Kathleen Garces-Foley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195311082
- eISBN:
- 9780199785322
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195311082.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
While religious communities often stress the universal nature of their beliefs, it remains true that people choose to worship alongside those they identify with most easily. Multiethnic churches are ...
More
While religious communities often stress the universal nature of their beliefs, it remains true that people choose to worship alongside those they identify with most easily. Multiethnic churches are rare in the United States, but as American attitudes toward diversity change, so too does the appeal of a church that offers diversity. Joining such a community, however, is uncomfortable — worshippers must literally cross the barriers of ethnic difference by entering the religious space of the ethnically “other”. Using the story of one multiethnic congregation in Southern California, this book examines what it means to confront the challenges in forming a religious community across ethnic divisions and attracting a more varied membership.Less
While religious communities often stress the universal nature of their beliefs, it remains true that people choose to worship alongside those they identify with most easily. Multiethnic churches are rare in the United States, but as American attitudes toward diversity change, so too does the appeal of a church that offers diversity. Joining such a community, however, is uncomfortable — worshippers must literally cross the barriers of ethnic difference by entering the religious space of the ethnically “other”. Using the story of one multiethnic congregation in Southern California, this book examines what it means to confront the challenges in forming a religious community across ethnic divisions and attracting a more varied membership.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The ‘Swedish Model’ has been taken to represent the quintessential social democratic welfare regime. Sweden enjoys a reputation for having one of the world’s most far-sighted immigration policies and ...
More
The ‘Swedish Model’ has been taken to represent the quintessential social democratic welfare regime. Sweden enjoys a reputation for having one of the world’s most far-sighted immigration policies and is still referred to as an international model with respect to its policies for the incorporation of immigrants and new ethnic minorities. However, these policies experienced deep-seated changes and serious setbacks from the 1990s. This chapter focuses on a truly puzzling disjuncture between a strong commitment to sustainable welfare and diversity on the one hand, and deepening structurally and institutionally grounded ethnic-class divisions on the other. General trends in migration are described, and the historical specifics of the so-called ‘Swedish model’ and its subsequent transformation are presented. This is the basis for an analysis of the changing forms of racialized marginality. The chapter concludes by setting out Swedish policies on migration and incorporation, and discusses migrants’ ambivalent position in a changing social democratic welfare state.Less
The ‘Swedish Model’ has been taken to represent the quintessential social democratic welfare regime. Sweden enjoys a reputation for having one of the world’s most far-sighted immigration policies and is still referred to as an international model with respect to its policies for the incorporation of immigrants and new ethnic minorities. However, these policies experienced deep-seated changes and serious setbacks from the 1990s. This chapter focuses on a truly puzzling disjuncture between a strong commitment to sustainable welfare and diversity on the one hand, and deepening structurally and institutionally grounded ethnic-class divisions on the other. General trends in migration are described, and the historical specifics of the so-called ‘Swedish model’ and its subsequent transformation are presented. This is the basis for an analysis of the changing forms of racialized marginality. The chapter concludes by setting out Swedish policies on migration and incorporation, and discusses migrants’ ambivalent position in a changing social democratic welfare state.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines ...
More
The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines Britain’s new political economy and its links with immigration and ethnic diversity. The development of the specific model of state managed race relations and multiculturalism went parallel to the growth of inequality and the restructuring of the labour force according to the criteria of race, gender, human capital, and legal status. Current debates on the alleged threat from disaffected Muslim youth and the need for social cohesion arise from this failure of British multiculturalism to overcome barriers of race and class, and indicate a search for new forms of social control: less state in economic and social issues is matched by a stronger state in matters of identity and order.Less
The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines Britain’s new political economy and its links with immigration and ethnic diversity. The development of the specific model of state managed race relations and multiculturalism went parallel to the growth of inequality and the restructuring of the labour force according to the criteria of race, gender, human capital, and legal status. Current debates on the alleged threat from disaffected Muslim youth and the need for social cohesion arise from this failure of British multiculturalism to overcome barriers of race and class, and indicate a search for new forms of social control: less state in economic and social issues is matched by a stronger state in matters of identity and order.
