Georg Menz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533886
- eISBN:
- 9780191714771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533886.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of ...
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This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of managed migration, and maps the different economic migration recruitment strategies adopted by distinct varieties of capitalism. Employers seek to reinforce existing labor markets structures and promote national corporate strategies by lobbying in favor of migrant profiles that compliment them. Unions are generally supportive of such endeavors, largely preferring managed and regularized economic migration to illicit flows that perpetuate the disintegration of labor market structures. NGOs face a difficult and ungrateful task with limited successes. Managed migration unfolds behind the backdrop of high unemployment, rising concerns over mass immigration and rising levels of xenophobia.Less
This chapter succinctly summarizes key points, evaluates the main arguments regarding the influence of nonstate actors in migration management, explores the implications of the new paradigm of managed migration, and maps the different economic migration recruitment strategies adopted by distinct varieties of capitalism. Employers seek to reinforce existing labor markets structures and promote national corporate strategies by lobbying in favor of migrant profiles that compliment them. Unions are generally supportive of such endeavors, largely preferring managed and regularized economic migration to illicit flows that perpetuate the disintegration of labor market structures. NGOs face a difficult and ungrateful task with limited successes. Managed migration unfolds behind the backdrop of high unemployment, rising concerns over mass immigration and rising levels of xenophobia.
Daniel K. Williams
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195340846
- eISBN:
- 9780199867141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340846.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
While most evangelicals supported Eisenhower’s centrist conservatism and moderate position on civil rights, self-identified fundamentalists, including Bob Jones, Jr., Billy James Hargis, Carl ...
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While most evangelicals supported Eisenhower’s centrist conservatism and moderate position on civil rights, self-identified fundamentalists, including Bob Jones, Jr., Billy James Hargis, Carl McIntire, John R. Rice, and Jerry Falwell, supported the more radical positions of the “far right.” Like Billy Graham, they were strongly anticommunist, but unlike Graham, they defended racial segregation and denounced the early civil rights movement. This chapter traces the emergence of a fundamentalist political program that operated alongside the more mainstream evangelical politics of the 1950s. The chapter argues that fundamentalists’ support for racial segregation, a position that was unpopular with many northern evangelicals, prevented them from attaining national political influence during the 1950s. Nevertheless, fundamentalists’ political activities during this decade shaped the political consciousness of many pastors, including Falwell, who would later become Religious Right leaders.Less
While most evangelicals supported Eisenhower’s centrist conservatism and moderate position on civil rights, self-identified fundamentalists, including Bob Jones, Jr., Billy James Hargis, Carl McIntire, John R. Rice, and Jerry Falwell, supported the more radical positions of the “far right.” Like Billy Graham, they were strongly anticommunist, but unlike Graham, they defended racial segregation and denounced the early civil rights movement. This chapter traces the emergence of a fundamentalist political program that operated alongside the more mainstream evangelical politics of the 1950s. The chapter argues that fundamentalists’ support for racial segregation, a position that was unpopular with many northern evangelicals, prevented them from attaining national political influence during the 1950s. Nevertheless, fundamentalists’ political activities during this decade shaped the political consciousness of many pastors, including Falwell, who would later become Religious Right leaders.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how ...
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Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how women of the older generations, particularly those who were white, middle-class, and right-wing, sought to shape the entire values system of the younger generation. These women were active in grassroots campaigns in regions throughout the United States, campaigning as individuals, in women’s groups, and together with men in their efforts to achieve their goals. Their efforts frequently met with resistance from moderates, the left, and from the youth themselves; thus, the book also looks at reactions from baby boomers and women of the older generation who did not share rightist views. As many areas existed in which the far right and the mainstream concurred, these dimensions are also examined. The book explores ideas that define the “right” and “far right”, including the right’s allegations of “conspiracy” on the part of communists, liberals in government, scientists, and intellectual elites. Overall, this work provides a look into the roots of and growth of right-wing women’s influence, and reveals how women of more recent rightist movements, including the Tea Party movement, have much in common with those of the past. It also shows that the baby boom generation, being the largest generation in American history, became a major factor that the older generation had to deal with.Less
Challenge of Change focuses on the engagement of right-wing women with the baby boom generation during the period 1950 through the mid-1970s, a time of tremendous change in America. It explores how women of the older generations, particularly those who were white, middle-class, and right-wing, sought to shape the entire values system of the younger generation. These women were active in grassroots campaigns in regions throughout the United States, campaigning as individuals, in women’s groups, and together with men in their efforts to achieve their goals. Their efforts frequently met with resistance from moderates, the left, and from the youth themselves; thus, the book also looks at reactions from baby boomers and women of the older generation who did not share rightist views. As many areas existed in which the far right and the mainstream concurred, these dimensions are also examined. The book explores ideas that define the “right” and “far right”, including the right’s allegations of “conspiracy” on the part of communists, liberals in government, scientists, and intellectual elites. Overall, this work provides a look into the roots of and growth of right-wing women’s influence, and reveals how women of more recent rightist movements, including the Tea Party movement, have much in common with those of the past. It also shows that the baby boom generation, being the largest generation in American history, became a major factor that the older generation had to deal with.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal ...
