Anne Phillips
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294153
- eISBN:
- 9780191600098
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294158.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
A number of contemporary democracies have introduced measures to ensure a more equitable representation of women and/or ethnic minority citizens within elected assemblies. These measures have ...
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A number of contemporary democracies have introduced measures to ensure a more equitable representation of women and/or ethnic minority citizens within elected assemblies. These measures have included the use of gender quotas in the selection of parliamentary candidates, and the use of ‘race‐conscious’ districting to increase the electoral chances of ethnic minority representatives. Drawing on a distinction between the politics of ideas and the politics of presence, this book explores and defends the case for such measures. The politics of ideas considers accountability in relation to declared polices and programmes, and sees the sex or race of the representative as a matter of relative indifference. In the politics of presence, by contrast, the gender or ethnic composition of elected assemblies becomes a legitimate matter of democratic concern. This book addresses the concern that the case for political presence could encourage essentialist understandings of group identity or group interest. It argues against an either/or alternative between the politics of ideas and the politics of presence and for a new combination of these two models of representation.Less
A number of contemporary democracies have introduced measures to ensure a more equitable representation of women and/or ethnic minority citizens within elected assemblies. These measures have included the use of gender quotas in the selection of parliamentary candidates, and the use of ‘race‐conscious’ districting to increase the electoral chances of ethnic minority representatives. Drawing on a distinction between the politics of ideas and the politics of presence, this book explores and defends the case for such measures. The politics of ideas considers accountability in relation to declared polices and programmes, and sees the sex or race of the representative as a matter of relative indifference. In the politics of presence, by contrast, the gender or ethnic composition of elected assemblies becomes a legitimate matter of democratic concern. This book addresses the concern that the case for political presence could encourage essentialist understandings of group identity or group interest. It argues against an either/or alternative between the politics of ideas and the politics of presence and for a new combination of these two models of representation.
Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289172
- eISBN:
- 9780191711084
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289172.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of ...
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In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and self-government rights for indigenous peoples. These claims for recognition have been controversial, in part because of fears that they make it more difficult to sustain a robust welfare state by eroding the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain redistribution. Are these fears of a conflict between a ‘politics of recognition’ and a ‘politics of redistribution’ valid? This book aims to test this question empirically, using both cross-national statistical analyses of the relationships among diversity policies, public attitudes and the welfare state, and case studies of the recognition/redistribution linkage in the political coalitions in particular countries, including the United States, Britain, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, and in Latin America. These studies suggest that that there is no general or inherent tendency for recognition to undermine redistribution, and that the relationship between these two forms of politics can be supportive as well as competitive, depending on the context. These findings shed light, not only on the nature and effects of multiculturalism, but also on wider debates about the social and political foundations of the welfare state, and indeed about our most basic concepts of citizenship and national identity.Less
In many Western democracies, ethnic and racial minorities have demanded, and sometimes achieved, greater recognition and accommodation of their identities. This is reflected in the adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and self-government rights for indigenous peoples. These claims for recognition have been controversial, in part because of fears that they make it more difficult to sustain a robust welfare state by eroding the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain redistribution. Are these fears of a conflict between a ‘politics of recognition’ and a ‘politics of redistribution’ valid? This book aims to test this question empirically, using both cross-national statistical analyses of the relationships among diversity policies, public attitudes and the welfare state, and case studies of the recognition/redistribution linkage in the political coalitions in particular countries, including the United States, Britain, Canada, the Netherlands, Germany, and in Latin America. These studies suggest that that there is no general or inherent tendency for recognition to undermine redistribution, and that the relationship between these two forms of politics can be supportive as well as competitive, depending on the context. These findings shed light, not only on the nature and effects of multiculturalism, but also on wider debates about the social and political foundations of the welfare state, and indeed about our most basic concepts of citizenship and national identity.
Alan Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Burma presents a paradigm case in which the state is faced with the demands for democratisation and demands for ethnocultural recognition and self-government. To date, the state has failed to ...
