Sylvia Walsh
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199208357
- eISBN:
- 9780191695728
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208357.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology, History of Christianity
Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855) was first and foremost a Christian thinker who is perhaps best known for his devastating attack upon Christendom or the established order of his time. Not since Luther ...
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Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855) was first and foremost a Christian thinker who is perhaps best known for his devastating attack upon Christendom or the established order of his time. Not since Luther has there been a Protestant thinker who has so uncompromisingly sought to define and present Christianity in its utmost integrity. Characterizing Christianity as an ‘existence-communication’ rather than a doctrine, Kierkegaard sought to portray what it means to be a Christian in the strictest sense in the interest of reintroducing authentic Christianity as an existential possibility for every individual in the modern age. This book explores Kierkegaard's understanding of Christianity and the existential mode of thinking theologically appropriate to it in the context of the intellectual, cultural, and socio-political milieu of his time. The author contrasts his approach with objective ways of doing theology, which in his view falsify Christianity and the believer's relation to it. The study begins with a biographical overview of the personal and intellectual influences, theological upbringing, important events, and phases of authorship in Kierkegaard's life. The author highlights some of his most important contributions to Christian thought concerning the Christian understanding of God, and our human condition in anxiety, sin, and despair.Less
Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855) was first and foremost a Christian thinker who is perhaps best known for his devastating attack upon Christendom or the established order of his time. Not since Luther has there been a Protestant thinker who has so uncompromisingly sought to define and present Christianity in its utmost integrity. Characterizing Christianity as an ‘existence-communication’ rather than a doctrine, Kierkegaard sought to portray what it means to be a Christian in the strictest sense in the interest of reintroducing authentic Christianity as an existential possibility for every individual in the modern age. This book explores Kierkegaard's understanding of Christianity and the existential mode of thinking theologically appropriate to it in the context of the intellectual, cultural, and socio-political milieu of his time. The author contrasts his approach with objective ways of doing theology, which in his view falsify Christianity and the believer's relation to it. The study begins with a biographical overview of the personal and intellectual influences, theological upbringing, important events, and phases of authorship in Kierkegaard's life. The author highlights some of his most important contributions to Christian thought concerning the Christian understanding of God, and our human condition in anxiety, sin, and despair.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0034
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter thirty-four examines Hodge as he establishes himself as the leading professor at Princeton Theological Seminary. Through his teaching, administration, and hospitality of famous guests such as ...
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Chapter thirty-four examines Hodge as he establishes himself as the leading professor at Princeton Theological Seminary. Through his teaching, administration, and hospitality of famous guests such as William Cunningham of Scotland, Hodge shows himself to be the Seminary’s marquee figure.Less
Chapter thirty-four examines Hodge as he establishes himself as the leading professor at Princeton Theological Seminary. Through his teaching, administration, and hospitality of famous guests such as William Cunningham of Scotland, Hodge shows himself to be the Seminary’s marquee figure.
Berthold Rittberger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273423
- eISBN:
- 9780191602764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273421.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Analyses the developments from the Maastricht Treaty leading up to the approval of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe. It is first shown that after adoption of the SEA, the role of ...
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Analyses the developments from the Maastricht Treaty leading up to the approval of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe. It is first shown that after adoption of the SEA, the role of national parliaments in EU decision-making has become an ever more salient item on the agenda of the member states. Asks whether this ‘trend’ towards empowering national parliaments follows the same logic as the empowerment of the European Parliament. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the empowerment of national parliaments still lags behind that of its EU-level counterpart, the European Parliament.Less
Analyses the developments from the Maastricht Treaty leading up to the approval of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe. It is first shown that after adoption of the SEA, the role of national parliaments in EU decision-making has become an ever more salient item on the agenda of the member states. Asks whether this ‘trend’ towards empowering national parliaments follows the same logic as the empowerment of the European Parliament. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the empowerment of national parliaments still lags behind that of its EU-level counterpart, the European Parliament.
Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195308532
- eISBN:
- 9780199785728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195308532.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Since 1989, four competing models of church‐state relations have been advocated by the dominant Orthodox Church, the religious minority groups, the humanistic civil society, and the Romanian ...