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This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.Less
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.
Chris Atton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617692
- eISBN:
- 9780748670819
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617692.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the ...
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This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the world and our place in it. It is characterised by in-depth case studies. Topics include the media of new social movements and other radical political organisations (including the far right); websites produced by fans of popular culture; and media dedicated to developing a critical, ‘public’ journalism. The book locates these studies in appropriate theoretical and historical contexts, while remaining accessible to a student audience. Major themes include: the use of the Internet by political groups such as the anti-capitalist and environmental movements, as well as the far right; radical forms of creativity and distribution — the anti-copyright and sampling/file-sharing movements, and their role as cultural critics in a corporate world; the development and maintenance of a global, ‘digital public sphere’ of protest through such practices as ‘hacktivism’; the use of new media technologies to transform existing media forms and practices, such as news media and Internet radio.Less
This book explores how the Internet presents radical ways of organising and producing media that offer political and cultural alternatives, both to ways of doing business and to how we understand the world and our place in it. It is characterised by in-depth case studies. Topics include the media of new social movements and other radical political organisations (including the far right); websites produced by fans of popular culture; and media dedicated to developing a critical, ‘public’ journalism. The book locates these studies in appropriate theoretical and historical contexts, while remaining accessible to a student audience. Major themes include: the use of the Internet by political groups such as the anti-capitalist and environmental movements, as well as the far right; radical forms of creativity and distribution — the anti-copyright and sampling/file-sharing movements, and their role as cultural critics in a corporate world; the development and maintenance of a global, ‘digital public sphere’ of protest through such practices as ‘hacktivism’; the use of new media technologies to transform existing media forms and practices, such as news media and Internet radio.
Tom K. Wong
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804793063
- eISBN:
- 9780804794572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804793063.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
What are the politics and determinants of deportation? This chapter investigates this question by analyzing data across twenty-five immigrant-receiving countries from 2000 to 2009. It represents one ...
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What are the politics and determinants of deportation? This chapter investigates this question by analyzing data across twenty-five immigrant-receiving countries from 2000 to 2009. It represents one of the first systematic, cross-national, and over time studies of deportation and its political, economic, and migration-related determinants. The main argument of the chapter is that while the economic and societal implications of immigration may harden public attitudes, thus increasing the demand for greater policy restrictiveness, the extent to which this demand is translated into policy outcomes hinges on the political landscape in which the politics of immigration plays out. In other words, public preferences do not directly translate into immigration control outcomes, as political institutions mediate these preferences. More specifically, electoral institutions play a role in channeling restrictive preferences over immigration into policy outputs by providing opportunities for the legislative representation of far-right political parties.Less
What are the politics and determinants of deportation? This chapter investigates this question by analyzing data across twenty-five immigrant-receiving countries from 2000 to 2009. It represents one of the first systematic, cross-national, and over time studies of deportation and its political, economic, and migration-related determinants. The main argument of the chapter is that while the economic and societal implications of immigration may harden public attitudes, thus increasing the demand for greater policy restrictiveness, the extent to which this demand is translated into policy outcomes hinges on the political landscape in which the politics of immigration plays out. In other words, public preferences do not directly translate into immigration control outcomes, as political institutions mediate these preferences. More specifically, electoral institutions play a role in channeling restrictive preferences over immigration into policy outputs by providing opportunities for the legislative representation of far-right political parties.