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Burma presents a paradigm case in which the state is faced with the demands for democratisation and demands for ethnocultural recognition and self-government. To date, the state has failed to successfully address either challenge. This chapter explores some of the historical and political factors that explain this failure, and considers the prospects for democratic multination federalism.Less
Burma presents a paradigm case in which the state is faced with the demands for democratisation and demands for ethnocultural recognition and self-government. To date, the state has failed to successfully address either challenge. This chapter explores some of the historical and political factors that explain this failure, and considers the prospects for democratic multination federalism.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Once the EU developed its active leverage, noncompliance with EU membership requirements became visible and costly for governments in candidate states. This chapter illustrates the effectiveness of ...
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Once the EU developed its active leverage, noncompliance with EU membership requirements became visible and costly for governments in candidate states. This chapter illustrates the effectiveness of the EU’s active leverage in compelling Hungary to moderate its foreign policy towards neighbouring states, and it explores the EU’s vigorous attempts to improve the treatment of ethnic minorities in Romania and Slovakia. The EU’s active leverage was usually ineffective in directly pressuring ruling elites in Romania, Bulgaria, and Slovakia to change key domestic policies. But the relationship between the EU and credible future members gradually changed the domestic balance of power in illiberal states against rent-seeking elites by making the political systems more competitive. It did so by working through society to change the information environment and the institutional environment to the advantage of more liberal political forces. This helped undermine the ‘democratic monopoly’ that had allowed rent-seeking elites to use ethnic nationalism and economic populism to win and maintain power. In states where no united, organized liberal opposition existed before 1989, the EU’s active leverage—in cooperation with other international actors and in synergy with domestic forces—helped to create one, shaping the more liberal political parties that took power in 1996 in Romania, in 1997 in Bulgaria and in 1998 in Romania.Less
Once the EU developed its active leverage, noncompliance with EU membership requirements became visible and costly for governments in candidate states. This chapter illustrates the effectiveness of the EU’s active leverage in compelling Hungary to moderate its foreign policy towards neighbouring states, and it explores the EU’s vigorous attempts to improve the treatment of ethnic minorities in Romania and Slovakia. The EU’s active leverage was usually ineffective in directly pressuring ruling elites in Romania, Bulgaria, and Slovakia to change key domestic policies. But the relationship between the EU and credible future members gradually changed the domestic balance of power in illiberal states against rent-seeking elites by making the political systems more competitive. It did so by working through society to change the information environment and the institutional environment to the advantage of more liberal political forces. This helped undermine the ‘democratic monopoly’ that had allowed rent-seeking elites to use ethnic nationalism and economic populism to win and maintain power. In states where no united, organized liberal opposition existed before 1989, the EU’s active leverage—in cooperation with other international actors and in synergy with domestic forces—helped to create one, shaping the more liberal political parties that took power in 1996 in Romania, in 1997 in Bulgaria and in 1998 in Romania.
Lam Peng-Er
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines why Western liberal theories of minorities rights have not been adopted in Japan. It argues that while the Japanese state is relatively liberal, Japanese society is not. ...
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This chapter examines why Western liberal theories of minorities rights have not been adopted in Japan. It argues that while the Japanese state is relatively liberal, Japanese society is not. Although the state, particularly local governments, has adopted more enlightened policies towards minorities, Japanese society is often discriminatory towards minorities. This social conservatism and illiberalism limits the sorts of minority policies that the state can adopt.Less
This chapter examines why Western liberal theories of minorities rights have not been adopted in Japan. It argues that while the Japanese state is relatively liberal, Japanese society is not. Although the state, particularly local governments, has adopted more enlightened policies towards minorities, Japanese society is often discriminatory towards minorities. This social conservatism and illiberalism limits the sorts of minority policies that the state can adopt.
Anthony F. Heath and Soojin Yu
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263143
- eISBN:
- 9780191734939
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263143.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
This chapter offers a variety of explanations as to why ethnic minorities in Britain suffered ‘ethnic penalties’ or serious disadvantages in the labour market. These explanations focused on the lack ...
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This chapter offers a variety of explanations as to why ethnic minorities in Britain suffered ‘ethnic penalties’ or serious disadvantages in the labour market. These explanations focused on the lack of human capital on the part of the migrant workers and the prejudice and discrimination they experienced at the hands of the British society.Less
This chapter offers a variety of explanations as to why ethnic minorities in Britain suffered ‘ethnic penalties’ or serious disadvantages in the labour market. These explanations focused on the lack of human capital on the part of the migrant workers and the prejudice and discrimination they experienced at the hands of the British society.