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Since 1989, four competing models of church‐state relations have been advocated by the dominant Orthodox Church, the religious minority groups, the humanistic civil society, and the Romanian authorities. This chapter presents church‐state relations in pre‐communist, communist and post‐communist times as reflected in the 1831, 1923, 1948 and 1991 constitutions and contrasts the post‐communist model to Alfred Stepan's democratic requirement of twin tolerations between church and state.Less
Since 1989, four competing models of church‐state relations have been advocated by the dominant Orthodox Church, the religious minority groups, the humanistic civil society, and the Romanian authorities. This chapter presents church‐state relations in pre‐communist, communist and post‐communist times as reflected in the 1831, 1923, 1948 and 1991 constitutions and contrasts the post‐communist model to Alfred Stepan's democratic requirement of twin tolerations between church and state.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
First highlights common themes that have emerged in the book: an emphasis that the concept of political support of government is multi‐dimensional; the existence of divergent trends in support for ...
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First highlights common themes that have emerged in the book: an emphasis that the concept of political support of government is multi‐dimensional; the existence of divergent trends in support for regime principles and institutions; and how to interpret the consequences of the various developments that can be seen. The book aims to steer a course between the crisis theories of democracy and over‐optimistic claims that ‘all's right with the world’. The book argues that there are genuine grounds for concern about public support for the core institutions of democratic government, both in established and newer democracies, but that all too often ‘crisis’ accounts are broad‐brush and exaggerated when the diagnosis needs to be careful, systematic, and precise. Reviews the literature on democratic crisis and stability, and briefly discusses the factors necessary for consistent and systematic comparison of trends, including the conceptual framework; suitable sources of survey data; the selection of time periods; the choice of countries; and the choice of appropriate measures. The major findings about global trends in support for democratic governance are then highlighted, and potential explanations for the dynamics of political support are suggested. The roadmap of the rest of the book is then summarized.Less
First highlights common themes that have emerged in the book: an emphasis that the concept of political support of government is multi‐dimensional; the existence of divergent trends in support for regime principles and institutions; and how to interpret the consequences of the various developments that can be seen. The book aims to steer a course between the crisis theories of democracy and over‐optimistic claims that ‘all's right with the world’. The book argues that there are genuine grounds for concern about public support for the core institutions of democratic government, both in established and newer democracies, but that all too often ‘crisis’ accounts are broad‐brush and exaggerated when the diagnosis needs to be careful, systematic, and precise. Reviews the literature on democratic crisis and stability, and briefly discusses the factors necessary for consistent and systematic comparison of trends, including the conceptual framework; suitable sources of survey data; the selection of time periods; the choice of countries; and the choice of appropriate measures. The major findings about global trends in support for democratic governance are then highlighted, and potential explanations for the dynamics of political support are suggested. The roadmap of the rest of the book is then summarized.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is ...
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The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.Less
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.
Rex Martin
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292937
- eISBN:
- 9780191599811
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292937.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
No real consensus has emerged on whether rights, in order to be rights, require social recognition (and beyond that, social maintenance). In considering this issue one school of thought—embracing ...
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No real consensus has emerged on whether rights, in order to be rights, require social recognition (and beyond that, social maintenance). In considering this issue one school of thought—embracing both classical natural rights theorists and some contemporary advocates of human rights—has tended to emphasize that individuals can have rights independent of organized society, of social institutions, and hence of social recognition and maintenance in any form. The rather common characterization that rights are essentially claims, can be taken as a way of emphasizing that rights hold irrespective of whether they have been acknowledged, either in the society or, more specifically, by that person against whom the claim is made.Some have said here simply that rights are claims (B. Mayo), others say they are entitlements (H. J. McCloskey), and yet others (most notably Joel Feinberg) say they are valid claims.The chapter argues that the fatal flaw in the theory of rights as valid claims (in any of its formulations) is the suggestion that practices of governmental recognition and enforcement in law can be dispensed with in the case of legal rights. Indeed, this is the very point at which both Ronald Dworkin and Joseph Raz, who might otherwise be taken to be sympathizers with some form of the valid claims thesis, desert that thesis for one that emphasizes that legal rights are established practices (that they are institutionally established ways of acting/being treated); otherwise they cannot count as legal rights.Less
No real consensus has emerged on whether rights, in order to be rights, require social recognition (and beyond that, social maintenance). In considering this issue one school of thought—embracing both classical natural rights theorists and some contemporary advocates of human rights—has tended to emphasize that individuals can have rights independent of organized society, of social institutions, and hence of social recognition and maintenance in any form. The rather common characterization that rights are essentially claims, can be taken as a way of emphasizing that rights hold irrespective of whether they have been acknowledged, either in the society or, more specifically, by that person against whom the claim is made.
