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The conclusion tackles an important and controversial question rooted in our normative and privileged notions of childhood life: Should children work to help support the family? In answering this question, the conclusion shows how the social construction of childhood defined as a period of freedom and play has been cemented in the minds of people for almost a century. Even the families interviewed for this book struggled to see their family work arrangement as “normal” and fully acceptable to others. This chapter returns to the initial queries about childhood, family work relations, intergenerational family dynamics, and ethnic entrepreneurship and asks more questions for future research, keeping as a core analysis the role of children as economic contributors in the family beyond the street vending occupation. Kids at Work, in a way, also tells the story of many more first-generation college students of diverse racial backgrounds who did not have “normal” childhoods because they too had to work to help the family.

This chapter challenges segmented assimilation theory by looking at parent–child work relations. Unlike the parents in this study, all of the children I interviewed speak English and are familiar with American culture and technology, and the majority of the children are also U.S. citizens. These are resources unique to the children and I call these American generational resources (AGRs). I argue that children in street vending families share power in the household because they contribute to their family's income, and they are involved in business negotiations and decision-making processes. These children and youth speak English and enjoy legal status while most of their parents remain undocumented and are Spanish monolinguals. Segmented assimilation theory contends that this power imbalance in favor of the children could result in dissonant acculturation. Contrary to what segmented assimilation theory would predict, parents’ authority over their children is not diminished as a result of children's faster acculturation. Rather, parents who work with their children have more control over their children because they spend more time with them. In addition, children's AGRs are valued resources by their parents and are frequently useful for the family street vending business.

Chapter 4 shows the children's resiliency that results from experiencing their parents’ position of oppression, which helps prevent an authority shift in favor of the children. Consequently, the children respect their parents’ work effort and report feeling closer to their parents. As a result of working together, children become keenly aware of the financial household and street vending obligations. I call this economic empathy and argue that this level of empathy is born when families develop a communal family obligation code. The chapter covers different forms of tensions between children and their parents and how children engage in family bartering with their parents. These street vending children feel torn between their responsibility to help their parents and their desire to enjoy a “normal” childhood. Overall, economic empathy can serve to buffer against dissonant acculturation.

Chapter 5 underlines how gender shapes the way this study's girls and boys experience this occupation and how the children and the families create gendered expectations as well as strategies for protection. While both boys and girls work alongside their parents on the street, findings revealed that the daughters of Mexican and Central American street vendors in Los Angeles are more active than the sons in street vending with the family. How do we explain this paradox? A gendered analysis helps explain why girls are compelled into street vending, while boys are allowed to withdraw or minimize their participation. This chapter extends the feminist literature on intersectionality by exploring the world of Latinx teenage street vendors from a perspective that takes into account gendered expectations not only resulting from the familiar intersecting relations of race, class, and gender, but also as a consequence of age as well as of the inequality of nations that gives rise to particular patterns of international labor migration.

This chapter provides the readers with a clear sense of what is physically involved in this line of work for children and parents. The chapter describes what children do on a typical day, what kinds of jobs children do, how old they are when they start working, and how these different tasks are initiated. The chapter identifies three different work patterns for working children: (1) vacation work, (2) weekends only, and (3) school nights and weekends. Some children of street vendors also opt out of street vending altogether. In this chapter, we see the fluidity of their intersectional childhood, as they are nurtured by their parents and also nurture their parents. Children's voices and desires for material goods, combined with the structural circumstances that push the families to street vend, inform the ongoing sociological debate about structure and agency through the children's perspective.