Rachel Harris
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262979
- eISBN:
- 9780191734717
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262979.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
The Sibe are an immigrant group, Qing dynasty bannermen who made a three-year ‘long march’ from Manchuria in the 18th century to serve as a border garrison in the newly conquered Western Regions of ...
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The Sibe are an immigrant group, Qing dynasty bannermen who made a three-year ‘long march’ from Manchuria in the 18th century to serve as a border garrison in the newly conquered Western Regions of the Qing Chinese empire. They preserved their military structure and a discrete identity in the multi-ethnic region of Xinjiang and are now officially recognised as an ethnic minority nationality under the People's Republic. They are known in China today as the last speakers of the Manchu language, and as preservers of their ancient traditions. This study of their music culture reveals not fossilised tradition but a shifting web of borrowings, assimilation, and retention. It is an informed account of culture and performance in the Chinese region of Xinjiang. The book approaches musical and ritual life in this ethnically diverse region through an understanding of society in terms of negotiation, practice, and performance. It explores the relations between shamanism, song, and notions of externality and danger, bringing recent theories on shamanism to bear on questions of the structural and affective powers of ritual music. The book focuses on the historical demands of identity, boundary maintenance, and creation among the Sibe, and on the role of musical performance in maintaining popular memory, and it discusses the impact of state policies of the Chinese Communist Party on village musical and ritual life. It draws on a wide range of Chinese, Sibe-Manchu language sources, and oral sources including musical recordings and interviews gathered in the course of fieldwork in Xinjiang.Less
The Sibe are an immigrant group, Qing dynasty bannermen who made a three-year ‘long march’ from Manchuria in the 18th century to serve as a border garrison in the newly conquered Western Regions of the Qing Chinese empire. They preserved their military structure and a discrete identity in the multi-ethnic region of Xinjiang and are now officially recognised as an ethnic minority nationality under the People's Republic. They are known in China today as the last speakers of the Manchu language, and as preservers of their ancient traditions. This study of their music culture reveals not fossilised tradition but a shifting web of borrowings, assimilation, and retention. It is an informed account of culture and performance in the Chinese region of Xinjiang. The book approaches musical and ritual life in this ethnically diverse region through an understanding of society in terms of negotiation, practice, and performance. It explores the relations between shamanism, song, and notions of externality and danger, bringing recent theories on shamanism to bear on questions of the structural and affective powers of ritual music. The book focuses on the historical demands of identity, boundary maintenance, and creation among the Sibe, and on the role of musical performance in maintaining popular memory, and it discusses the impact of state policies of the Chinese Communist Party on village musical and ritual life. It draws on a wide range of Chinese, Sibe-Manchu language sources, and oral sources including musical recordings and interviews gathered in the course of fieldwork in Xinjiang.
ANTHONY HEATH and SIN YI CHEUNG
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263860
- eISBN:
- 9780191734953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263860.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Ethnic minority disadvantage in the labour market has been a matter of growing concern in many developed countries in recent years. Discrimination on the basis of ascriptive factors, such as social ...
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Ethnic minority disadvantage in the labour market has been a matter of growing concern in many developed countries in recent years. Discrimination on the basis of ascriptive factors, such as social origins or ethnicity, is generally regarded to be a source of economic inefficiency and waste. More importantly, it is a source of social injustice and social exclusion. This book explores ethnic inequalities in the labour market, particularly with respect to access to jobs. It examines whether ethnic minorities compete on equal terms in the labour market with equally qualified members of the charter populations and focuses on the experiences of the ‘second generation’, that is, the children of migrants who have themselves grown up and been educated in the countries of destination. In addition to the classic immigration countries of Australia, Canada, Israel, and the United States, the book also covers the major new immigration countries of Western Europe, such as Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, and Sweden, as well as South Africa.Less
Ethnic minority disadvantage in the labour market has been a matter of growing concern in many developed countries in recent years. Discrimination on the basis of ascriptive factors, such as social origins or ethnicity, is generally regarded to be a source of economic inefficiency and waste. More importantly, it is a source of social injustice and social exclusion. This book explores ethnic inequalities in the labour market, particularly with respect to access to jobs. It examines whether ethnic minorities compete on equal terms in the labour market with equally qualified members of the charter populations and focuses on the experiences of the ‘second generation’, that is, the children of migrants who have themselves grown up and been educated in the countries of destination. In addition to the classic immigration countries of Australia, Canada, Israel, and the United States, the book also covers the major new immigration countries of Western Europe, such as Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, and Sweden, as well as South Africa.