Some have said here simply that rights are claims (B. Mayo), others say they are entitlements (H. J. McCloskey), and yet others (most notably Joel Feinberg) say they are valid claims.
The chapter argues that the fatal flaw in the theory of rights as valid claims (in any of its formulations) is the suggestion that practices of governmental recognition and enforcement in law can be dispensed with in the case of legal rights. Indeed, this is the very point at which both Ronald Dworkin and Joseph Raz, who might otherwise be taken to be sympathizers with some form of the valid claims thesis, desert that thesis for one that emphasizes that legal rights are established practices (that they are institutionally established ways of acting/being treated); otherwise they cannot count as legal rights.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This concluding chapter considers four common claims that are made concerning the consequences of any erosion of confidence in the institutions of representative democracy and. the growth of critical ...
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This concluding chapter considers four common claims that are made concerning the consequences of any erosion of confidence in the institutions of representative democracy and. the growth of critical citizens.First, growing cynicism about government may deter conventional political participation, thus discouraging electoral turnout, political activism, and civic engagement; second, alienation with the regime may affect protest politics, fostering unconventional activism, support for anti‐state extremist movements, and even occasional incidents of urban terrorism; third, a deep reservoir of public trust is generally thought to encourage voluntary compliance with the law, thus enhancing the ability of governments to pass and implement effective legislation and raise revenues, without the need for coercion; and lastly, growing tensions between ideal and reality may undermine the stability of regimes, increasing the pressures for political reform in established democracies and hindering the consolidation process in newer democracies. A critical examination is made of support for and against these claims, and the implications for strengthening transitional, consolidating, and established democracies are considered.Less
This concluding chapter considers four common claims that are made concerning the consequences of any erosion of confidence in the institutions of representative democracy and. the growth of critical citizens.
First, growing cynicism about government may deter conventional political participation, thus discouraging electoral turnout, political activism, and civic engagement; second, alienation with the regime may affect protest politics, fostering unconventional activism, support for anti‐state extremist movements, and even occasional incidents of urban terrorism; third, a deep reservoir of public trust is generally thought to encourage voluntary compliance with the law, thus enhancing the ability of governments to pass and implement effective legislation and raise revenues, without the need for coercion; and lastly, growing tensions between ideal and reality may undermine the stability of regimes, increasing the pressures for political reform in established democracies and hindering the consolidation process in newer democracies. A critical examination is made of support for and against these claims, and the implications for strengthening transitional, consolidating, and established democracies are considered.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the second of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at post-communist party systems in Europe. The author’s intention is to explore some ...
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This is the second of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at post-communist party systems in Europe. The author’s intention is to explore some preliminary thoughts on the specific characteristics of newly emerging party systems, and of newly emerging post-communist party systems in particular, and to identify the major reasons why these newly emerging systems may look and perform differently from established party systems. It is suggested that differences in the democratization process, in the character of the electorate, and in the context of competition, together create formidable obstacles in the path of eventual consolidation, and that these also imply a pattern of party competition likely to prove both more conflictual and adversarial than is the case within the established democracies. The approach has been to identify the sort of factors that have encouraged the stabilization and institutionalization of established party systems, and then to turn these on their head in order to hypothesize and speculate about the sort of factors likely to be absent from newly emerging party systems, and from post-communist party systems in particular. The discussion is presented in five sections: (1) Newly Emerging Party Systems; (2) Post-Communist Democratization is Different; (3) The Electorate and the Parties are Different; (4) The Context of Competition is Different; and (5) The Pattern of Competition is Different.Less
This is the second of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at post-communist party systems in Europe. The author’s intention is to explore some preliminary thoughts on the specific characteristics of newly emerging party systems, and of newly emerging post-communist party systems in particular, and to identify the major reasons why these newly emerging systems may look and perform differently from established party systems. It is suggested that differences in the democratization process, in the character of the electorate, and in the context of competition, together create formidable obstacles in the path of eventual consolidation, and that these also imply a pattern of party competition likely to prove both more conflictual and adversarial than is the case within the established democracies. The approach has been to identify the sort of factors that have encouraged the stabilization and institutionalization of established party systems, and then to turn these on their head in order to hypothesize and speculate about the sort of factors likely to be absent from newly emerging party systems, and from post-communist party systems in particular. The discussion is presented in five sections: (1) Newly Emerging Party Systems; (2) Post-Communist Democratization is Different; (3) The Electorate and the Parties are Different; (4) The Context of Competition is Different; and (5) The Pattern of Competition is Different.