Thomas Barfield
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691145686
- eISBN:
- 9781400834532
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691145686.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter provides a basic outline of Afghanistan's land and peoples. It describes how the various tribal and ethnic groups of Afghanistan work, because they have all played key roles in ...
More
This chapter provides a basic outline of Afghanistan's land and peoples. It describes how the various tribal and ethnic groups of Afghanistan work, because they have all played key roles in Afghanistan's history and remain vital in understanding current events there. Furthermore, this chapter introduces what Afghans themselves take for granted: their geography, religion, subsistence economy, and architecture, along with the persistent aspects of social organization in which they ground their lives. Finally, the chapter applies ibn Khaldun's classic model of Middle Eastern political organization to Afghanistan, arguing that, far from participating in a single political sphere, Afghanistan has always been two worlds, interacting but unintegrated. Its contrasting patterns of subsistence, social organization, and regional political structures underlie long-standing ethnic and tribal divisions, constituting elements of material life and social organization that have persisted for centuries, even millennia, and setting the framework for daily life as it is ordinarily lived.Less
This chapter provides a basic outline of Afghanistan's land and peoples. It describes how the various tribal and ethnic groups of Afghanistan work, because they have all played key roles in Afghanistan's history and remain vital in understanding current events there. Furthermore, this chapter introduces what Afghans themselves take for granted: their geography, religion, subsistence economy, and architecture, along with the persistent aspects of social organization in which they ground their lives. Finally, the chapter applies ibn Khaldun's classic model of Middle Eastern political organization to Afghanistan, arguing that, far from participating in a single political sphere, Afghanistan has always been two worlds, interacting but unintegrated. Its contrasting patterns of subsistence, social organization, and regional political structures underlie long-standing ethnic and tribal divisions, constituting elements of material life and social organization that have persisted for centuries, even millennia, and setting the framework for daily life as it is ordinarily lived.
Giuliano Elise
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801447457
- eISBN:
- 9780801460722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801447457.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter explores whether adverse economic conditions in republican labor markets at the end of the Soviet era inspired people to support nationalism. It first considers socioeconomic ...
More
This chapter explores whether adverse economic conditions in republican labor markets at the end of the Soviet era inspired people to support nationalism. It first considers socioeconomic stratification among ethnic groups and presents data on social mobility as well as the macroeconomic contraction of the Soviet economy during perestroika. More specifically, it examines whether the variables of interethnic job competition and an ethnic division of labor are associated with nationalism. It then discusses the claims of nationalist leaders that titular minorities were socioeconomically subordinate to Russians within their republics. It shows that titular populations in all republics demonstrated social mobility, but lagged behind Russians at the end of the Soviet era. This finding suggests that nationalist leaders and ordinary people differed in their interpretations of economic conditions. Variation in nationalism across the republics cannot be explained by structural economic variables alone.Less
This chapter explores whether adverse economic conditions in republican labor markets at the end of the Soviet era inspired people to support nationalism. It first considers socioeconomic stratification among ethnic groups and presents data on social mobility as well as the macroeconomic contraction of the Soviet economy during perestroika. More specifically, it examines whether the variables of interethnic job competition and an ethnic division of labor are associated with nationalism. It then discusses the claims of nationalist leaders that titular minorities were socioeconomically subordinate to Russians within their republics. It shows that titular populations in all republics demonstrated social mobility, but lagged behind Russians at the end of the Soviet era. This finding suggests that nationalist leaders and ordinary people differed in their interpretations of economic conditions. Variation in nationalism across the republics cannot be explained by structural economic variables alone.
John S. Ahlquist and Margaret Levi
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158563
- eISBN:
- 9781400848652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158563.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter pulls all the findings together and extends the reasoning to other circumstances, including the future of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and Waterside Workers' ...
