Walker Connor
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Attempts to correct a common tendency to exaggerate the impact of economic factors upon ethno‐national conflict, which stems from a theory of ‘relative economic deprivation’ holding that ...
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Attempts to correct a common tendency to exaggerate the impact of economic factors upon ethno‐national conflict, which stems from a theory of ‘relative economic deprivation’ holding that ethno‐nationalism stems from essentially economic impulse. To be sure, relative economic deprivation exists wherever ethno‐nationalist conflict is found, but so does oxygen, and mere contiguity does not imply causation. The historical evidence suggests that while relative economic deprivation can be a powerful contributory factor, the sense of relative political deprivation offers a more satisfactory explanation.Less
Attempts to correct a common tendency to exaggerate the impact of economic factors upon ethno‐national conflict, which stems from a theory of ‘relative economic deprivation’ holding that ethno‐nationalism stems from essentially economic impulse. To be sure, relative economic deprivation exists wherever ethno‐nationalist conflict is found, but so does oxygen, and mere contiguity does not imply causation. The historical evidence suggests that while relative economic deprivation can be a powerful contributory factor, the sense of relative political deprivation offers a more satisfactory explanation.
Mandy Sadan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265550
- eISBN:
- 9780191760341
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265550.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Since independence in 1948, Burma has suffered from many internal conflicts. One of the longest of these has been in the Kachin State, in the north of the country where Burma has borders with India ...
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Since independence in 1948, Burma has suffered from many internal conflicts. One of the longest of these has been in the Kachin State, in the north of the country where Burma has borders with India to the west and China to the east. This book explores the origins of the armed movement that started in 1961 and considers why it has continued for so long. The book places the problems that have led to hostilities between the political heartland of Burma and one of its most important peripheries in a longer perspective than usual. It explains how the experience of globalisation and international geopolitics from the late eighteenth century onwards produced the local politics of exclusion and resistance. It also uses detailed ethnographic research to explore the social and cultural dynamics of Kachin ethno-nationalism, providing a rich analysis that goes beyond the purely political. This analysis also provides new insights on the work of Edmund Leach and recent representations of Zomia proposed by James C. Scott. The research draws upon an extensive range of sources, including archival materials in Jinghpaw and an extensive study of ritual and ritual language. Making a wide variety of cross-disciplinary observations, it explains in depth and breadth how a region such as the Kachin State came into being. When combined with detailed local insights into how these experiences contributed to the historical development of modern Kachin ethno-nationalism, the book encourages new ways of thinking about the Kachin region and its history of armed resistance.Less
Since independence in 1948, Burma has suffered from many internal conflicts. One of the longest of these has been in the Kachin State, in the north of the country where Burma has borders with India to the west and China to the east. This book explores the origins of the armed movement that started in 1961 and considers why it has continued for so long. The book places the problems that have led to hostilities between the political heartland of Burma and one of its most important peripheries in a longer perspective than usual. It explains how the experience of globalisation and international geopolitics from the late eighteenth century onwards produced the local politics of exclusion and resistance. It also uses detailed ethnographic research to explore the social and cultural dynamics of Kachin ethno-nationalism, providing a rich analysis that goes beyond the purely political. This analysis also provides new insights on the work of Edmund Leach and recent representations of Zomia proposed by James C. Scott. The research draws upon an extensive range of sources, including archival materials in Jinghpaw and an extensive study of ritual and ritual language. Making a wide variety of cross-disciplinary observations, it explains in depth and breadth how a region such as the Kachin State came into being. When combined with detailed local insights into how these experiences contributed to the historical development of modern Kachin ethno-nationalism, the book encourages new ways of thinking about the Kachin region and its history of armed resistance.
Neera Chandhoke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198077978
- eISBN:
- 9780199080977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077978.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The refusal of international law to recognize secession serves to push the reasons for, or the justification of, secession under the metaphorical carpet. But secession is not only about partitions, ...
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The refusal of international law to recognize secession serves to push the reasons for, or the justification of, secession under the metaphorical carpet. But secession is not only about partitions, but also about the state that does or does not provide justice to its people. The subject is best approached from the vantage point of normative political theory. This enables us to respond in politically innovative ways to secession and reflect on how the flaws of a formally democratic, but an imperfectly just order, can be negotiated. In other words, if secession is a response to certain conditions that prevail in a given state, the challenge is to neutralize these conditions. In the final instance, the vital issue is not only the sanctity of territorial borders. The issue is whether these borders contain a political community that is organized on principles of democracy and justice.Less
The refusal of international law to recognize secession serves to push the reasons for, or the justification of, secession under the metaphorical carpet. But secession is not only about partitions, but also about the state that does or does not provide justice to its people. The subject is best approached from the vantage point of normative political theory. This enables us to respond in politically innovative ways to secession and reflect on how the flaws of a formally democratic, but an imperfectly just order, can be negotiated. In other words, if secession is a response to certain conditions that prevail in a given state, the challenge is to neutralize these conditions. In the final instance, the vital issue is not only the sanctity of territorial borders. The issue is whether these borders contain a political community that is organized on principles of democracy and justice.