Frank Hendriks
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572786
- eISBN:
- 9780191722370
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572786.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Democracy is defined as a political system in which citizens rule, either by themselves or through others that are elected, influenced, and controlled by the people, in a way that puts each citizen ...
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Democracy is defined as a political system in which citizens rule, either by themselves or through others that are elected, influenced, and controlled by the people, in a way that puts each citizen on a par with every other. After the rise and fall of the Athenian and Roman archetypes of democracy and republicanism, the idea of citizen rule was shelved for a long time. This chapter discusses how democracy revived in subsequent waves of democratization, and how multiformity and multi‐interpretability became inevitable characteristics of democratic life. Consequently, democracy comes in many shapes and forms, many definitions and categorizations. This chapter presents an abstraction of this multitude by specifying four crucial variations on the general theme of democracy, juxtaposing the dimensions of direct versus indirect democracy and integrative versus aggregative democracy. This results in four ideal types: pendulum democracy (indirect‐aggregative), consensus democracy (indirect‐integrative), participatory democracy (direct‐integrative), voter democracy (direct‐aggregative).Less
Democracy is defined as a political system in which citizens rule, either by themselves or through others that are elected, influenced, and controlled by the people, in a way that puts each citizen on a par with every other. After the rise and fall of the Athenian and Roman archetypes of democracy and republicanism, the idea of citizen rule was shelved for a long time. This chapter discusses how democracy revived in subsequent waves of democratization, and how multiformity and multi‐interpretability became inevitable characteristics of democratic life. Consequently, democracy comes in many shapes and forms, many definitions and categorizations. This chapter presents an abstraction of this multitude by specifying four crucial variations on the general theme of democracy, juxtaposing the dimensions of direct versus indirect democracy and integrative versus aggregative democracy. This results in four ideal types: pendulum democracy (indirect‐aggregative), consensus democracy (indirect‐integrative), participatory democracy (direct‐integrative), voter democracy (direct‐aggregative).
Sam Cherribi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199734115
- eISBN:
- 9780199866113
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199734115.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter explores the place of Islam in Europe by focusing on Muslim immigration at the very time that the void of the European Union non-identity yawned open. Perhaps as a result of that void, ...
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This chapter explores the place of Islam in Europe by focusing on Muslim immigration at the very time that the void of the European Union non-identity yawned open. Perhaps as a result of that void, Europe’s Muslim population, with its very distinct identity, became more visible than ever. With the Dutch, the French, the Germans and others feeling as though they were losing themselves, the newly emerging Muslim identity became amplified and appeared to be a greater threat than might have otherwise been the case. As Europe’s establishment became increasingly uneasy regarding what it perceived as the misplaced loyalties of immigrant communities, the status of the mosque was elevated within migrant communities.Less
This chapter explores the place of Islam in Europe by focusing on Muslim immigration at the very time that the void of the European Union non-identity yawned open. Perhaps as a result of that void, Europe’s Muslim population, with its very distinct identity, became more visible than ever. With the Dutch, the French, the Germans and others feeling as though they were losing themselves, the newly emerging Muslim identity became amplified and appeared to be a greater threat than might have otherwise been the case. As Europe’s establishment became increasingly uneasy regarding what it perceived as the misplaced loyalties of immigrant communities, the status of the mosque was elevated within migrant communities.
Ryan Mallon
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781474482790
- eISBN:
- 9781399502139
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474482790.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter questions what ‘dissent’ historically meant in Scotland prior to the Disruption. Following a brief overview of post-Reformation Scottish religious history, the chapter details the ...