More
This chapter pulls all the findings together and extends the reasoning to other circumstances, including the future of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF). It reflects on how organizational attempts to build (or restrict) a population's “community of fate” can have effects in state-building and in the politicization of ethnic or religious divisions. By uncovering the processes that account for why some unions go beyond economism when others do not, the chapter seeks to offer a more general explanation of the observed diversity among religious, political, and even nationalist groups. One reason for studying unions is that they face, in miniature, many of the same challenges and possibilities confronted by other stakeholder organizations, ranging from religious and nationalist groups to political parties to states and firms.Less
This chapter pulls all the findings together and extends the reasoning to other circumstances, including the future of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF). It reflects on how organizational attempts to build (or restrict) a population's “community of fate” can have effects in state-building and in the politicization of ethnic or religious divisions. By uncovering the processes that account for why some unions go beyond economism when others do not, the chapter seeks to offer a more general explanation of the observed diversity among religious, political, and even nationalist groups. One reason for studying unions is that they face, in miniature, many of the same challenges and possibilities confronted by other stakeholder organizations, ranging from religious and nationalist groups to political parties to states and firms.
R.R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199257249
- eISBN:
- 9780191698439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257249.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Since the British Isles are made up of Britain, Ireland, and a number of various surrounding islands, it would be difficult to come up with a concrete idea about how such a geographical complex could ...
More
Since the British Isles are made up of Britain, Ireland, and a number of various surrounding islands, it would be difficult to come up with a concrete idea about how such a geographical complex could be sorted out into government units and communities. As countries are shaped and reshaped by man’s activities and belief in a common mythology, organic development is achieved. Although histographies consider the existence and identities of four countries of the British Isles — England, Wales, Ireland, and Scotland — to be examined, accounting for the map of boundaries, loyalties, and other such elements would probably aid in gaining a better understanding of the identity of the British Isles. Another reason for using the four-countries approach is that it pays less attention to the ethnic divisions of the British Isles.Less
Since the British Isles are made up of Britain, Ireland, and a number of various surrounding islands, it would be difficult to come up with a concrete idea about how such a geographical complex could be sorted out into government units and communities. As countries are shaped and reshaped by man’s activities and belief in a common mythology, organic development is achieved. Although histographies consider the existence and identities of four countries of the British Isles — England, Wales, Ireland, and Scotland — to be examined, accounting for the map of boundaries, loyalties, and other such elements would probably aid in gaining a better understanding of the identity of the British Isles. Another reason for using the four-countries approach is that it pays less attention to the ethnic divisions of the British Isles.
Donald L. Horowitz
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780300254365
- eISBN:
- 9780300258097
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300254365.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter starts from the fact that there is no generally accepted process for making a new constitution. Taking the overall objective to be democracy and, in societies severely divided along ...
More
This chapter starts from the fact that there is no generally accepted process for making a new constitution. Taking the overall objective to be democracy and, in societies severely divided along ethnic or religious lines, conflict reduction, it explains that constitutional processes can help to produce agreed rules of political behavior and help to prevent domination of one group by another. It then lays out an argument for inclusion, through elections, of representatives of all major social and ethnic groups, for deliberation rather than negotiation as the main method of proceeding, and for consensus (supplemented, where necessary, by compromise) as an important goal to be achieved. Inclusion in constitutional processes is associated with democratic outcomes, and there is evidence that consensus standards of decision produce higher quality deliberation. The aim is to produce democratic commitment on the part of the politicians who participate in the process, commitment that is more likely when consensus is achieved than it is when a constitution is produced mainly by bargaining and majoritarian processes.Less
This chapter starts from the fact that there is no generally accepted process for making a new constitution. Taking the overall objective to be democracy and, in societies severely divided along ethnic or religious lines, conflict reduction, it explains that constitutional processes can help to produce agreed rules of political behavior and help to prevent domination of one group by another. It then lays out an argument for inclusion, through elections, of representatives of all major social and ethnic groups, for deliberation rather than negotiation as the main method of proceeding, and for consensus (supplemented, where necessary, by compromise) as an important goal to be achieved. Inclusion in constitutional processes is associated with democratic outcomes, and there is evidence that consensus standards of decision produce higher quality deliberation. The aim is to produce democratic commitment on the part of the politicians who participate in the process, commitment that is more likely when consensus is achieved than it is when a constitution is produced mainly by bargaining and majoritarian processes.