Alexander S. Kirshner
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300188240
- eISBN:
- 9780300189858
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300188240.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may ...
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How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may endanger the very rights they have granted; but denying these rights may also undermine democratic values. This book offers a set of principles for determining when one may reasonably refuse rights of participation, and it defends this theory through real-world examples, ranging from the far-right British Nationalist Party to Turkey's Islamist Welfare Party to America's Democratic Party during Reconstruction.Less
How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may endanger the very rights they have granted; but denying these rights may also undermine democratic values. This book offers a set of principles for determining when one may reasonably refuse rights of participation, and it defends this theory through real-world examples, ranging from the far-right British Nationalist Party to Turkey's Islamist Welfare Party to America's Democratic Party during Reconstruction.
Chris Atton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617692
- eISBN:
- 9780748670819
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617692.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by ...
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This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.Less
This chapter examines how technological and cultural resources are being deployed by far-right media in the United Kingdom, paying attention to how these ‘repressive’ media are being reconstructed by their producers as forms of progressive politics. It looks at the discourse of the British National Party's (BNP) web site and analyses the site as a form of alternative media, focusing on how it involves members and supporters in its discursive construction of racism. The BNP site reminds us that ‘alternative media’ need not solely be concerned with struggles for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. The repressive media of the far right, however, share aspects of their discourse with that of progressive media such as Independent Media Centres. Notions such as post-colonialism, repression and multiculturalism recur throughout both. In the case of the far right these terms are turned on their heads and employed to represent the constituencies of the far right as victims of repression themselves.
George Michael
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813033501
- eISBN:
- 9780813038698
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813033501.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the far right's disillusionment with Christianity, which originally commenced in Germany and Austria in the early part of the twentieth century, but later spread to America ...
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This chapter examines the far right's disillusionment with Christianity, which originally commenced in Germany and Austria in the early part of the twentieth century, but later spread to America after World War II. Over the past few decades, other non-Christian religions have gained currency. Increasingly, Aryan revolutionaries in both North America and Europe are adopting neopaganism as their new religion. This development is suggestive of a trend in which the far right has moved away from mainstream Christianity. Arguably, there is an inherent tension between contemporary Christianity and some variants of right-wing extremism. To better understand the influence of non-Christian religions on the contemporary extreme right, this chapter examines the events surrounding the rise of the Third Reich. Not only did various neopagan and nature cults influence National Socialism, but the historical period of the Third Reich looms large in the mythos of contemporary rightist pagans and Creators as well.Less
This chapter examines the far right's disillusionment with Christianity, which originally commenced in Germany and Austria in the early part of the twentieth century, but later spread to America after World War II. Over the past few decades, other non-Christian religions have gained currency. Increasingly, Aryan revolutionaries in both North America and Europe are adopting neopaganism as their new religion. This development is suggestive of a trend in which the far right has moved away from mainstream Christianity. Arguably, there is an inherent tension between contemporary Christianity and some variants of right-wing extremism. To better understand the influence of non-Christian religions on the contemporary extreme right, this chapter examines the events surrounding the rise of the Third Reich. Not only did various neopagan and nature cults influence National Socialism, but the historical period of the Third Reich looms large in the mythos of contemporary rightist pagans and Creators as well.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first chapter is devoted to a discussion of terminology and clarifying the conceptualization. The author notes, that the terminology related to the far right party family remains vague and ...