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This chapter questions what ‘dissent’ historically meant in Scotland prior to the Disruption. Following a brief overview of post-Reformation Scottish religious history, the chapter details the origins of the eighteenth-century secessions from the Church of Scotland and the varying reasons for these schisms, before assessing the growth of ‘New Light’ voluntary thought within the main seceding churches and their increasing influence in Scottish society from the turn of the nineteenth century. Finally, the chapter discusses the role of these new groups of urban middle-class dissenters in the major ecclesiastical and political controversies of the first half of the nineteenth century: the Voluntary Controversy of the 1830s and the ‘Ten Years’ Conflict’, which directly resulted in the Disruption and the formation of the Free Church.Less
This chapter questions what ‘dissent’ historically meant in Scotland prior to the Disruption. Following a brief overview of post-Reformation Scottish religious history, the chapter details the origins of the eighteenth-century secessions from the Church of Scotland and the varying reasons for these schisms, before assessing the growth of ‘New Light’ voluntary thought within the main seceding churches and their increasing influence in Scottish society from the turn of the nineteenth century. Finally, the chapter discusses the role of these new groups of urban middle-class dissenters in the major ecclesiastical and political controversies of the first half of the nineteenth century: the Voluntary Controversy of the 1830s and the ‘Ten Years’ Conflict’, which directly resulted in the Disruption and the formation of the Free Church.
John A. Ragosta
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195388060
- eISBN:
- 9780199866779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388060.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
By wars' end, dissenters had still not achieved full religious liberty, with continuing administration of some social and governmental activities granted to Anglican vestries; yet, with the necessity ...
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By wars' end, dissenters had still not achieved full religious liberty, with continuing administration of some social and governmental activities granted to Anglican vestries; yet, with the necessity of mobilization gone, post‐war dissenter petitions demanding reform met with little political response. By 1784, Anglican leaders, led by Patrick Henry, sought to reinvigorate the establishment by introducing a general tax assessment to support all Christian ministers, a proposal which obtained initial approval in the Virginia House of Delegates. Faced with a nonsectarian establishment of Christianity, dissenters rose in massive opposition, insisting that government support of churches was inconsistent with the “spirit of the Gospel.” Joined by James Madison's famous Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, opposition to the general assessment overwhelmed the House; in its stead, dissenters pushed through the Assembly Thomas Jefferson's Statute for Establishing Religious Freedom. There was, though, significant support for an assessment, and the dissenters' opposition was essential. This campaign demonstrated that the dissenters were wholly politicized and Virginia largely republicanized by the wartime negotiations.Less
By wars' end, dissenters had still not achieved full religious liberty, with continuing administration of some social and governmental activities granted to Anglican vestries; yet, with the necessity of mobilization gone, post‐war dissenter petitions demanding reform met with little political response. By 1784, Anglican leaders, led by Patrick Henry, sought to reinvigorate the establishment by introducing a general tax assessment to support all Christian ministers, a proposal which obtained initial approval in the Virginia House of Delegates. Faced with a nonsectarian establishment of Christianity, dissenters rose in massive opposition, insisting that government support of churches was inconsistent with the “spirit of the Gospel.” Joined by James Madison's famous Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, opposition to the general assessment overwhelmed the House; in its stead, dissenters pushed through the Assembly Thomas Jefferson's Statute for Establishing Religious Freedom. There was, though, significant support for an assessment, and the dissenters' opposition was essential. This campaign demonstrated that the dissenters were wholly politicized and Virginia largely republicanized by the wartime negotiations.
Nicholas Hope
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198269946
- eISBN:
- 9780191600647
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198269943.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Describes a new eye, ecclesiastical topography, for the larger whole (1760–1840). These first modern surveys of parishes and established churches introduced semi‐accurate statistics (see Ch. 8). ...
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Describes a new eye, ecclesiastical topography, for the larger whole (1760–1840). These first modern surveys of parishes and established churches introduced semi‐accurate statistics (see Ch. 8). Here, once again anomaly stood in the way, particularly in Protestant Germany, which remained part of the old Catholic Empire. It collapsed first in 1806.Less
Describes a new eye, ecclesiastical topography, for the larger whole (1760–1840). These first modern surveys of parishes and established churches introduced semi‐accurate statistics (see Ch. 8). Here, once again anomaly stood in the way, particularly in Protestant Germany, which remained part of the old Catholic Empire. It collapsed first in 1806.
