Andrew Dobson (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294894
- eISBN:
- 9780191599064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294891.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Contributors to this edited book consider the normative issues at stake in the relationship between environmental sustainability and social justice. If future generations are owed justice, what ...
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Contributors to this edited book consider the normative issues at stake in the relationship between environmental sustainability and social justice. If future generations are owed justice, what should we bequeath them? Is ‘sustainability’ an appropriate medium for environmentalists to express their demands? Is environmental protection compatible with justice within generations? Is environmental sustainability a luxury when social peace has broken down? The contested nature of sustainable development is considered––is it a useful concept at all any longer? Is it reconcilable with capital accumulation? Liberal––particularly Rawlsian––and socialist notions of justice are tested against the demands of sustainability, and policy instruments for sustainability––such as environmental taxation––are examined for their distributive effects.Less
Contributors to this edited book consider the normative issues at stake in the relationship between environmental sustainability and social justice. If future generations are owed justice, what should we bequeath them? Is ‘sustainability’ an appropriate medium for environmentalists to express their demands? Is environmental protection compatible with justice within generations? Is environmental sustainability a luxury when social peace has broken down? The contested nature of sustainable development is considered––is it a useful concept at all any longer? Is it reconcilable with capital accumulation? Liberal––particularly Rawlsian––and socialist notions of justice are tested against the demands of sustainability, and policy instruments for sustainability––such as environmental taxation––are examined for their distributive effects.
David Schlosberg
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256419
- eISBN:
- 9780191600203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256411.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
The main issues addressed in the book are introduced, starting with discussion of the great diversity in the environmental movement, and making the point that the major groups of the movement in the ...
More
The main issues addressed in the book are introduced, starting with discussion of the great diversity in the environmental movement, and making the point that the major groups of the movement in the United States, in taking on the role of interest groups in the liberal pluralist model, have excluded and marginalized many positions. The study to be made is described as focusing on two key concerns: how to acknowledge and recognize, rather than deny, diversity in environmentalism; and how to organize that diversity politically in a manner more inclusive than the liberal, or mainstream, environmental model. Different sections of the chapter discuss: the problems with conventional (liberal) pluralism; the democratic potential of the recognition by grassroots environmentalism of different experiences of the same event; the notion of justice embodied in the environmental justice movement – distributional equity (which can be achieved through procedural equity), recognition of the diversity of participants and experiences, and political participation (the demand for more public participation in the development, implementation, and oversight of environmental policy); and pluralism in theory and practice. The final section of the chapter provides a preview and plan of the book.Less
The main issues addressed in the book are introduced, starting with discussion of the great diversity in the environmental movement, and making the point that the major groups of the movement in the United States, in taking on the role of interest groups in the liberal pluralist model, have excluded and marginalized many positions. The study to be made is described as focusing on two key concerns: how to acknowledge and recognize, rather than deny, diversity in environmentalism; and how to organize that diversity politically in a manner more inclusive than the liberal, or mainstream, environmental model. Different sections of the chapter discuss: the problems with conventional (liberal) pluralism; the democratic potential of the recognition by grassroots environmentalism of different experiences of the same event; the notion of justice embodied in the environmental justice movement – distributional equity (which can be achieved through procedural equity), recognition of the diversity of participants and experiences, and political participation (the demand for more public participation in the development, implementation, and oversight of environmental policy); and pluralism in theory and practice. The final section of the chapter provides a preview and plan of the book.
Alex J. Bellamy (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199265206
- eISBN:
- 9780191601866
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199265208.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book is a major new evaluation of the contribution of the influential English School to international relations theory. It focuses on all the key contemporary and international political issues, ...
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This book is a major new evaluation of the contribution of the influential English School to international relations theory. It focuses on all the key contemporary and international political issues, and contains a mixture of theoretical and empirical issues, presented by leading scholars in the field. In recent years, the English School of International Relations – or international society – approach to international relations has become prominent because its theories and concepts seem to be able to help explain some of the most complex and seemingly paradoxical features of contemporary world politics. In doing this, the approach has attracted a variety of criticisms from both ends of the political spectrum, with some arguing that the claim that states form an international society is premature in an era of terror where power politics and the use of force have returned to the fore, and others insisting that the state‐centrism of international society makes it an inherently conservative approach that is unable to address many of the world's most pressing problems. The book provides the first in‐depth study of the English School approach to international relations from a variety of different theoretical and practical perspectives. Sixteen scholars from three continents critically evaluate the contribution of the School to the study of international theory and world history, consider its relationship with a variety of alternative perspectives, including international political economy, feminism, environmentalism, and critical security studies, and assess how the approach can help to make sense of the big issues of the day such as terrorism, the management of cultural difference, global governance, the ethics of coercion, and the role of international law. The contributors find that whilst the concept of international society helps to shed light on many of the important tensions in world politics, much work still needs to be done. In particular, the approach needs to broaden its empirical scope to incorporate more of the issues and actors that shape global politics, draw upon other theoretical traditions to improve its explanations of change in world politics, and recognize the complex and multi‐layered nature of the contemporary world. After an introduction by the editor, the book is arranged in three parts: One, The English School's Contribution to International Relations (four chapters); Two, Critical Engagements with International Society (six chapters); and Three, International Society After September 11 (five chapters). There is also a Conclusion by the editor.Less