Samuel Cohn
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501755903
- eISBN:
- 9781501755927
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501755903.003.0037
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter analyzes the culture of hatred. The Canadian sociologist Matthew Lange has found that ethnic supremacist education is a fundamental source of division in some of the most ethnically ...
More
This chapter analyzes the culture of hatred. The Canadian sociologist Matthew Lange has found that ethnic supremacist education is a fundamental source of division in some of the most ethnically divided countries in the world. Supremacist schools are a direct cause of the hostility between Jews and Palestinians in Israel, between Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka, between Greeks and Turks in Cyprus, between French Quebecois and English Canadians in Quebec, and between hostile ethnic groups in many other nations. The places Lange writes about are dissimilar, but the causes of xenophobic education generally are the same. These lead to enduring ethnic hostility that could last for generations. The chapter then focuses on ethnic supremacist education in Sri Lanka.Less
This chapter analyzes the culture of hatred. The Canadian sociologist Matthew Lange has found that ethnic supremacist education is a fundamental source of division in some of the most ethnically divided countries in the world. Supremacist schools are a direct cause of the hostility between Jews and Palestinians in Israel, between Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka, between Greeks and Turks in Cyprus, between French Quebecois and English Canadians in Quebec, and between hostile ethnic groups in many other nations. The places Lange writes about are dissimilar, but the causes of xenophobic education generally are the same. These lead to enduring ethnic hostility that could last for generations. The chapter then focuses on ethnic supremacist education in Sri Lanka.
Donald L. Horowitz
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780300254365
- eISBN:
- 9780300258097
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300254365.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Tracing the course of a badly needed, initially quite promising, but ultimately aborted constitutional process in Sri Lanka, this chapter reveals several hazards of constitutional processes. A ...
More
Tracing the course of a badly needed, initially quite promising, but ultimately aborted constitutional process in Sri Lanka, this chapter reveals several hazards of constitutional processes. A lengthy public participation exercise exposed divisions among the public and delayed the deliberative part of the process. A failure of political leadership to commit itself unequivocally to promoting constitutional change resulted in the vulnerability of the process and its proposals when defections began to appear. Delay in the process exacerbated that vulnerability when elections approached, and consensus proved to be reversible.Less
Tracing the course of a badly needed, initially quite promising, but ultimately aborted constitutional process in Sri Lanka, this chapter reveals several hazards of constitutional processes. A lengthy public participation exercise exposed divisions among the public and delayed the deliberative part of the process. A failure of political leadership to commit itself unequivocally to promoting constitutional change resulted in the vulnerability of the process and its proposals when defections began to appear. Delay in the process exacerbated that vulnerability when elections approached, and consensus proved to be reversible.
Samuel Cohn
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501755903
- eISBN:
- 9781501755927
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501755903.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter looks at the common threads that unite the various disaster stories of ancient Byzantium, the Middle East, the French Revolution, and modern-day Somalia. First, cooperation helps; ...