Leo T. S. Ching
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520225510
- eISBN:
- 9780520925755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520225510.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
The historical and political nature of Taiwanese neo-nationalist thought was shortened and complicated not only by its colonial relationship to Japanese colonial power, but also by that to ...
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The historical and political nature of Taiwanese neo-nationalist thought was shortened and complicated not only by its colonial relationship to Japanese colonial power, but also by that to semi-colonized mainland China. The issue that the author addresses in this chapter is the enclosed discursive space of Taiwanese political movements in a chaotic period which ironically enabled the proliferation of political and neo-nationalist identity formations and associations. The Taiwanese identity which emerged at that time was necessarily a relation on a plurality of identifications which do not necessarily form relationships with one another, with the exception of the liberal and Marxist opposition. The primacy given to ethno-nationalism in identifying the various beliefs of Taiwanese political movements serves to deny and obscure the fundamental and contradictory class antagonism within the development of capitalism in colonial Taiwan.Less
The historical and political nature of Taiwanese neo-nationalist thought was shortened and complicated not only by its colonial relationship to Japanese colonial power, but also by that to semi-colonized mainland China. The issue that the author addresses in this chapter is the enclosed discursive space of Taiwanese political movements in a chaotic period which ironically enabled the proliferation of political and neo-nationalist identity formations and associations. The Taiwanese identity which emerged at that time was necessarily a relation on a plurality of identifications which do not necessarily form relationships with one another, with the exception of the liberal and Marxist opposition. The primacy given to ethno-nationalism in identifying the various beliefs of Taiwanese political movements serves to deny and obscure the fundamental and contradictory class antagonism within the development of capitalism in colonial Taiwan.
Wenona Giles (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520230729
- eISBN:
- 9780520937055
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520230729.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
In conflict zones from Iraq and Afghanistan to Guatemala and Somalia, the rules of war are changing dramatically. Distinctions between battlefield and home, soldier and civilian, state security and ...
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In conflict zones from Iraq and Afghanistan to Guatemala and Somalia, the rules of war are changing dramatically. Distinctions between battlefield and home, soldier and civilian, state security and domestic security are breaking down. In this especially timely book, a powerful group of international authors doing feminist research brings the highly gendered and racialized dimensions of these changes into sharp relief. In essays on nationalism, the political economy of conflict, and the politics of asylum, they investigate what happens when the body, household, nation, state, and economy become sites at which violence is invoked against people. In particular, these hard-hitting essays move us forward in our understanding of violence against women — how it is perpetrated, survived, and resisted. They explore the gendered politics of ethno-nationalism in Sri Lanka, the post-Yugoslav states, and Israel and Palestine. They consider “honor killings” in Iraqi Kurdistan, armed conflict in the Sudan, and geographies of violence in Ghana. This volume augments feminist analysis on conflict zones and contributes to transnational coalition-building and feminist organizing.Less
In conflict zones from Iraq and Afghanistan to Guatemala and Somalia, the rules of war are changing dramatically. Distinctions between battlefield and home, soldier and civilian, state security and domestic security are breaking down. In this especially timely book, a powerful group of international authors doing feminist research brings the highly gendered and racialized dimensions of these changes into sharp relief. In essays on nationalism, the political economy of conflict, and the politics of asylum, they investigate what happens when the body, household, nation, state, and economy become sites at which violence is invoked against people. In particular, these hard-hitting essays move us forward in our understanding of violence against women — how it is perpetrated, survived, and resisted. They explore the gendered politics of ethno-nationalism in Sri Lanka, the post-Yugoslav states, and Israel and Palestine. They consider “honor killings” in Iraqi Kurdistan, armed conflict in the Sudan, and geographies of violence in Ghana. This volume augments feminist analysis on conflict zones and contributes to transnational coalition-building and feminist organizing.
Ronen Shamir
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804787062
- eISBN:
- 9780804788687
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804787062.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter surveys some studies of electrification and presents the novelty of the present study: first, attention to a colonial setting rather than a focus on a core industrialized country and, ...