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The first chapter is devoted to a discussion of terminology and clarifying the conceptualization. The author notes, that the terminology related to the far right party family remains vague and scholars have not been able to agree on common terms. Political parties and organizations of this type are labelled radical right (e.g. Ramet 1998, Minkenberg 2008), extreme right (e.g. Mudde 2000), right wing extremist (Arzheimer-Carter 2006), neo-fascist (Mammone 2009), neo-Nazi (Becker 1993), neo-populist (e.g. Betz and Immerfall 1998), anti-immigrant (e.g. Fennema 1997), ultraright or far right (e.g. Mareš 2003; Kopeček 2007), New Right (Schanovsky 1997) populist (Frölich-Steffen-Rensmann 2005) or right populist (Rechtspopulismus, Hartleb in Backes-Jesse 2006, Urbat 2006). The author then clarifies the reasons for choosing the term far right which is then used for right extremist as well as right radical parties and also the conceptualisation drawn from Cas Mudde work based on four ideological features – nationalism, xenophobia, law and order and welfare chauvinism.Less
The first chapter is devoted to a discussion of terminology and clarifying the conceptualization. The author notes, that the terminology related to the far right party family remains vague and scholars have not been able to agree on common terms. Political parties and organizations of this type are labelled radical right (e.g. Ramet 1998, Minkenberg 2008), extreme right (e.g. Mudde 2000), right wing extremist (Arzheimer-Carter 2006), neo-fascist (Mammone 2009), neo-Nazi (Becker 1993), neo-populist (e.g. Betz and Immerfall 1998), anti-immigrant (e.g. Fennema 1997), ultraright or far right (e.g. Mareš 2003; Kopeček 2007), New Right (Schanovsky 1997) populist (Frölich-Steffen-Rensmann 2005) or right populist (Rechtspopulismus, Hartleb in Backes-Jesse 2006, Urbat 2006). The author then clarifies the reasons for choosing the term far right which is then used for right extremist as well as right radical parties and also the conceptualisation drawn from Cas Mudde work based on four ideological features – nationalism, xenophobia, law and order and welfare chauvinism.
Sandrine Sanos
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book examines the writings of a motley collection of interwar far-right intellectuals, showing that they defined Frenchness in racial, gendered, and sexual terms. A broad, ambitious cultural and ...
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This book examines the writings of a motley collection of interwar far-right intellectuals, showing that they defined Frenchness in racial, gendered, and sexual terms. A broad, ambitious cultural and intellectual history, the book offers a provocative reinterpretation of a topic that has long been the subject of controversy. In works infused with rhetorics of abjection, disgust, and dissolution, such writers as Maulnier, Brasillach, Céline, and Blanchot imagined the nation through figures deemed illegitimate or inferior—Jews, colonial subjects, homosexuals, women. The author argues that these intellectuals offered an “aesthetics of hate,” reinventing a language of far-right nationalism by appealing to the realm of beauty and the sublime for political solutions. By acknowledging the constitutive relationship of anti-Semitism and colonial racism at the heart of these canonical writers' nationalism, this book makes us rethink how aesthetics and politics function, how race is imagined and defined, how gender structured far-right thought, and how we conceive of French intellectualism and fascism.Less
This book examines the writings of a motley collection of interwar far-right intellectuals, showing that they defined Frenchness in racial, gendered, and sexual terms. A broad, ambitious cultural and intellectual history, the book offers a provocative reinterpretation of a topic that has long been the subject of controversy. In works infused with rhetorics of abjection, disgust, and dissolution, such writers as Maulnier, Brasillach, Céline, and Blanchot imagined the nation through figures deemed illegitimate or inferior—Jews, colonial subjects, homosexuals, women. The author argues that these intellectuals offered an “aesthetics of hate,” reinventing a language of far-right nationalism by appealing to the realm of beauty and the sublime for political solutions. By acknowledging the constitutive relationship of anti-Semitism and colonial racism at the heart of these canonical writers' nationalism, this book makes us rethink how aesthetics and politics function, how race is imagined and defined, how gender structured far-right thought, and how we conceive of French intellectualism and fascism.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter discusses how these far-right writers both belonged to the same intellectual and political tradition—that of Maurrassian nationalism and Catholic politics—yet also departed from that ...
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This chapter discusses how these far-right writers both belonged to the same intellectual and political tradition—that of Maurrassian nationalism and Catholic politics—yet also departed from that tradition in significant ways. Recognizing the networks, affiliations, and affinities of 1930s intellectuals with their elders helps us to grasp the circulation of common themes—dissolution, disgust, abjection—from 1931 to 1936, but also allows us to trace the ideological differences that emerged after 1938, which coalesced around the questions of gender, sex, race, and French civilization. These differences emerged most strikingly around the place and role of anti-Semitism in a larger French ultra-nationalism and in the decision to refute or embrace the title of “French fascists”.Less
This chapter discusses how these far-right writers both belonged to the same intellectual and political tradition—that of Maurrassian nationalism and Catholic politics—yet also departed from that tradition in significant ways. Recognizing the networks, affiliations, and affinities of 1930s intellectuals with their elders helps us to grasp the circulation of common themes—dissolution, disgust, abjection—from 1931 to 1936, but also allows us to trace the ideological differences that emerged after 1938, which coalesced around the questions of gender, sex, race, and French civilization. These differences emerged most strikingly around the place and role of anti-Semitism in a larger French ultra-nationalism and in the decision to refute or embrace the title of “French fascists”.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The final chapter highlights the common themes which have emerged from the discussion and focus on the issues treated in the introduction. Analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, ...