More
This chapter looks at the common threads that unite the various disaster stories of ancient Byzantium, the Middle East, the French Revolution, and modern-day Somalia. First, cooperation helps; factionalism and infighting hurt. The French aristocracy doomed itself by splintering while arguing over which subset of nobles would have to pay the new taxes, and the interclan divisions prevented the Somalians from developing a unified response to defend themselves against British or Italian colonizers. Second, governments do not survive without adequate tax revenues. Byzantium doomed itself by granting tax subsidies to its nobility, while the Somalian government was always in tenuous straits due to the lack of taxable surplus in the country. Third, the economy matters, and fourth, ecological preservation can be essential to economic growth. Fifth, ethnic tensions inhibit rational state policy: the inability of African or Middle Eastern countries to prevent the loss of the semiarid came from governments paralyzed by ethnic divisions. Finally, state capacity matters: Somalia's government was crippled by widespread corruption and flagrant lack of expertise.Less
This chapter looks at the common threads that unite the various disaster stories of ancient Byzantium, the Middle East, the French Revolution, and modern-day Somalia. First, cooperation helps; factionalism and infighting hurt. The French aristocracy doomed itself by splintering while arguing over which subset of nobles would have to pay the new taxes, and the interclan divisions prevented the Somalians from developing a unified response to defend themselves against British or Italian colonizers. Second, governments do not survive without adequate tax revenues. Byzantium doomed itself by granting tax subsidies to its nobility, while the Somalian government was always in tenuous straits due to the lack of taxable surplus in the country. Third, the economy matters, and fourth, ecological preservation can be essential to economic growth. Fifth, ethnic tensions inhibit rational state policy: the inability of African or Middle Eastern countries to prevent the loss of the semiarid came from governments paralyzed by ethnic divisions. Finally, state capacity matters: Somalia's government was crippled by widespread corruption and flagrant lack of expertise.
John Higham
Carl Guarneri (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300088182
- eISBN:
- 9780300129823
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300088182.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
How has America, with its many ethnic, class, and ideological divisions, allowed divergent groups to “hang together” as Americans? This book explores the ways in which Americans have conceived of a ...
More
How has America, with its many ethnic, class, and ideological divisions, allowed divergent groups to “hang together” as Americans? This book explores the ways in which Americans have conceived of a national identity and demonstrates that an appreciation of America's kaleidoscopic diversity can be reconciled with an affirmation of its common national culture.Less
How has America, with its many ethnic, class, and ideological divisions, allowed divergent groups to “hang together” as Americans? This book explores the ways in which Americans have conceived of a national identity and demonstrates that an appreciation of America's kaleidoscopic diversity can be reconciled with an affirmation of its common national culture.
Edin Hajdarpasic
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453717
- eISBN:
- 9781501701115
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453717.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
As the site of the assassination that triggered World War I and the place where the term “ethnic cleansing” was invented during the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, Bosnia has become a global symbol of ...
More
As the site of the assassination that triggered World War I and the place where the term “ethnic cleansing” was invented during the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, Bosnia has become a global symbol of nationalist conflict and ethnic division. But as this book shows, formative contestations over the region began well before 1914, emerging with the rise of new nineteenth-century forces—Serbian and Croatian nationalisms as well as Ottoman, Habsburg, Muslim, and Yugoslav political movements—that claimed this province as their own. This book reveals the political pressures and moral arguments that made this land a prime target of escalating nationalist activity. To explain the proliferation of national movements since the nineteenth century, the book draws on a vast range of sources spanning Bosnia, Serbia, Croatia, Turkey, and Austria. Challenging conventional readings of Balkan histories, the book provides new insight into central themes of modern politics, illuminating core subjects like “the people,” state-building, and national suffering. The book uses South Slavic debates over Bosnian Muslim identity to propose a new figure in the history of nationalism: the (br)other, a character signifying at the same time the potential of being both “brother” and “Other,” containing the fantasy of both complete assimilation and insurmountable difference. By bringing such figures into focus, the book shows nationalism to be an immensely dynamic and open-ended force, one that eludes any clear sense of historical closure.Less
As the site of the assassination that triggered World War I and the place where the term “ethnic cleansing” was invented during the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, Bosnia has become a global symbol of nationalist conflict and ethnic division. But as this book shows, formative contestations over the region began well before 1914, emerging with the rise of new nineteenth-century forces—Serbian and Croatian nationalisms as well as Ottoman, Habsburg, Muslim, and Yugoslav political movements—that claimed this province as their own. This book reveals the political pressures and moral arguments that made this land a prime target of escalating nationalist activity. To explain the proliferation of national movements since the nineteenth century, the book draws on a vast range of sources spanning Bosnia, Serbia, Croatia, Turkey, and Austria. Challenging conventional readings of Balkan histories, the book provides new insight into central themes of modern politics, illuminating core subjects like “the people,” state-building, and national suffering. The book uses South Slavic debates over Bosnian Muslim identity to propose a new figure in the history of nationalism: the (br)other, a character signifying at the same time the potential of being both “brother” and “Other,” containing the fantasy of both complete assimilation and insurmountable difference. By bringing such figures into focus, the book shows nationalism to be an immensely dynamic and open-ended force, one that eludes any clear sense of historical closure.