Nicholas Hope
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198269946
- eISBN:
- 9780191600647
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198269943.003.0013
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Continues the previous argument. Many attempts to introduce modern vernacular liturgies, and widespread urban public debate thereon, were hampered by a ruler's authorized liturgy. Particular ...
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Continues the previous argument. Many attempts to introduce modern vernacular liturgies, and widespread urban public debate thereon, were hampered by a ruler's authorized liturgy. Particular attention is given to a suitable liturgical music to accompany a modern sermon, church renovation and the demise of the established church in Scandinavia and in Prussia in its public Code (1794).Less
Continues the previous argument. Many attempts to introduce modern vernacular liturgies, and widespread urban public debate thereon, were hampered by a ruler's authorized liturgy. Particular attention is given to a suitable liturgical music to accompany a modern sermon, church renovation and the demise of the established church in Scandinavia and in Prussia in its public Code (1794).
ROGER B. MANNING
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198203247
- eISBN:
- 9780191675805
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203247.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Social History
This chapter focuses on poachers and gamekeepers in medieval England. Most of the poachers during this period were adolescents, and poaching was viewed as an expression of youthful rebellion and ...
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This chapter focuses on poachers and gamekeepers in medieval England. Most of the poachers during this period were adolescents, and poaching was viewed as an expression of youthful rebellion and juvenile delinquency. Some of the offenders were easily deterred by the intervention of their family or masters, while others displayed the hardened attitude of the habitual offender. To take advantage of their knowledge about the tricks and dodges of the professional poachers, reformed poachers were hired to serve as gamekeepers. The chapter suggests that habitual poaching fostered a lack of moral responsibility, and disrespect for established hierarchies and patriarchal authority.Less
This chapter focuses on poachers and gamekeepers in medieval England. Most of the poachers during this period were adolescents, and poaching was viewed as an expression of youthful rebellion and juvenile delinquency. Some of the offenders were easily deterred by the intervention of their family or masters, while others displayed the hardened attitude of the habitual offender. To take advantage of their knowledge about the tricks and dodges of the professional poachers, reformed poachers were hired to serve as gamekeepers. The chapter suggests that habitual poaching fostered a lack of moral responsibility, and disrespect for established hierarchies and patriarchal authority.
Gary Kemp
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199695621
- eISBN:
- 9780191738524
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695621.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Language, Metaphysics/Epistemology
A central pillar of Quine’s naturalistic view of language is known as the inscrutability of reference. On the face of it, the idea seems flatly incompatible with Davidson’s programme of theories of ...
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A central pillar of Quine’s naturalistic view of language is known as the inscrutability of reference. On the face of it, the idea seems flatly incompatible with Davidson’s programme of theories of meaning. Indeed Davidson accepts it, but argues that inscrutability can be explained away. The chapter analyses the issue in detail, arguing that whereas Quine can give a fully naturalistic, scientific account of the phenomena that we commonsensically describe as referring to a thing, Davidson must rely on a certain unscientific judgements of reference to attach his theories of meaning to reality; this violates naturalism. The crux of the matter is Quine’s insistence on the ‘proximate’ in his account versus Davidson’s need for the ‘distal’ as genuine objects of reference; taking a page from Darwin, Quine argues for a pre‐established harmony of proximate response that accounts for the appearance that the distal theory is correct.Less
A central pillar of Quine’s naturalistic view of language is known as the inscrutability of reference. On the face of it, the idea seems flatly incompatible with Davidson’s programme of theories of meaning. Indeed Davidson accepts it, but argues that inscrutability can be explained away. The chapter analyses the issue in detail, arguing that whereas Quine can give a fully naturalistic, scientific account of the phenomena that we commonsensically describe as referring to a thing, Davidson must rely on a certain unscientific judgements of reference to attach his theories of meaning to reality; this violates naturalism. The crux of the matter is Quine’s insistence on the ‘proximate’ in his account versus Davidson’s need for the ‘distal’ as genuine objects of reference; taking a page from Darwin, Quine argues for a pre‐established harmony of proximate response that accounts for the appearance that the distal theory is correct.
Thomas König and Daniel Finke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To ...