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This chapter surveys some studies of electrification and presents the novelty of the present study: first, attention to a colonial setting rather than a focus on a core industrialized country and, second, a theoretical shift from treating electrification as a politically-driven process to a consideration of how electrification enacts politics. Guided by principles of actor-network-theory, this chapter argues that it was not some ethno-political forces behind electrification that best account for its consequences. Against the background of studies that assume self-evidently coherent entities (Arabs and Jews) that developed along distinct and separate paths, this chapter outlines the proposition that group formation is a process ’in action’: the process of electrification accounts for the ways in which a seemingly technical process actively shapes and contributes to the assembly of such ethno-national formations.Less
This chapter surveys some studies of electrification and presents the novelty of the present study: first, attention to a colonial setting rather than a focus on a core industrialized country and, second, a theoretical shift from treating electrification as a politically-driven process to a consideration of how electrification enacts politics. Guided by principles of actor-network-theory, this chapter argues that it was not some ethno-political forces behind electrification that best account for its consequences. Against the background of studies that assume self-evidently coherent entities (Arabs and Jews) that developed along distinct and separate paths, this chapter outlines the proposition that group formation is a process ’in action’: the process of electrification accounts for the ways in which a seemingly technical process actively shapes and contributes to the assembly of such ethno-national formations.
Sofia Tipaldou
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474433853
- eISBN:
- 9781474445207
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines the dynamics of the extreme fringe of Russian nationalism and the new challenges posed by the events in Ukraine. It presents the main ideological positions of the nationalists ...
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This chapter examines the dynamics of the extreme fringe of Russian nationalism and the new challenges posed by the events in Ukraine. It presents the main ideological positions of the nationalists who flirt with totalitarianism and sheds light on the internal dynamics of the contemporary Russian nationalist scene, following the trajectory of activist Dmitrii Bobrov from his participation in Russian National Unity to the founding of his own organisations Shultz-88 and the National (People’s) Socialist Initiative (NSI). The latter worked in a network with the Movement against Illegal Migration (DPNI) and the Slavic Union. However, the war in Ukraine divided the nationalist movement into supporters and opponents of the Russian Spring/Novorossiia and of Vladimir Putin. NSI support for the Russian Spring contributed to the breakdown of the Russkie, the broadest ethno-nationalist coalition in Russia up to that point.Less
This chapter examines the dynamics of the extreme fringe of Russian nationalism and the new challenges posed by the events in Ukraine. It presents the main ideological positions of the nationalists who flirt with totalitarianism and sheds light on the internal dynamics of the contemporary Russian nationalist scene, following the trajectory of activist Dmitrii Bobrov from his participation in Russian National Unity to the founding of his own organisations Shultz-88 and the National (People’s) Socialist Initiative (NSI). The latter worked in a network with the Movement against Illegal Migration (DPNI) and the Slavic Union. However, the war in Ukraine divided the nationalist movement into supporters and opponents of the Russian Spring/Novorossiia and of Vladimir Putin. NSI support for the Russian Spring contributed to the breakdown of the Russkie, the broadest ethno-nationalist coalition in Russia up to that point.
Athena Athanasiou
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474420143
- eISBN:
- 9781474434904
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420143.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
This chapter engages the discursive conditions that made ethno-nationalist ideologies and armed conflicts of the 1990s possible and probable. Indeed, the question of how to recall the late ...
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This chapter engages the discursive conditions that made ethno-nationalist ideologies and armed conflicts of the 1990s possible and probable. Indeed, the question of how to recall the late twentieth-century history of former Yugoslavia constitutes a central aspect of the Women in Black labour of memory. The dissolution of Yugoslavia, especially the normalization of nationalist military violence in the mid-1990s, has manifested gendered norms as constitutive of nationalist discourses. Drawing on the ways in which the movement performatively brings forth an alternative public to embody the potentiality of displaced memory, this chapter argues in favor of breaking through the universalist, moralist, and humanist scripts of mourning. It seeks to make sense of the politically enabling ways in which these activists stage mourning as a site of agonistic resignification in order to interrogate the injustices and foreclosures which sustain dominant regimes of grievability, in Judith Butler’s terms.Less
This chapter engages the discursive conditions that made ethno-nationalist ideologies and armed conflicts of the 1990s possible and probable. Indeed, the question of how to recall the late twentieth-century history of former Yugoslavia constitutes a central aspect of the Women in Black labour of memory. The dissolution of Yugoslavia, especially the normalization of nationalist military violence in the mid-1990s, has manifested gendered norms as constitutive of nationalist discourses. Drawing on the ways in which the movement performatively brings forth an alternative public to embody the potentiality of displaced memory, this chapter argues in favor of breaking through the universalist, moralist, and humanist scripts of mourning. It seeks to make sense of the politically enabling ways in which these activists stage mourning as a site of agonistic resignification in order to interrogate the injustices and foreclosures which sustain dominant regimes of grievability, in Judith Butler’s terms.
Hector Amaya
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814708453
- eISBN:
- 9780814723838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814708453.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter explores ethno-territoriality and erasure in relation to the linguistic marginalization of Spanish-language media (SLM) though media deregulation and technological convergence. It ...