Kay Kaufman Shelemay
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780226810164
- eISBN:
- 9780226810331
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226810331.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
This chapter traces the processes through which new Ethiopian communities were founded in American urban areas and discusses the role of music and musicians within them. The chapter highlights the ...
More
This chapter traces the processes through which new Ethiopian communities were founded in American urban areas and discusses the role of music and musicians within them. The chapter highlights the agency of musicians in founding new religious institutions, and establishing networks and venues for musical performances. Musicians integrated music into community life, beginning with Amha Eshete’s pivotal role in attracting musicians to Washington, DC, and opening the first full service Ethiopian restaurant in the US capitol as well as the Ibex Club. Washington, DC became the center of the Ethiopian American diaspora, and an appendix provides an overview of eleven other Ethiopian American communities. Most Ethiopian American communities share a heterolocal pattern of residency with Ethiopians widely dispersed. However, Ethiopian residents of diaspora communities came together outside of their residential areas, meeting at ethnic institutions including churches; in Ethiopian establishments such as restaurants, shops, and markets; and in public spaces including parks taken over for holiday celebrations and stadiums used for annual sport tournaments. Active internet networks further link diaspora communities and the homeland. First generation Ethiopians cluster professionally in transportation and service industries. Resettlement has caused diasporic conflict around issues of gender, ethnicity, and politics.Less
This chapter traces the processes through which new Ethiopian communities were founded in American urban areas and discusses the role of music and musicians within them. The chapter highlights the agency of musicians in founding new religious institutions, and establishing networks and venues for musical performances. Musicians integrated music into community life, beginning with Amha Eshete’s pivotal role in attracting musicians to Washington, DC, and opening the first full service Ethiopian restaurant in the US capitol as well as the Ibex Club. Washington, DC became the center of the Ethiopian American diaspora, and an appendix provides an overview of eleven other Ethiopian American communities. Most Ethiopian American communities share a heterolocal pattern of residency with Ethiopians widely dispersed. However, Ethiopian residents of diaspora communities came together outside of their residential areas, meeting at ethnic institutions including churches; in Ethiopian establishments such as restaurants, shops, and markets; and in public spaces including parks taken over for holiday celebrations and stadiums used for annual sport tournaments. Active internet networks further link diaspora communities and the homeland. First generation Ethiopians cluster professionally in transportation and service industries. Resettlement has caused diasporic conflict around issues of gender, ethnicity, and politics.
Harriet Bradley
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861345882
- eISBN:
- 9781447304371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861345882.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Marriage and the Family
This chapter explores the notion of winners and losers in relation to the changing labour-market situation of young people. It details the impact of labour market changes on various groups of young ...
