David Hine
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Electoral accountability of leaders through political parties to the people is essential to representative democracy. Parties have suffered from declines in membership and increasing electoral ...
More
Electoral accountability of leaders through political parties to the people is essential to representative democracy. Parties have suffered from declines in membership and increasing electoral volatility. There has been an increase in corruption of the political class, in the problem of managing factional conflict, and a reduced policy‐making capacity. Cartel parties have developed, which derive their strength from political patronage and public subsidies through holding government office.Less
Electoral accountability of leaders through political parties to the people is essential to representative democracy. Parties have suffered from declines in membership and increasing electoral volatility. There has been an increase in corruption of the political class, in the problem of managing factional conflict, and a reduced policy‐making capacity. Cartel parties have developed, which derive their strength from political patronage and public subsidies through holding government office.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National ...
More
This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.Less
This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.
Joel Andreas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190052607
- eISBN:
- 9780190052645
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190052607.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Chapter 6 recounts what happened after Mao, unwilling to allow the establishment of permanent autonomous organizations, called for factories to be governed by new “revolutionary committees,” that ...
More
Chapter 6 recounts what happened after Mao, unwilling to allow the establishment of permanent autonomous organizations, called for factories to be governed by new “revolutionary committees,” that included veteran cadres and rebel leaders, as well as military officers assigned to oversee this volatile combination. Rebel leaders were supposed to serve as “mass representatives,” but after their organizations were disbanded, they lost the political base that had given them autonomous power and were no longer accountable to their constituencies. With the masses sidelined, the subsequent factional contention between “new” and “old” cadres hardly served as effective mass supervision. Moreover, this institutionalized form of contention was entirely dependent on Mao’s personal authority and was dismantled with the purge of the radical faction that followed his death in 1976. For all their destructive power, the political experiments of this period failed to do much to make leaders more accountable to those below them.Less
Chapter 6 recounts what happened after Mao, unwilling to allow the establishment of permanent autonomous organizations, called for factories to be governed by new “revolutionary committees,” that included veteran cadres and rebel leaders, as well as military officers assigned to oversee this volatile combination. Rebel leaders were supposed to serve as “mass representatives,” but after their organizations were disbanded, they lost the political base that had given them autonomous power and were no longer accountable to their constituencies. With the masses sidelined, the subsequent factional contention between “new” and “old” cadres hardly served as effective mass supervision. Moreover, this institutionalized form of contention was entirely dependent on Mao’s personal authority and was dismantled with the purge of the radical faction that followed his death in 1976. For all their destructive power, the political experiments of this period failed to do much to make leaders more accountable to those below them.
Ari Daniel Levine
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824832667
- eISBN:
- 9780824869298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824832667.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter explains how the antireform coalition returned to power after Shenzong's death in 1085 and used a similar court-centered discourse of authority to justify their political agenda and ...
More
This chapter explains how the antireform coalition returned to power after Shenzong's death in 1085 and used a similar court-centered discourse of authority to justify their political agenda and similar polarizing rhetoric to eliminate their adversaries. Empress Dowager Xuanren (1032–1093), Yingzong's widowed consort, was appointed regent to her grandson, the eight-year-old Emperor Zhezong, and identified herself with the antireform ideological vision of “reversion” (genghua). Sima Guang returned from exile to become grand councilor, leading a bureaucratic coalition that expeditiously abolished the New Policies within a year. Pressuring the regent to dismiss the reformists as a faction of petty men, the antireform coalition expelled the reformist leaders Cai Que (1037–1093) and Zhang Dun (1035–1105) from court. But after Sima Guang's death in 1086, his bureaucratic coalition foundered over personal animosities and policy disagreements, and three regional fractions of ministers contended for power at court, each accusing the others of factional treachery. This internal conflict sputtered out by 1089, when the antireformist ministry instigated a literary inquisition against Cai Que, the exiled leader of the reform faction, charging him with slandering the empress dowager. Antireformist remonstrators persuaded a willing Xuanren to order Cai's banishment to the malarial wastes of Lingnan, in the empire's far south. The pronouncement of this virtual death sentence upon a leader of the opposition was the first step in the brutalization of the factional conflict. Under the vertical alliance of Xuanren and her chosen councilors, ideological intolerance drove antireform rhetoricians to accuse opposition elements both inside and outside their coalition of factionalism, using the same divisive language that the reformists had used against them.Less
This chapter explains how the antireform coalition returned to power after Shenzong's death in 1085 and used a similar court-centered discourse of authority to justify their political agenda and similar polarizing rhetoric to eliminate their adversaries. Empress Dowager Xuanren (1032–1093), Yingzong's widowed consort, was appointed regent to her grandson, the eight-year-old Emperor Zhezong, and identified herself with the antireform ideological vision of “reversion” (genghua). Sima Guang returned from exile to become grand councilor, leading a bureaucratic coalition that expeditiously abolished the New Policies within a year. Pressuring the regent to dismiss the reformists as a faction of petty men, the antireform coalition expelled the reformist leaders Cai Que (1037–1093) and Zhang Dun (1035–1105) from court. But after Sima Guang's death in 1086, his bureaucratic coalition foundered over personal animosities and policy disagreements, and three regional fractions of ministers contended for power at court, each accusing the others of factional treachery. This internal conflict sputtered out by 1089, when the antireformist ministry instigated a literary inquisition against Cai Que, the exiled leader of the reform faction, charging him with slandering the empress dowager. Antireformist remonstrators persuaded a willing Xuanren to order Cai's banishment to the malarial wastes of Lingnan, in the empire's far south. The pronouncement of this virtual death sentence upon a leader of the opposition was the first step in the brutalization of the factional conflict. Under the vertical alliance of Xuanren and her chosen councilors, ideological intolerance drove antireform rhetoricians to accuse opposition elements both inside and outside their coalition of factionalism, using the same divisive language that the reformists had used against them.