KAREN PHALET
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263860
- eISBN:
- 9780191734953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263860.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Belgium has three major ethnic minorities – Italians, Moroccans, and Turks – originating from guest workers who arrived in the post-war period. These groups continue to experience significant ethnic ...
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Belgium has three major ethnic minorities – Italians, Moroccans, and Turks – originating from guest workers who arrived in the post-war period. These groups continue to experience significant ethnic penalties in the Belgian labour market. For employment and occupational attainment alike, the Italian second generation experiences the smallest ethnic penalties and comes closest to achieving parity with native Belgians. In contrast, the Moroccan and Turkish second generation experience much larger ethnic penalties. Moreover, the Turkish second generation is clearly at the bottom end of the ethnic hierarchy, since it experiences at once the largest penalties on avoidance of unemployment and on access to the salariat. The persistence of ethnic disdvantage in the second generation suggests that at least part of the explanation is to be found in the receiving society. Possible explanations range from overt ethnic prejudice to citizenship status.Less
Belgium has three major ethnic minorities – Italians, Moroccans, and Turks – originating from guest workers who arrived in the post-war period. These groups continue to experience significant ethnic penalties in the Belgian labour market. For employment and occupational attainment alike, the Italian second generation experiences the smallest ethnic penalties and comes closest to achieving parity with native Belgians. In contrast, the Moroccan and Turkish second generation experience much larger ethnic penalties. Moreover, the Turkish second generation is clearly at the bottom end of the ethnic hierarchy, since it experiences at once the largest penalties on avoidance of unemployment and on access to the salariat. The persistence of ethnic disdvantage in the second generation suggests that at least part of the explanation is to be found in the receiving society. Possible explanations range from overt ethnic prejudice to citizenship status.
Volodymyr Fesenko
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The main problem of Ukrainian ethnic policy is balancing Ukrainian majority nation-building with respect for ethnic minority rights. This explains a paradoxical, but logical mixture of liberal and ...
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The main problem of Ukrainian ethnic policy is balancing Ukrainian majority nation-building with respect for ethnic minority rights. This explains a paradoxical, but logical mixture of liberal and illiberal elements in the nation-building process. The more illiberal elements are rooted in a post-colonial ‘Russian syndrome’, which drives Ukrainians to distances themselves from Russia. At the same time, the policy of nation-building in Ukraine is moderate and open to compromise, reflecting the balance of forces between the political elite of the country and the country’s different regions and main ethnocultural groups.Less
The main problem of Ukrainian ethnic policy is balancing Ukrainian majority nation-building with respect for ethnic minority rights. This explains a paradoxical, but logical mixture of liberal and illiberal elements in the nation-building process. The more illiberal elements are rooted in a post-colonial ‘Russian syndrome’, which drives Ukrainians to distances themselves from Russia. At the same time, the policy of nation-building in Ukraine is moderate and open to compromise, reflecting the balance of forces between the political elite of the country and the country’s different regions and main ethnocultural groups.
Isabelle Attané
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199299294
- eISBN:
- 9780191715082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199299294.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter focuses on demographic changes in China's major ethnic minority groups and compares them with those observed in the population of the Han. Great variations were observed in fertility, ...
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This chapter focuses on demographic changes in China's major ethnic minority groups and compares them with those observed in the population of the Han. Great variations were observed in fertility, mortality, age structure, and population growth among China's major ethnic groups. These variations were closely related to differences in the level of socio-economic development, the degree of sinicization, and the implementation of family planning policies in ethnic minority populations.Less
This chapter focuses on demographic changes in China's major ethnic minority groups and compares them with those observed in the population of the Han. Great variations were observed in fertility, mortality, age structure, and population growth among China's major ethnic groups. These variations were closely related to differences in the level of socio-economic development, the degree of sinicization, and the implementation of family planning policies in ethnic minority populations.