More
This chapter explores the notion of winners and losers in relation to the changing labour-market situation of young people. It details the impact of labour market changes on various groups of young people though an in-depth study of the youth labour market in a service-based, ‘post-industrial’ city in the south west of England. Research confirms the view of Plug and du Bois-Reymond that the adoption of ‘modern values’ helps young people to deal successfully with the changing labour market. The chapter explains that the prevalence of low wages makes it difficult for young people from all backgrounds to achieve independence. Social, economic, and cultural capital are increasingly important in helping young people grapple with these problems, and class and ethnic divisions are thereby sustained. The chapter discusses the ideology of ‘winners and losers’ and its consequences for social policy.Less
This chapter explores the notion of winners and losers in relation to the changing labour-market situation of young people. It details the impact of labour market changes on various groups of young people though an in-depth study of the youth labour market in a service-based, ‘post-industrial’ city in the south west of England. Research confirms the view of Plug and du Bois-Reymond that the adoption of ‘modern values’ helps young people to deal successfully with the changing labour market. The chapter explains that the prevalence of low wages makes it difficult for young people from all backgrounds to achieve independence. Social, economic, and cultural capital are increasingly important in helping young people grapple with these problems, and class and ethnic divisions are thereby sustained. The chapter discusses the ideology of ‘winners and losers’ and its consequences for social policy.
R.K. Satapathy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- June 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198099178
- eISBN:
- 9780199082988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198099178.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter attempts to explain the electoral politics of Meghalaya during the last ten years. Meghalaya is one of the few states in India where coalition and instability have been the norms since ...
More
This chapter attempts to explain the electoral politics of Meghalaya during the last ten years. Meghalaya is one of the few states in India where coalition and instability have been the norms since its inception. The average life-span of a government is less than two years. The chapter also explains how the party system is different in the North-East from many other states of India. In the absence of any strong regional party due to ethnic division, the all-India parties, often the Congress, manage to win parliamentary seats. However, state-level parties in the North-East fail to construct the identity of the entire state and instead get caught up in sub-regional, ethnic and/or linguistic divisions which limit their appeal. This distinction between state parties and ethnic parties may be crucial in appreciating the dilemma faced by parties in these smaller states. Meghalaya may be one instance of this paradoxical nature of regionalist politics.Less
This chapter attempts to explain the electoral politics of Meghalaya during the last ten years. Meghalaya is one of the few states in India where coalition and instability have been the norms since its inception. The average life-span of a government is less than two years. The chapter also explains how the party system is different in the North-East from many other states of India. In the absence of any strong regional party due to ethnic division, the all-India parties, often the Congress, manage to win parliamentary seats. However, state-level parties in the North-East fail to construct the identity of the entire state and instead get caught up in sub-regional, ethnic and/or linguistic divisions which limit their appeal. This distinction between state parties and ethnic parties may be crucial in appreciating the dilemma faced by parties in these smaller states. Meghalaya may be one instance of this paradoxical nature of regionalist politics.
Henry M. Mckiven
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807845240
- eISBN:
- 9781469603711
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807879719_mckiven.12
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter illustrates the profound and lasting change brought about by the growth of Birmingham's iron and steel industry during the first two decades of the twentieth century. Companies built new ...
More
This chapter illustrates the profound and lasting change brought about by the growth of Birmingham's iron and steel industry during the first two decades of the twentieth century. Companies built new plants on the fringes of the old city that attracted thousands of workers. By 1920, most iron and steel workers had moved away from the center of the city to neighborhoods closer to their jobs. Their neighborhoods and their institutions continued to reflect and reinforce the racial, occupational, and ethnic divisions of the workplace. In some cases, companies financed and controlled “industrial suburbs” as part of their larger strategy for creating efficient and loyal workers. They offered workers comfortable housing in relatively pleasant surroundings designed to provide a refuge from the rigors of the workplace.Less
This chapter illustrates the profound and lasting change brought about by the growth of Birmingham's iron and steel industry during the first two decades of the twentieth century. Companies built new plants on the fringes of the old city that attracted thousands of workers. By 1920, most iron and steel workers had moved away from the center of the city to neighborhoods closer to their jobs. Their neighborhoods and their institutions continued to reflect and reinforce the racial, occupational, and ethnic divisions of the workplace. In some cases, companies financed and controlled “industrial suburbs” as part of their larger strategy for creating efficient and loyal workers. They offered workers comfortable housing in relatively pleasant surroundings designed to provide a refuge from the rigors of the workplace.