Ari Daniel Levine
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824832667
- eISBN:
- 9780824869298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824832667.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter surveys rhetoric during the reform phase of the factional conflict, which originated in 1069 when Emperor Shenzong formed a vertical alliance with Wang Anshi and personally associated ...
More
This chapter surveys rhetoric during the reform phase of the factional conflict, which originated in 1069 when Emperor Shenzong formed a vertical alliance with Wang Anshi and personally associated himself with the New Policies. Wang implemented his ideological vision of state activist institutions with substantial backing from junior associates, and over the vociferous objections of the opposition; he exacerbated pre-existing intellectual schisms within the political elite and sharply polarized the imperial bureaucracy between reformists and their somewhat united opposition. Wang Anshi used polemical rhetoric to persuade the amenable Shenzong to silence dissenting voices by expelling this “faction of conventionalists,” while claiming that ethically and ideologically unified superior men could not possibly be factious. The antireformists similarly maligned Wang's bureaucratic coalition as a self-serving faction, but Shenzong pressed forward with the New Policies, and most of the opposition resigned from their posts. When Wang was forced to resign in 1074, his reform coalition splintered over personal and policy conflicts, and his successor Lü Huiqing (1032–1111) used polarizing rhetoric to purge his reformist rivals from power, as did a vengeful Wang Anshi upon his return to the councilorship in 1075. Throughout the reform era, both reformist and antireformist rhetoricians identified themselves as factionless and loyal ministers, while they attempted to persuade the emperor to purge their adversaries as alleged factions of petty men. But with Shenzong's personally identifying himself with the reformist ideology and agenda, the imperial court no longer accommodated a diverse range of elite opinion.Less
This chapter surveys rhetoric during the reform phase of the factional conflict, which originated in 1069 when Emperor Shenzong formed a vertical alliance with Wang Anshi and personally associated himself with the New Policies. Wang implemented his ideological vision of state activist institutions with substantial backing from junior associates, and over the vociferous objections of the opposition; he exacerbated pre-existing intellectual schisms within the political elite and sharply polarized the imperial bureaucracy between reformists and their somewhat united opposition. Wang Anshi used polemical rhetoric to persuade the amenable Shenzong to silence dissenting voices by expelling this “faction of conventionalists,” while claiming that ethically and ideologically unified superior men could not possibly be factious. The antireformists similarly maligned Wang's bureaucratic coalition as a self-serving faction, but Shenzong pressed forward with the New Policies, and most of the opposition resigned from their posts. When Wang was forced to resign in 1074, his reform coalition splintered over personal and policy conflicts, and his successor Lü Huiqing (1032–1111) used polarizing rhetoric to purge his reformist rivals from power, as did a vengeful Wang Anshi upon his return to the councilorship in 1075. Throughout the reform era, both reformist and antireformist rhetoricians identified themselves as factionless and loyal ministers, while they attempted to persuade the emperor to purge their adversaries as alleged factions of petty men. But with Shenzong's personally identifying himself with the reformist ideology and agenda, the imperial court no longer accommodated a diverse range of elite opinion.
Preston H. Smith II
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816637027
- eISBN:
- 9781452945811
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816637027.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This book examines housing debates in Chicago that go beyond black and white politics, and shows how class and factional conflicts among African Americans actually helped to reproduce stunning ...