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The final chapter highlights the common themes which have emerged from the discussion and focus on the issues treated in the introduction. Analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows that the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the dominant right/left party, the state-building process, a national minority or diaspora abroad and an electoral system; other factors (such as unemployment or new voter strength) play a supporting role. The international variable might also play a strong role in the (lack of) success of far right parties. The far right party family in the Balkans is in every respect a heterogeneous group. The “softer” radical right variant would encompass VMRO-NP, Ataka and possibly SNS – the only parties to display nationalism purely in terms of internal homogenisation, As opposed to external exclusivity. The “harder” extreme right would include SRS, HSP, SRS CG, BK, VMRO, PRM and PNG-CD – all parties exhibiting nationalism both in terms of external exclusivity and internal homogenisation and so have an anti-system position.Less
The final chapter highlights the common themes which have emerged from the discussion and focus on the issues treated in the introduction. Analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows that the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the dominant right/left party, the state-building process, a national minority or diaspora abroad and an electoral system; other factors (such as unemployment or new voter strength) play a supporting role. The international variable might also play a strong role in the (lack of) success of far right parties. The far right party family in the Balkans is in every respect a heterogeneous group. The “softer” radical right variant would encompass VMRO-NP, Ataka and possibly SNS – the only parties to display nationalism purely in terms of internal homogenisation, As opposed to external exclusivity. The “harder” extreme right would include SRS, HSP, SRS CG, BK, VMRO, PRM and PNG-CD – all parties exhibiting nationalism both in terms of external exclusivity and internal homogenisation and so have an anti-system position.
George Michael
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813044972
- eISBN:
- 9780813046501
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813044972.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Social History
The Tea Party, which arose shortly after President Barack Obama assumed office, is the most recent incarnation of American populism. Largely dormant over the past decade, the American far right saw ...
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The Tea Party, which arose shortly after President Barack Obama assumed office, is the most recent incarnation of American populism. Largely dormant over the past decade, the American far right saw an opportunity to ride the new populist wave in the form of the Tea Party. Although the demographic profiles of members of the far right and the Tea Party are similar in some respects, ideologically there is still much that divides the two movements. If, however, the Tea Party fails to expand beyond its base, which is primarily composed of whites, the movement could coalesce with the extreme right and be moved in a more radical direction.Less
The Tea Party, which arose shortly after President Barack Obama assumed office, is the most recent incarnation of American populism. Largely dormant over the past decade, the American far right saw an opportunity to ride the new populist wave in the form of the Tea Party. Although the demographic profiles of members of the far right and the Tea Party are similar in some respects, ideologically there is still much that divides the two movements. If, however, the Tea Party fails to expand beyond its base, which is primarily composed of whites, the movement could coalesce with the extreme right and be moved in a more radical direction.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
The years 1930 to 1935 witnessed the emergence of a group of young men who were trained in the ideas of far-right and conservative nationalism and aspired to cultural and political prominence. ...