Mushirul Hasan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195695311
- eISBN:
- 9780199081509
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195695311.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
Looking at the history of ethnic division and anti-Islamic prejudice, this chapter notes four points by way of concluding observations. First, Islam in South Asia is a living tradition, howsoever ...
More
Looking at the history of ethnic division and anti-Islamic prejudice, this chapter notes four points by way of concluding observations. First, Islam in South Asia is a living tradition, howsoever defined, and a dynamic force whose traditions have been moulded by the region's unique cultures. Second, Islam persists not through rigid negation of but through adaptation to the forces of change. This has enabled its adherents to survive the endless vicissitudes of history. Third, public intellectuals invariably found in their tradition the ideological resources to bridge their sense of “difference” and participate fully and actively in the anti-colonial movement. Fourth, the inheritors of what might be called the Azad-Ajmal-Ansari legacy have succeeded, on the one hand, in connecting Western education with modernization and, on the other, in building bridges with the non-Muslims.Less
Looking at the history of ethnic division and anti-Islamic prejudice, this chapter notes four points by way of concluding observations. First, Islam in South Asia is a living tradition, howsoever defined, and a dynamic force whose traditions have been moulded by the region's unique cultures. Second, Islam persists not through rigid negation of but through adaptation to the forces of change. This has enabled its adherents to survive the endless vicissitudes of history. Third, public intellectuals invariably found in their tradition the ideological resources to bridge their sense of “difference” and participate fully and actively in the anti-colonial movement. Fourth, the inheritors of what might be called the Azad-Ajmal-Ansari legacy have succeeded, on the one hand, in connecting Western education with modernization and, on the other, in building bridges with the non-Muslims.
John Parrington
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- June 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198801634
- eISBN:
- 9780191926082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198801634.003.0017
- Subject:
- Psychology, Evolutionary Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter discusses how the structure of current society is relevant to discussions about human brain function. One feature of the human brain that might explain why many working people can accept ...
More
This chapter discusses how the structure of current society is relevant to discussions about human brain function. One feature of the human brain that might explain why many working people can accept and even acquiesce in their state of exploitation, and even sometimes see other workers as the primary threat, rather than as allies in campaigns for better pay and conditions at work, is the way our brains have evolved to respond to living in a potentially hostile natural environment. There is increasing evidence that many unconscious fears about a perceived threat of people of a different skin colour, sexual persuasion, or even male fears about female equality, involve the amygdala. Because of this, although inflammatory speeches by politicians or media articles may enhance such fears, thereby dividing people who have much to gain by working together for better pay and conditions, they are helped by being able to trigger deep-seated impulses in the human brain. Ultimately, the divisions in current society, by ethnicity and gender as well as class, exert a heavy toll on mental health. This chapter also looks at the phenomenon of alienation, and how this both affects our relationship to modern society and is linked to our wider state of self-conscious awareness.Less
This chapter discusses how the structure of current society is relevant to discussions about human brain function. One feature of the human brain that might explain why many working people can accept and even acquiesce in their state of exploitation, and even sometimes see other workers as the primary threat, rather than as allies in campaigns for better pay and conditions at work, is the way our brains have evolved to respond to living in a potentially hostile natural environment. There is increasing evidence that many unconscious fears about a perceived threat of people of a different skin colour, sexual persuasion, or even male fears about female equality, involve the amygdala. Because of this, although inflammatory speeches by politicians or media articles may enhance such fears, thereby dividing people who have much to gain by working together for better pay and conditions, they are helped by being able to trigger deep-seated impulses in the human brain. Ultimately, the divisions in current society, by ethnicity and gender as well as class, exert a heavy toll on mental health. This chapter also looks at the phenomenon of alienation, and how this both affects our relationship to modern society and is linked to our wider state of self-conscious awareness.