More
This book examines housing debates in Chicago that go beyond black and white politics, and shows how class and factional conflicts among African Americans actually helped to reproduce stunning segregation along economic lines. Class and factional conflicts were normal in the rough-and-tumble world of land use politics. They are, however, often not visible in accounts of the postwar fight against segregation. The book outlines the ideological framework that black civic leaders in Chicago used to formulate housing policy, both within and outside the black community, to reveal a surprising picture of leaders who singled out racial segregation as the source of African Americans’ inadequate housing rather than attacking class inequalities. What are generally presented as black positions on housing policy in Chicago, the book makes clear, belonged to the black elite and did not necessarily reflect black working-class participation or interests. This book details how black civic leaders fought racial discrimination in ways that promoted—or at least did not sacrifice—their class interests in housing and real estate struggles. And, as it demonstrates, their accommodation of the real estate practices and government policy of the time has had a lasting effect: it contributed to a legacy of class segregation in the housing market in Chicago and major metropolitan areas across the country that is still felt today.Less
This book examines housing debates in Chicago that go beyond black and white politics, and shows how class and factional conflicts among African Americans actually helped to reproduce stunning segregation along economic lines. Class and factional conflicts were normal in the rough-and-tumble world of land use politics. They are, however, often not visible in accounts of the postwar fight against segregation. The book outlines the ideological framework that black civic leaders in Chicago used to formulate housing policy, both within and outside the black community, to reveal a surprising picture of leaders who singled out racial segregation as the source of African Americans’ inadequate housing rather than attacking class inequalities. What are generally presented as black positions on housing policy in Chicago, the book makes clear, belonged to the black elite and did not necessarily reflect black working-class participation or interests. This book details how black civic leaders fought racial discrimination in ways that promoted—or at least did not sacrifice—their class interests in housing and real estate struggles. And, as it demonstrates, their accommodation of the real estate practices and government policy of the time has had a lasting effect: it contributed to a legacy of class segregation in the housing market in Chicago and major metropolitan areas across the country that is still felt today.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226522081
- eISBN:
- 9780226522104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226522104.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the role of the Cold War in the current wars of the United States. It explains that the general agreement about the significance of the Cold War became the common ground of ...
More
This chapter discusses the role of the Cold War in the current wars of the United States. It explains that the general agreement about the significance of the Cold War became the common ground of factional conflict in America that was fought “between the passions and paradoxes of one and the same identity.” The chapter also highlights the American vocation of making war out of terror since 1945.Less
This chapter discusses the role of the Cold War in the current wars of the United States. It explains that the general agreement about the significance of the Cold War became the common ground of factional conflict in America that was fought “between the passions and paradoxes of one and the same identity.” The chapter also highlights the American vocation of making war out of terror since 1945.
Joel Andreas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190052607
- eISBN:
- 9780190052645
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190052607.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Chapter 5 recounts the initial upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, when Mao called on workers to form “rebel” organizations to challenge the authority of the party leadership in their factories. ...
More
Chapter 5 recounts the initial upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, when Mao called on workers to form “rebel” organizations to challenge the authority of the party leadership in their factories. Mao called this unbridled political participation “Big Democracy,” which he contrasted to more civil and institutionalized forms. By fomenting a movement independent of the party organization and loyal to no one but himself, Mao was able to introduce greater autonomy into mass supervision, with lasting consequences for cadre behavior. Local party cadres were criticized for abusing their power, seeking privileges, suppressing criticism from below, isolating themselves from the masses, and governing in a bureaucratic fashion. Virtually all were thrown out of office, and rebel groups were invited to help decide who among them were fit to be rehabilitated. After the party organization was paralyzed, however, factories polarized into rebel and conservative camps and the country descended into increasingly violent factional contention.Less
Chapter 5 recounts the initial upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, when Mao called on workers to form “rebel” organizations to challenge the authority of the party leadership in their factories. Mao called this unbridled political participation “Big Democracy,” which he contrasted to more civil and institutionalized forms. By fomenting a movement independent of the party organization and loyal to no one but himself, Mao was able to introduce greater autonomy into mass supervision, with lasting consequences for cadre behavior. Local party cadres were criticized for abusing their power, seeking privileges, suppressing criticism from below, isolating themselves from the masses, and governing in a bureaucratic fashion. Virtually all were thrown out of office, and rebel groups were invited to help decide who among them were fit to be rehabilitated. After the party organization was paralyzed, however, factories polarized into rebel and conservative camps and the country descended into increasingly violent factional contention.
