. More specifically, electoral institutions play a role in channeling restrictive preferences over immigration into policy outputs by providing opportunities for the legislative representation of far-right political parties.Less
What are the politics and determinants of deportation? This chapter investigates this question by analyzing data across twenty-five immigrant-receiving countries from 2000 to 2009. It represents one of the first systematic, cross-national, and over time studies of deportation and its political, economic, and migration-related determinants. The main argument of the chapter is that while the economic and societal implications of immigration may harden public attitudes, thus increasing the demand for greater policy restrictiveness, the extent to which this demand is translated into policy outcomes hinges on the political landscape in which the politics of immigration plays out. In other words, public preferences do not directly translate into immigration control outcomes, as political institutions mediate these preferences. More specifically, electoral institutions play a role in channeling restrictive preferences over immigration into policy outputs by providing opportunities for the legislative representation of far-right political parties.
Chris Atton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617692
- eISBN:
- 9780748670819
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617692.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the ...
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This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the world and our place in it. It is characterised by in-depth case studies. Topics include the media of new social movements and other radical political organisations (including the far right); websites produced by fans of popular culture; and media dedicated to developing a critical, ‘public’ journalism. The book locates these studies in appropriate theoretical and historical contexts, while remaining accessible to a student audience. Major themes include: the use of the Internet by political groups such as the anti-capitalist and environmental movements, as well as the far right; radical forms of creativity and distribution — the anti-copyright and sampling/file-sharing movements, and their role as cultural critics in a corporate world; the development and maintenance of a global, ‘digital public sphere’ of protest through such practices as ‘hacktivism’; the use of new media technologies to transform existing media forms and practices, such as news media and Internet radio.Less
This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the world and our place in it. It is characterised by in-depth case studies. Topics include the media of new social movements and other radical political organisations (including the far right); websites produced by fans of popular culture; and media dedicated to developing a critical, ‘public’ journalism. The book locates these studies in appropriate theoretical and historical contexts, while remaining accessible to a student audience. Major themes include: the use of the Internet by political groups such as the anti-capitalist and environmental movements, as well as the far right; radical forms of creativity and distribution — the anti-copyright and sampling/file-sharing movements, and their role as cultural critics in a corporate world; the development and maintenance of a global, ‘digital public sphere’ of protest through such practices as ‘hacktivism’; the use of new media technologies to transform existing media forms and practices, such as news media and Internet radio.
Chris Atton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617692
- eISBN:
- 9780748670819
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617692.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by ...
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This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.Less
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.
Alexander S. Kirshner
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300188240
- eISBN:
- 9780300189858
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300188240.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may ...
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How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may endanger the very rights they have granted; but denying these rights may also undermine democratic values. This book offers a set of principles for determining when one may reasonably refuse rights of participation, and it defends this theory through real-world examples, ranging from the far-right British Nationalist Party to Turkey's Islamist Welfare Party to America's Democratic Party during Reconstruction.Less
How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may endanger the very rights they have granted; but denying these rights may also undermine democratic values. This book offers a set of principles for determining when one may reasonably refuse rights of participation, and it defends this theory through real-world examples, ranging from the far-right British Nationalist Party to Turkey's Islamist Welfare Party to America's Democratic Party during Reconstruction.
George Michael
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813033501
- eISBN:
- 9780813038698
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813033501.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the far right's disillusionment with Christianity, which originally commenced in Germany and Austria in the early part of the twentieth century, but later spread to America ...
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This chapter examines the far right's disillusionment with Christianity, which originally commenced in Germany and Austria in the early part of the twentieth century, but later spread to America after World War II. Over the past few decades, other non-Christian religions have gained currency. Increasingly, Aryan revolutionaries in both North America and Europe are adopting neopaganism as their new religion. This development is suggestive of a trend in which the far right has moved away from mainstream Christianity. Arguably, there is an inherent tension between contemporary Christianity and some variants of right-wing extremism. To better understand the influence of non-Christian religions on the contemporary extreme right, this chapter examines the events surrounding the rise of the Third Reich. Not only did various neopagan and nature cults influence National Socialism, but the historical period of the Third Reich looms large in the mythos of contemporary rightist pagans and Creators as well.Less
This chapter examines the far right's disillusionment with Christianity, which originally commenced in Germany and Austria in the early part of the twentieth century, but later spread to America after World War II. Over the past few decades, other non-Christian religions have gained currency. Increasingly, Aryan revolutionaries in both North America and Europe are adopting neopaganism as their new religion. This development is suggestive of a trend in which the far right has moved away from mainstream Christianity. Arguably, there is an inherent tension between contemporary Christianity and some variants of right-wing extremism. To better understand the influence of non-Christian religions on the contemporary extreme right, this chapter examines the events surrounding the rise of the Third Reich. Not only did various neopagan and nature cults influence National Socialism, but the historical period of the Third Reich looms large in the mythos of contemporary rightist pagans and Creators as well.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first chapter is devoted to a discussion of terminology and clarifying the conceptualization. The author notes, that the terminology related to the far right party family remains vague and ...