Raj S. Bhopal
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780198568179
- eISBN:
- 9780191724091
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198568179.001.0001
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
Most of the industrialized world now comprises of multi-ethnic societies, with people from widely varying ancestry, cultures, languages, and beliefs. With globalization of trade, increasing ...
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Most of the industrialized world now comprises of multi-ethnic societies, with people from widely varying ancestry, cultures, languages, and beliefs. With globalization of trade, increasing international travel, and migration, the whole world is destined to become multi-ethnic within the next twenty or thirty years. This poses huge challenges for doctors, nurses, public health practitioners, health care managers, and policy makers who have to meet legal and policy obligations to deliver health outcomes, and provide health care of equal quality and effectiveness. To achieve this, they need a solid understanding of the underlying concepts of race and ethnicity, and how these are applied to achieve better health for ethnic minority populations. They also need to have an awareness of the misuses of these concepts, particularly taking into account the history of racism that permeates many societies to this day. This book provides an introduction to these complex issues. The key concepts of race and ethnicity are explained in this book, including their uses and misuses. The strengths and weaknesses of these concepts in terms of epidemiology, policy making, health service planning, research, health care, and health promotion are illustrated. The book emphasises theory, ideas, and principles, and its aims are to help counteract the unethical and atheoretical methods often used to study ethnicity. Practical application of the theory is demonstrated through the use of examples. The conceptual frameworks of ethnicity and race required by practitioners and researchers are slightly different, including the nature of research questions, the relative value of various methods of classification, and the approach to data analysis, presentation, and interpretation, and these differences are made explicit.Less
Most of the industrialized world now comprises of multi-ethnic societies, with people from widely varying ancestry, cultures, languages, and beliefs. With globalization of trade, increasing international travel, and migration, the whole world is destined to become multi-ethnic within the next twenty or thirty years. This poses huge challenges for doctors, nurses, public health practitioners, health care managers, and policy makers who have to meet legal and policy obligations to deliver health outcomes, and provide health care of equal quality and effectiveness. To achieve this, they need a solid understanding of the underlying concepts of race and ethnicity, and how these are applied to achieve better health for ethnic minority populations. They also need to have an awareness of the misuses of these concepts, particularly taking into account the history of racism that permeates many societies to this day. This book provides an introduction to these complex issues. The key concepts of race and ethnicity are explained in this book, including their uses and misuses. The strengths and weaknesses of these concepts in terms of epidemiology, policy making, health service planning, research, health care, and health promotion are illustrated. The book emphasises theory, ideas, and principles, and its aims are to help counteract the unethical and atheoretical methods often used to study ethnicity. Practical application of the theory is demonstrated through the use of examples. The conceptual frameworks of ethnicity and race required by practitioners and researchers are slightly different, including the nature of research questions, the relative value of various methods of classification, and the approach to data analysis, presentation, and interpretation, and these differences are made explicit.
Jacob T. Levy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297123
- eISBN:
- 9780191599767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297122.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Describes four characteristic dangers arising from cultural pluralism, dangers with which a multiculturalism of fear must concern itself: forcible inclusion of an ethnic minority that wishes to ...
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Describes four characteristic dangers arising from cultural pluralism, dangers with which a multiculturalism of fear must concern itself: forcible inclusion of an ethnic minority that wishes to retain its own identity; forcible exclusion from citizenship and the protection of the state of small and stigmatized minorities; internal cruelty, arising from attempts by communal leaders to prevent members from assimilating to or hybridizing with a neighbouring culture; and the outcast status of those who leave their ancestral ethnic communities. Forced inclusion and forced exclusion are analysed as the two sides of an impulse towards nation‐state homogeneity. Internal cruelty, particularly against girls and women, often increases in reaction against assimilationist pressures from outside. State regulation of internal cruelty is legitimate and justified, but must be carefully done. Prohibited‐but‐still‐practised customs may be the most dangerous for group members, leaving selective acceptance and recognition as often preferable to outright bans.Less
Describes four characteristic dangers arising from cultural pluralism, dangers with which a multiculturalism of fear must concern itself: forcible inclusion of an ethnic minority that wishes to retain its own identity; forcible exclusion from citizenship and the protection of the state of small and stigmatized minorities; internal cruelty, arising from attempts by communal leaders to prevent members from assimilating to or hybridizing with a neighbouring culture; and the outcast status of those who leave their ancestral ethnic communities. Forced inclusion and forced exclusion are analysed as the two sides of an impulse towards nation‐state homogeneity. Internal cruelty, particularly against girls and women, often increases in reaction against assimilationist pressures from outside. State regulation of internal cruelty is legitimate and justified, but must be carefully done. Prohibited‐but‐still‐practised customs may be the most dangerous for group members, leaving selective acceptance and recognition as often preferable to outright bans.