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This chapter explores ethno-territoriality and erasure in relation to the linguistic marginalization of Spanish-language media (SLM) though media deregulation and technological convergence. It provides examples of political, legal, and media practices that resulted in the exclusion of Latino political goals, media, and political value. For instance, the removal of Spanish-language television as part of ethno nationalism marks the omission of Spanish in the United States' systems of legal and cultural definitions of American citizenship. The move naturalized English as the state language, while supporting the claim that white ethnicity and the U.S. state are synonymous.Less
This chapter explores ethno-territoriality and erasure in relation to the linguistic marginalization of Spanish-language media (SLM) though media deregulation and technological convergence. It provides examples of political, legal, and media practices that resulted in the exclusion of Latino political goals, media, and political value. For instance, the removal of Spanish-language television as part of ethno nationalism marks the omission of Spanish in the United States' systems of legal and cultural definitions of American citizenship. The move naturalized English as the state language, while supporting the claim that white ethnicity and the U.S. state are synonymous.
Amnon Aran
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199330669
- eISBN:
- 9780199388196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199330669.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter adopts what might be termed a periodic approach towards analysing Israel’s foreign policy, using the concepts of state, ethno-nationalism, and globalisation, as its analytical tools. It ...
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This chapter adopts what might be termed a periodic approach towards analysing Israel’s foreign policy, using the concepts of state, ethno-nationalism, and globalisation, as its analytical tools. It argues that Israeli foreign policy encompasses three major periods: statist, ethno-nationalist and statist, and globalisation, ethno-nationalism, and declining statism. These concepts can be considered ideal types that capture the salient trends in Israel’s foreign policy in relation to three issues: the composition of the domestic arena, the social make-up of the foreign policy elite, and the conflicting approaches that shape the conduct of Israel’s foreign affairs. This chapter also attempts to account for change in the inner formulation of Israeli foreign policy, and draws from the work of Stephen Krasner and others.Less
This chapter adopts what might be termed a periodic approach towards analysing Israel’s foreign policy, using the concepts of state, ethno-nationalism, and globalisation, as its analytical tools. It argues that Israeli foreign policy encompasses three major periods: statist, ethno-nationalist and statist, and globalisation, ethno-nationalism, and declining statism. These concepts can be considered ideal types that capture the salient trends in Israel’s foreign policy in relation to three issues: the composition of the domestic arena, the social make-up of the foreign policy elite, and the conflicting approaches that shape the conduct of Israel’s foreign affairs. This chapter also attempts to account for change in the inner formulation of Israeli foreign policy, and draws from the work of Stephen Krasner and others.
Ellen Mickiewicz
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199977833
- eISBN:
- 9780199397068
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199977833.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Russian Politics
Many citizens depend on the state for work and survival. Ethno-nationalism is on the rise, with massive Moscow demonstrations 2010, and 2014. Future leaders trust Slavs most and are distrustful of ...
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Many citizens depend on the state for work and survival. Ethno-nationalism is on the rise, with massive Moscow demonstrations 2010, and 2014. Future leaders trust Slavs most and are distrustful of North Caucasus ethnic groups. Aleksei Navalny has gone from right-wing extremist, to liberal democrat to anti-immigrant activist and Slavic unity. In focus groups they no longer see America as an example, but look to a Scandinavian model, where gross inequality is not welcome and civil rights are protected. These future leaders will work mainly in Russia, in economic or political or diplomatic bureaucracies. Some will be quietly splintered as they conform. They want to live nowhere else.Less
Many citizens depend on the state for work and survival. Ethno-nationalism is on the rise, with massive Moscow demonstrations 2010, and 2014. Future leaders trust Slavs most and are distrustful of North Caucasus ethnic groups. Aleksei Navalny has gone from right-wing extremist, to liberal democrat to anti-immigrant activist and Slavic unity. In focus groups they no longer see America as an example, but look to a Scandinavian model, where gross inequality is not welcome and civil rights are protected. These future leaders will work mainly in Russia, in economic or political or diplomatic bureaucracies. Some will be quietly splintered as they conform. They want to live nowhere else.
Andrei P. Tsygankov
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199336203
- eISBN:
- 9780190207328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199336203.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Another indicator of instability was rise of inter-ethnic tensions. They originated from a rapidly increased influx of non-Slavic migrants and the lack of state policies to manage ethnic diversity. ...
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Another indicator of instability was rise of inter-ethnic tensions. They originated from a rapidly increased influx of non-Slavic migrants and the lack of state policies to manage ethnic diversity. In response, the state articulated the idea of Russia as a state-civilization that combines ethnic and non-ethnic principles of nation-building.Less
Another indicator of instability was rise of inter-ethnic tensions. They originated from a rapidly increased influx of non-Slavic migrants and the lack of state policies to manage ethnic diversity. In response, the state articulated the idea of Russia as a state-civilization that combines ethnic and non-ethnic principles of nation-building.