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The years 1930 to 1935 witnessed the emergence of a group of young men who were trained in the ideas of far-right and conservative nationalism and aspired to cultural and political prominence. Ranging from ultra-Catholic journalists Jean de Fabrègues and René Vincent to novelists Robert Brasillach and Georges Blond, music and film critic Lucien Rebatet, energetic polemicist Jean–Pierre Maxence, and the lesser-known but no less dedicated Pierre–Antoine Cousteau and Pierre Monnier, they were a motley collection united in their disgust with the postwar world in which they had come of age. This chapter situates these intellectuals not just within a political genealogy of far-right ideas, but also within the larger context of 1930s French cultural and aesthetic debates. It shows how categories of civilization, race, gender, and sexuality infused contemporaries' debates and discussions, and how these young intellectuals engaged and responded to them.Less
The years 1930 to 1935 witnessed the emergence of a group of young men who were trained in the ideas of far-right and conservative nationalism and aspired to cultural and political prominence. Ranging from ultra-Catholic journalists Jean de Fabrègues and René Vincent to novelists Robert Brasillach and Georges Blond, music and film critic Lucien Rebatet, energetic polemicist Jean–Pierre Maxence, and the lesser-known but no less dedicated Pierre–Antoine Cousteau and Pierre Monnier, they were a motley collection united in their disgust with the postwar world in which they had come of age. This chapter situates these intellectuals not just within a political genealogy of far-right ideas, but also within the larger context of 1930s French cultural and aesthetic debates. It shows how categories of civilization, race, gender, and sexuality infused contemporaries' debates and discussions, and how these young intellectuals engaged and responded to them.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter analyzes the works of literary critic Maurice Blanchot. His youthful interwar writings helped shape a discourse of the nation, its substance and borders, haunted by the figure of an ...
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This chapter analyzes the works of literary critic Maurice Blanchot. His youthful interwar writings helped shape a discourse of the nation, its substance and borders, haunted by the figure of an “other,” and articulated an obsession with the way the subject can emerge undivided and in harmony with the social body—concerns that far-right writers like Thierry Maulnier, Jean–Pierre Maxence, and Jean de Fabrègues also addressed. Politics and literature were the sites where Blanchot worked through his possible answer to the crisis of subjectivity, self, and nation, and his relation to the difference which became associated with Jewishness. Like the Young New Right intellectuals he was close to, Blanchot attempted to find a resolution to a seemingly untenable political situation, that of interwar France perceived to be in the throes of a cultural and moral crisis.Less
This chapter analyzes the works of literary critic Maurice Blanchot. His youthful interwar writings helped shape a discourse of the nation, its substance and borders, haunted by the figure of an “other,” and articulated an obsession with the way the subject can emerge undivided and in harmony with the social body—concerns that far-right writers like Thierry Maulnier, Jean–Pierre Maxence, and Jean de Fabrègues also addressed. Politics and literature were the sites where Blanchot worked through his possible answer to the crisis of subjectivity, self, and nation, and his relation to the difference which became associated with Jewishness. Like the Young New Right intellectuals he was close to, Blanchot attempted to find a resolution to a seemingly untenable political situation, that of interwar France perceived to be in the throes of a cultural and moral crisis.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774574
- eISBN:
- 9780804782838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774574.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter examines the rhetoric published in the pages of Je Suis Partout, which dealt with issues of race, culture, and fascism. Throughout the 1930s, Je Suis Partout became known for its open ...
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This chapter examines the rhetoric published in the pages of Je Suis Partout, which dealt with issues of race, culture, and fascism. Throughout the 1930s, Je Suis Partout became known for its open embrace of fascist regimes across Europe, its violent denunciation of French politics at home and abroad, and its violent anti-Semitism. In the wake of the “failed days of February 1934,” the accession to power of the Popular Front, the Spanish Civil War, and the growing “bolchevization of Europe,” far-right journalists and intellectuals produced an increasingly violent rhetoric, insulting, denouncing, and berating the politicians and intellectuals they deemed to constitute the “anti-France”.Less
This chapter examines the rhetoric published in the pages of Je Suis Partout, which dealt with issues of race, culture, and fascism. Throughout the 1930s, Je Suis Partout became known for its open embrace of fascist regimes across Europe, its violent denunciation of French politics at home and abroad, and its violent anti-Semitism. In the wake of the “failed days of February 1934,” the accession to power of the Popular Front, the Spanish Civil War, and the growing “bolchevization of Europe,” far-right journalists and intellectuals produced an increasingly violent rhetoric, insulting, denouncing, and berating the politicians and intellectuals they deemed to constitute the “anti-France”.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter briefly outlines the strategies and tactics used by far right parties and focuses on party organizational structure and its relationship to the way parties perform at the polls. Strong, ...