Lionel Wee
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199737437
- eISBN:
- 9780199827107
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199737437.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This volume is a book-length critique of the concept of language rights. It presents a balanced, though ultimately skeptical, evaluation of language rights. Through a sophisticated ...
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This volume is a book-length critique of the concept of language rights. It presents a balanced, though ultimately skeptical, evaluation of language rights. Through a sophisticated synthesis of insights from a variety of disciplines, including linguistic anthropology, sociolinguistics, sociology and political philosophy, it demonstrates how the appeal to language rights faces a number of conceptual and practical problems, particularly because the discourse of rights is fundamentally inconsistent with the socially variable nature of language. The book also explores an alternative that is more in tune with the complexities of language in social life by suggesting that issues involving language are better managed within a model of deliberative democracy.Less
This volume is a book-length critique of the concept of language rights. It presents a balanced, though ultimately skeptical, evaluation of language rights. Through a sophisticated synthesis of insights from a variety of disciplines, including linguistic anthropology, sociolinguistics, sociology and political philosophy, it demonstrates how the appeal to language rights faces a number of conceptual and practical problems, particularly because the discourse of rights is fundamentally inconsistent with the socially variable nature of language. The book also explores an alternative that is more in tune with the complexities of language in social life by suggesting that issues involving language are better managed within a model of deliberative democracy.
Tariq Modood
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297703
- eISBN:
- 9780191602948
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829770X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Essentialist and anti‐essentialist views of multicultural society are discussed, using data from the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities in Britain, which was undertaken in 1994. One of the ...
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Essentialist and anti‐essentialist views of multicultural society are discussed, using data from the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities in Britain, which was undertaken in 1994. One of the survey findings was that there is much empirical support for those theorists who have emphasized the fluid and hybrid nature of contemporary post‐immigration ethnicities in Britain. It is argued that the political challenge is to reach for a multicultural Britishness that is happy with this hybridity, but also has space for religious identities, which have been largely neglected by theorists. The last part of the chapter discusses the importance of recognizing religious communities further.Less
Essentialist and anti‐essentialist views of multicultural society are discussed, using data from the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities in Britain, which was undertaken in 1994. One of the survey findings was that there is much empirical support for those theorists who have emphasized the fluid and hybrid nature of contemporary post‐immigration ethnicities in Britain. It is argued that the political challenge is to reach for a multicultural Britishness that is happy with this hybridity, but also has space for religious identities, which have been largely neglected by theorists. The last part of the chapter discusses the importance of recognizing religious communities further.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along ...
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A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.Less
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.
Nayereh Tohidi
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195378481
- eISBN:
- 9780199852345
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378481.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter discusses the status and rights of ethnic and religious minorities, emphasizing the perils of both secular ultra-nationalist homogenization and religious (Shi’i Islamist) segmentation in ...
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This chapter discusses the status and rights of ethnic and religious minorities, emphasizing the perils of both secular ultra-nationalist homogenization and religious (Shi’i Islamist) segmentation in contemporary Iran. It argues that an uneven and overcentralized strategy of development has resulted in a wide socioeconomic gap between the center and peripheries. A great part of the grievances of ethnic minorities, who mostly inhabit provincial peripheries of Iran, has its roots in the uneven distribution of power and socioeconomic resources rather than in any interethnic tension. The chapter discusses the significance of the recent rise in politicization of ethnic issues, manifested during the presidential elections of 2005 and also in the 2006 clashes in Khuzestan and Kurdestan, from national, regional, and international perspectives. In spite of being treated as a minority, and in spite of the discriminatory attitudes and traditional cultural constraints, ethnic and religious minorities in contemporary Iran have succeeded in improving their social conditions, as well as in articulating their democratic demands and presenting themselves as a significant political constituency.Less
This chapter discusses the status and rights of ethnic and religious minorities, emphasizing the perils of both secular ultra-nationalist homogenization and religious (Shi’i Islamist) segmentation in contemporary Iran. It argues that an uneven and overcentralized strategy of development has resulted in a wide socioeconomic gap between the center and peripheries. A great part of the grievances of ethnic minorities, who mostly inhabit provincial peripheries of Iran, has its roots in the uneven distribution of power and socioeconomic resources rather than in any interethnic tension. The chapter discusses the significance of the recent rise in politicization of ethnic issues, manifested during the presidential elections of 2005 and also in the 2006 clashes in Khuzestan and Kurdestan, from national, regional, and international perspectives. In spite of being treated as a minority, and in spite of the discriminatory attitudes and traditional cultural constraints, ethnic and religious minorities in contemporary Iran have succeeded in improving their social conditions, as well as in articulating their democratic demands and presenting themselves as a significant political constituency.