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This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To understand the announcements of popular votes by political leaders, it investigates their choice of ratification paths from a strategic perspective, which considers the interactions among political leaders, political parties in the domestic parliaments, and voters. It argues that when choosing a ratification path, political leaders attempted to anticipate the reactions of parliaments and voters. The empirical analysis reveals that these leaders not only considered their expected gains from each ratification path—that is, their gains from the revision of the Treaty of Nice and the likelihood for successful ratification—but also recognized the strategic implications of a referendum announcement for both European and domestic politics.Less
This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To understand the announcements of popular votes by political leaders, it investigates their choice of ratification paths from a strategic perspective, which considers the interactions among political leaders, political parties in the domestic parliaments, and voters. It argues that when choosing a ratification path, political leaders attempted to anticipate the reactions of parliaments and voters. The empirical analysis reveals that these leaders not only considered their expected gains from each ratification path—that is, their gains from the revision of the Treaty of Nice and the likelihood for successful ratification—but also recognized the strategic implications of a referendum announcement for both European and domestic politics.
Thomas König and Daniel Finke
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153926
- eISBN:
- 9781400842506
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the transformation of the Convention's proposal on the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Lisbon Treaty in the aftermath of the two negative referendums from a ...
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This chapter examines the transformation of the Convention's proposal on the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Lisbon Treaty in the aftermath of the two negative referendums from a principal-agent perspective. It shows that the common view of unitary member states, in which principals and agents share interests in the revision of treaties, can only partially—if not wrongly—explain the Treaty of Lisbon. The principal-agent analysis reveals that the political leaders delegated power to negotiating agents who worked out compromise solutions by partially revising the initial interests of their first order principals, the political leaders. Governmental agents from smaller countries were able to focus the negotiations on a few central reform issues, such as the number of Commissioners and the voting rules of the Council, and they also successfully influenced the final outcome of these issues. A major reason for their success was their credibility, which they could increase by pointing to integration-skeptic voters—particularly in countries that had announced a referendum. Hence, governmental agents increased their bargaining efficiency by referring to voters as their second-order principals.Less
This chapter examines the transformation of the Convention's proposal on the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Lisbon Treaty in the aftermath of the two negative referendums from a principal-agent perspective. It shows that the common view of unitary member states, in which principals and agents share interests in the revision of treaties, can only partially—if not wrongly—explain the Treaty of Lisbon. The principal-agent analysis reveals that the political leaders delegated power to negotiating agents who worked out compromise solutions by partially revising the initial interests of their first order principals, the political leaders. Governmental agents from smaller countries were able to focus the negotiations on a few central reform issues, such as the number of Commissioners and the voting rules of the Council, and they also successfully influenced the final outcome of these issues. A major reason for their success was their credibility, which they could increase by pointing to integration-skeptic voters—particularly in countries that had announced a referendum. Hence, governmental agents increased their bargaining efficiency by referring to voters as their second-order principals.
Henry E. Allison
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199647033
- eISBN:
- 9780191741166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199647033.003.0014
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
This essay argues that Kant's ironical remark in his response to Eberhard that “the Critique of Pure Reason might well be the true apology for Leibniz” is applicable (without irony) to the third ...
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This essay argues that Kant's ironical remark in his response to Eberhard that “the Critique of Pure Reason might well be the true apology for Leibniz” is applicable (without irony) to the third Critique. Appealing to the principle of the purposiveness of nature, it shows that this principle provides the basis for a “critical” restatement of the line of argument that Leibniz formulated against Locke in his New Essays on Human Understanding. Common to both thinkers is the necessity of presupposing a harmony between the order of nature and the cognitive requirements of the human understanding, according to which observable similarities reflect the inner organization of nature. The difference is that for Leibniz the justification for this presupposition is metaphysical, namely, a pre‐established harmony, whereas for Kant it is “critical” involving the subjective principle of the purposiveness of nature.Less
This essay argues that Kant's ironical remark in his response to Eberhard that “the Critique of Pure Reason might well be the true apology for Leibniz” is applicable (without irony) to the third Critique. Appealing to the principle of the purposiveness of nature, it shows that this principle provides the basis for a “critical” restatement of the line of argument that Leibniz formulated against Locke in his New Essays on Human Understanding. Common to both thinkers is the necessity of presupposing a harmony between the order of nature and the cognitive requirements of the human understanding, according to which observable similarities reflect the inner organization of nature. The difference is that for Leibniz the justification for this presupposition is metaphysical, namely, a pre‐established harmony, whereas for Kant it is “critical” involving the subjective principle of the purposiveness of nature.