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This chapter briefly outlines the strategies and tactics used by far right parties and focuses on party organizational structure and its relationship to the way parties perform at the polls. Strong, charismatic leaders, centralized organizational structures and efficient mechanisms for enforcing party discipline are likely to bring better performance than is enjoyed by parties with weaker, less-charismatic leadership, less centralized internal structures and lower levels of party discipline. It also focuses on local and pan-European cooperation by far right parties. The greatest cooperation between parties is visible between the mother parties and their branches abroad. The author also examines the ties of paramilitary organizations to the parties of the far right after 2000. The conclusion is that far right parties no longer have their own paramilitary structures. The only exception is the New Right and an alleged relation to the marginal political party PNG-CD in Romania.Less
This chapter briefly outlines the strategies and tactics used by far right parties and focuses on party organizational structure and its relationship to the way parties perform at the polls. Strong, charismatic leaders, centralized organizational structures and efficient mechanisms for enforcing party discipline are likely to bring better performance than is enjoyed by parties with weaker, less-charismatic leadership, less centralized internal structures and lower levels of party discipline. It also focuses on local and pan-European cooperation by far right parties. The greatest cooperation between parties is visible between the mother parties and their branches abroad. The author also examines the ties of paramilitary organizations to the parties of the far right after 2000. The conclusion is that far right parties no longer have their own paramilitary structures. The only exception is the New Right and an alleged relation to the marginal political party PNG-CD in Romania.
Mugambi Jouet
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520293298
- eISBN:
- 9780520966468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520293298.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Millions of Americans are extraordinarily uninformed. This problem is often blamed on the poor quality of public schools, yet it largely stems from a peculiar conception of education rooted in ...
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Millions of Americans are extraordinarily uninformed. This problem is often blamed on the poor quality of public schools, yet it largely stems from a peculiar conception of education rooted in America’s exceptional history. The birth of modern democracy in America fostered a populist mindset equating education with elitism. Although the Founding Fathers were learned men of the American Enlightenment, many 18th and 19th century Americans became convinced that common sense and folk wisdom were sufficient to succeed. Anti-intellectualism became particularly influential in the South, the nation’s poorest region. Conversely, education has been less associated with elitism in France and other European countries. This helps explain why modern America is sharply polarized, as the U.S. political debate reached astonishing levels of demagogy, propaganda, and disinformation well before Trump’s rise. Spurred by the Tea Party, Republicans routinely made ludicrous claims about Obama’s fake birth certificate and Islamism, “socialized medicine,” “death panels,” the “hoax” of climate change, the federal government’s “tyranny,” and other conspiracy theories. Such political extremism thrives on the ignorance, irrationality, and gullibility promoted by anti-intellectualism. Extremism in contemporary Europe is far less mainstream and more focused on immigration, the main concern of nativist far-right European parties.Less
Millions of Americans are extraordinarily uninformed. This problem is often blamed on the poor quality of public schools, yet it largely stems from a peculiar conception of education rooted in America’s exceptional history. The birth of modern democracy in America fostered a populist mindset equating education with elitism. Although the Founding Fathers were learned men of the American Enlightenment, many 18th and 19th century Americans became convinced that common sense and folk wisdom were sufficient to succeed. Anti-intellectualism became particularly influential in the South, the nation’s poorest region. Conversely, education has been less associated with elitism in France and other European countries. This helps explain why modern America is sharply polarized, as the U.S. political debate reached astonishing levels of demagogy, propaganda, and disinformation well before Trump’s rise. Spurred by the Tea Party, Republicans routinely made ludicrous claims about Obama’s fake birth certificate and Islamism, “socialized medicine,” “death panels,” the “hoax” of climate change, the federal government’s “tyranny,” and other conspiracy theories. Such political extremism thrives on the ignorance, irrationality, and gullibility promoted by anti-intellectualism. Extremism in contemporary Europe is far less mainstream and more focused on immigration, the main concern of nativist far-right European parties.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter looks at the World War II predecessors of current formations on the far right and presents the overall context which existed during the 1980s and 1990s in former Yugoslavia at the height ...
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This chapter looks at the World War II predecessors of current formations on the far right and presents the overall context which existed during the 1980s and 1990s in former Yugoslavia at the height of nationalism. The historical chapter is essential in understanding the overall context of the nationalism in the Balkans and the rise of the far right formations.Less
This chapter looks at the World War II predecessors of current formations on the far right and presents the overall context which existed during the 1980s and 1990s in former Yugoslavia at the height of nationalism. The historical chapter is essential in understanding the overall context of the nationalism in the Balkans and the rise of the far right formations.