Anthony F Heath and Sin Yi Cheung (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263860
- eISBN:
- 9780191734953
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This is a cross-national study of ethnic-minority disadvantage in the labour market. It focuses on the experiences of the second generation, that is, of the children of immigrants, in a range of ...
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This is a cross-national study of ethnic-minority disadvantage in the labour market. It focuses on the experiences of the second generation, that is, of the children of immigrants, in a range of affluent western countries (Western Europe, North America, Australia, Israel). Standard analyses, using the most authoritative available datasets for each country, enable the reader to make precise comparisons. The study reveals that most groups of non-European ancestry continue to experience substantial ethnic penalties in the second (and later) generations. But the magnitude of these penalties varies quite substantially between countries, with major implications for social policy. This account of minority groups in different countries provides important information for policy makers considering their own responses to ethnic-minority disadvantage.Less
This is a cross-national study of ethnic-minority disadvantage in the labour market. It focuses on the experiences of the second generation, that is, of the children of immigrants, in a range of affluent western countries (Western Europe, North America, Australia, Israel). Standard analyses, using the most authoritative available datasets for each country, enable the reader to make precise comparisons. The study reveals that most groups of non-European ancestry continue to experience substantial ethnic penalties in the second (and later) generations. But the magnitude of these penalties varies quite substantially between countries, with major implications for social policy. This account of minority groups in different countries provides important information for policy makers considering their own responses to ethnic-minority disadvantage.
Mark Bell
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199297849
- eISBN:
- 9780191711565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297849.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, EU Law
This chapter examines the meaning of the concepts of ‘race’, ethnicity, and racism in the enlarged European Union. Drawing upon sociological literature, it analyzes the meaning of these terms and ...
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This chapter examines the meaning of the concepts of ‘race’, ethnicity, and racism in the enlarged European Union. Drawing upon sociological literature, it analyzes the meaning of these terms and examines their use in legal texts. It considers the principal groups vulnerable to racism in Europe and the relevance of intersectionality (where discrimination is encountered on more than one ground).Less
This chapter examines the meaning of the concepts of ‘race’, ethnicity, and racism in the enlarged European Union. Drawing upon sociological literature, it analyzes the meaning of these terms and examines their use in legal texts. It considers the principal groups vulnerable to racism in Europe and the relevance of intersectionality (where discrimination is encountered on more than one ground).
Lionel Wee
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199737437
- eISBN:
- 9780199827107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199737437.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter traces three identifiably distinct groups or movements associated with the concept of language rights and reviews the differences and similarities between these groups. Despite their ...
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This chapter traces three identifiably distinct groups or movements associated with the concept of language rights and reviews the differences and similarities between these groups. Despite their differences, the three movements share a particular conception of language, one that assumes the existence of neat and clear boundaries between languages. Also, for all three movements, the prototypical cases motivating the appeal to language rights involve speakers of ethnic minority languages. These observations serve to delineate the conceptual and empirical scope of language rights.Less
This chapter traces three identifiably distinct groups or movements associated with the concept of language rights and reviews the differences and similarities between these groups. Despite their differences, the three movements share a particular conception of language, one that assumes the existence of neat and clear boundaries between languages. Also, for all three movements, the prototypical cases motivating the appeal to language rights involve speakers of ethnic minority languages. These observations serve to delineate the conceptual and empirical scope of language rights.