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The first chapter is devoted to a discussion of terminology and clarifying the conceptualization. The author notes, that the terminology related to the far right party family remains vague and scholars have not been able to agree on common terms. Political parties and organizations of this type are labelled radical right (e.g. Ramet 1998, Minkenberg 2008), extreme right (e.g. Mudde 2000), right wing extremist (Arzheimer-Carter 2006), neo-fascist (Mammone 2009), neo-Nazi (Becker 1993), neo-populist (e.g. Betz and Immerfall 1998), anti-immigrant (e.g. Fennema 1997), ultraright or far right (e.g. Mareš 2003; Kopeček 2007), New Right (Schanovsky 1997) populist (Frölich-Steffen-Rensmann 2005) or right populist (Rechtspopulismus, Hartleb in Backes-Jesse 2006, Urbat 2006). The author then clarifies the reasons for choosing the term far right which is then used for right extremist as well as right radical parties and also the conceptualisation drawn from Cas Mudde work based on four ideological features – nationalism, xenophobia, law and order and welfare chauvinism.Less
The first chapter is devoted to a discussion of terminology and clarifying the conceptualization. The author notes, that the terminology related to the far right party family remains vague and scholars have not been able to agree on common terms. Political parties and organizations of this type are labelled radical right (e.g. Ramet 1998, Minkenberg 2008), extreme right (e.g. Mudde 2000), right wing extremist (Arzheimer-Carter 2006), neo-fascist (Mammone 2009), neo-Nazi (Becker 1993), neo-populist (e.g. Betz and Immerfall 1998), anti-immigrant (e.g. Fennema 1997), ultraright or far right (e.g. Mareš 2003; Kopeček 2007), New Right (Schanovsky 1997) populist (Frölich-Steffen-Rensmann 2005) or right populist (Rechtspopulismus, Hartleb in Backes-Jesse 2006, Urbat 2006). The author then clarifies the reasons for choosing the term far right which is then used for right extremist as well as right radical parties and also the conceptualisation drawn from Cas Mudde work based on four ideological features – nationalism, xenophobia, law and order and welfare chauvinism.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter discusses how these far-right writers both belonged to the same intellectual and political tradition—that of Maurrassian nationalism and Catholic politics—yet also departed from that ...
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This chapter discusses how these far-right writers both belonged to the same intellectual and political tradition—that of Maurrassian nationalism and Catholic politics—yet also departed from that tradition in significant ways. Recognizing the networks, affiliations, and affinities of 1930s intellectuals with their elders helps us to grasp the circulation of common themes—dissolution, disgust, abjection—from 1931 to 1936, but also allows us to trace the ideological differences that emerged after 1938, which coalesced around the questions of gender, sex, race, and French civilization. These differences emerged most strikingly around the place and role of anti-Semitism in a larger French ultra-nationalism and in the decision to refute or embrace the title of “French fascists”.Less
This chapter discusses how these far-right writers both belonged to the same intellectual and political tradition—that of Maurrassian nationalism and Catholic politics—yet also departed from that tradition in significant ways. Recognizing the networks, affiliations, and affinities of 1930s intellectuals with their elders helps us to grasp the circulation of common themes—dissolution, disgust, abjection—from 1931 to 1936, but also allows us to trace the ideological differences that emerged after 1938, which coalesced around the questions of gender, sex, race, and French civilization. These differences emerged most strikingly around the place and role of anti-Semitism in a larger French ultra-nationalism and in the decision to refute or embrace the title of “French fascists”.
Sandrine Sanos
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book examines the writings of a motley collection of interwar far-right intellectuals, showing that they defined Frenchness in racial, gendered, and sexual terms. A broad, ambitious cultural and ...
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This book examines the writings of a motley collection of interwar far-right intellectuals, showing that they defined Frenchness in racial, gendered, and sexual terms. A broad, ambitious cultural and intellectual history, the book offers a provocative reinterpretation of a topic that has long been the subject of controversy. In works infused with rhetorics of abjection, disgust, and dissolution, such writers as Maulnier, Brasillach, Céline, and Blanchot imagined the nation through figures deemed illegitimate or inferior—Jews, colonial subjects, homosexuals, women. The author argues that these intellectuals offered an “aesthetics of hate,” reinventing a language of far-right nationalism by appealing to the realm of beauty and the sublime for political solutions. By acknowledging the constitutive relationship of anti-Semitism and colonial racism at the heart of these canonical writers' nationalism, this book makes us rethink how aesthetics and politics function, how race is imagined and defined, how gender structured far-right thought, and how we conceive of French intellectualism and fascism.Less
This book examines the writings of a motley collection of interwar far-right intellectuals, showing that they defined Frenchness in racial, gendered, and sexual terms. A broad, ambitious cultural and intellectual history, the book offers a provocative reinterpretation of a topic that has long been the subject of controversy. In works infused with rhetorics of abjection, disgust, and dissolution, such writers as Maulnier, Brasillach, Céline, and Blanchot imagined the nation through figures deemed illegitimate or inferior—Jews, colonial subjects, homosexuals, women. The author argues that these intellectuals offered an “aesthetics of hate,” reinventing a language of far-right nationalism by appealing to the realm of beauty and the sublime for political solutions. By acknowledging the constitutive relationship of anti-Semitism and colonial racism at the heart of these canonical writers' nationalism, this book makes us rethink how aesthetics and politics function, how race is imagined and defined, how gender structured far-right thought, and how we conceive of French intellectualism and fascism.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
The years 1930 to 1935 witnessed the emergence of a group of young men who were trained in the ideas of far-right and conservative nationalism and aspired to cultural and political prominence. ...
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The years 1930 to 1935 witnessed the emergence of a group of young men who were trained in the ideas of far-right and conservative nationalism and aspired to cultural and political prominence. Ranging from ultra-Catholic journalists Jean de Fabrègues and René Vincent to novelists Robert Brasillach and Georges Blond, music and film critic Lucien Rebatet, energetic polemicist Jean–Pierre Maxence, and the lesser-known but no less dedicated Pierre–Antoine Cousteau and Pierre Monnier, they were a motley collection united in their disgust with the postwar world in which they had come of age. This chapter situates these intellectuals not just within a political genealogy of far-right ideas, but also within the larger context of 1930s French cultural and aesthetic debates. It shows how categories of civilization, race, gender, and sexuality infused contemporaries' debates and discussions, and how these young intellectuals engaged and responded to them.Less
The years 1930 to 1935 witnessed the emergence of a group of young men who were trained in the ideas of far-right and conservative nationalism and aspired to cultural and political prominence. Ranging from ultra-Catholic journalists Jean de Fabrègues and René Vincent to novelists Robert Brasillach and Georges Blond, music and film critic Lucien Rebatet, energetic polemicist Jean–Pierre Maxence, and the lesser-known but no less dedicated Pierre–Antoine Cousteau and Pierre Monnier, they were a motley collection united in their disgust with the postwar world in which they had come of age. This chapter situates these intellectuals not just within a political genealogy of far-right ideas, but also within the larger context of 1930s French cultural and aesthetic debates. It shows how categories of civilization, race, gender, and sexuality infused contemporaries' debates and discussions, and how these young intellectuals engaged and responded to them.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter analyzes the works of literary critic Maurice Blanchot. His youthful interwar writings helped shape a discourse of the nation, its substance and borders, haunted by the figure of an ...
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This chapter analyzes the works of literary critic Maurice Blanchot. His youthful interwar writings helped shape a discourse of the nation, its substance and borders, haunted by the figure of an “other,” and articulated an obsession with the way the subject can emerge undivided and in harmony with the social body—concerns that far-right writers like Thierry Maulnier, Jean–Pierre Maxence, and Jean de Fabrègues also addressed. Politics and literature were the sites where Blanchot worked through his possible answer to the crisis of subjectivity, self, and nation, and his relation to the difference which became associated with Jewishness. Like the Young New Right intellectuals he was close to, Blanchot attempted to find a resolution to a seemingly untenable political situation, that of interwar France perceived to be in the throes of a cultural and moral crisis.Less
This chapter analyzes the works of literary critic Maurice Blanchot. His youthful interwar writings helped shape a discourse of the nation, its substance and borders, haunted by the figure of an “other,” and articulated an obsession with the way the subject can emerge undivided and in harmony with the social body—concerns that far-right writers like Thierry Maulnier, Jean–Pierre Maxence, and Jean de Fabrègues also addressed. Politics and literature were the sites where Blanchot worked through his possible answer to the crisis of subjectivity, self, and nation, and his relation to the difference which became associated with Jewishness. Like the Young New Right intellectuals he was close to, Blanchot attempted to find a resolution to a seemingly untenable political situation, that of interwar France perceived to be in the throes of a cultural and moral crisis.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter examines the rhetoric published in the pages of Je Suis Partout, which dealt with issues of race, culture, and fascism. Throughout the 1930s, Je Suis Partout became known for its open ...
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This chapter examines the rhetoric published in the pages of Je Suis Partout, which dealt with issues of race, culture, and fascism. Throughout the 1930s, Je Suis Partout became known for its open embrace of fascist regimes across Europe, its violent denunciation of French politics at home and abroad, and its violent anti-Semitism. In the wake of the “failed days of February 1934,” the accession to power of the Popular Front, the Spanish Civil War, and the growing “bolchevization of Europe,” far-right journalists and intellectuals produced an increasingly violent rhetoric, insulting, denouncing, and berating the politicians and intellectuals they deemed to constitute the “anti-France”.Less
This chapter examines the rhetoric published in the pages of Je Suis Partout, which dealt with issues of race, culture, and fascism. Throughout the 1930s, Je Suis Partout became known for its open embrace of fascist regimes across Europe, its violent denunciation of French politics at home and abroad, and its violent anti-Semitism. In the wake of the “failed days of February 1934,” the accession to power of the Popular Front, the Spanish Civil War, and the growing “bolchevization of Europe,” far-right journalists and intellectuals produced an increasingly violent rhetoric, insulting, denouncing, and berating the politicians and intellectuals they deemed to constitute the “anti-France”.