This book is a major new evaluation of the contribution of the influential English School to international relations theory. It focuses on all the key contemporary and international political issues, and contains a mixture of theoretical and empirical issues, presented by leading scholars in the field. In recent years, the English School of International Relations – or international society – approach to international relations has become prominent because its theories and concepts seem to be able to help explain some of the most complex and seemingly paradoxical features of contemporary world politics. In doing this, the approach has attracted a variety of criticisms from both ends of the political spectrum, with some arguing that the claim that states form an international society is premature in an era of terror where power politics and the use of force have returned to the fore, and others insisting that the state‐centrism of international society makes it an inherently conservative approach that is unable to address many of the world's most pressing problems. The book provides the first in‐depth study of the English School approach to international relations from a variety of different theoretical and practical perspectives. Sixteen scholars from three continents critically evaluate the contribution of the School to the study of international theory and world history, consider its relationship with a variety of alternative perspectives, including international political economy, feminism, environmentalism, and critical security studies, and assess how the approach can help to make sense of the big issues of the day such as terrorism, the management of cultural difference, global governance, the ethics of coercion, and the role of international law. The contributors find that whilst the concept of international society helps to shed light on many of the important tensions in world politics, much work still needs to be done. In particular, the approach needs to broaden its empirical scope to incorporate more of the issues and actors that shape global politics, draw upon other theoretical traditions to improve its explanations of change in world politics, and recognize the complex and multi‐layered nature of the contemporary world. After an introduction by the editor, the book is arranged in three parts: One, The English School's Contribution to International Relations (four chapters); Two, Critical Engagements with International Society (six chapters); and Three, International Society After September 11 (five chapters). There is also a Conclusion by the editor.
A. H. Halsey
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266609
- eISBN:
- 9780191601019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266603.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
It is becoming standard for sociologists to preface their books with a brief autobiography. This I have done, emphasizing belief in the potency of politics as the atmosphere of LSE in the 1940s. A ...
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It is becoming standard for sociologists to preface their books with a brief autobiography. This I have done, emphasizing belief in the potency of politics as the atmosphere of LSE in the 1940s. A strong tradition of empirical sociological enquiry has existed since the ‘invisible college’ of the seventeenth century. But sociology belongs to all human civilization, not only to Britain, which was arguably slow in promoting academic sociology.Five themes will be elaborated in the following chapters: (1) The consequences of Darwin; (2) the division of ownership of the subject between science and literature; (3) methods in the study of society focussing on the scientific and statistical history of the sample survey; (4) the use of sociology in social policy and its characteristic capture by the Fabians and (5) the institutionalization of academic sociology at LSE before 1950.Less
It is becoming standard for sociologists to preface their books with a brief autobiography. This I have done, emphasizing belief in the potency of politics as the atmosphere of LSE in the 1940s. A strong tradition of empirical sociological enquiry has existed since the ‘invisible college’ of the seventeenth century. But sociology belongs to all human civilization, not only to Britain, which was arguably slow in promoting academic sociology.
Five themes will be elaborated in the following chapters: (1) The consequences of Darwin; (2) the division of ownership of the subject between science and literature; (3) methods in the study of society focussing on the scientific and statistical history of the sample survey; (4) the use of sociology in social policy and its characteristic capture by the Fabians and (5) the institutionalization of academic sociology at LSE before 1950.
Christopher Rootes (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been ...
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It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been demobilized, and that once radical groups have been incorporated into the web of policy‐making and consultation and have moderated their tactics to the point that lobbying and partnerships have displaced protest. Such claims were, however, based on casual observation and anecdote rather than systematic investigation of the incidence of protest, and during the 1990s, in several western European countries, the conventional wisdom was challenged by a resurgence of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. To determine whether there had indeed been a decline or deradicalization of protest, protest event analysis was undertaken of the environmental protests reported in one quality newspaper in each of eight countries–Britain, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and the Basque Country – during the 10 years 1988–97. No universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests was apparent during the decade, with reported protests declining and becoming less confrontational in some countries, but rising and becoming more confrontational in others. Most reported environmental protest was moderate and nondisruptive throughout the decade, and violent action remained rare. It was expected that opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union would produce a Europeanization of environmental protest, but there was no evidence of any increase in the proportions of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions, all of which remained at very low levels in all of the countries. Nor was there evidence of Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of convergence of national patterns of the incidence of protest. The patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tending to persist over time. Protest event methodology encounters problems of selection bias associated with cycles of media attention, and so, in the attempt better to understand these biases and their impact upon the pattern of reported protest, journalists and editors associated with the production of those reports were interviewed. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, this investigation concludes that there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.Less
It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been demobilized, and that once radical groups have been incorporated into the web of policy‐making and consultation and have moderated their tactics to the point that lobbying and partnerships have displaced protest. Such claims were, however, based on casual observation and anecdote rather than systematic investigation of the incidence of protest, and during the 1990s, in several western European countries, the conventional wisdom was challenged by a resurgence of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. To determine whether there had indeed been a decline or deradicalization of protest, protest event analysis was undertaken of the environmental protests reported in one quality newspaper in each of eight countries–Britain, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and the Basque Country – during the 10 years 1988–97. No universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests was apparent during the decade, with reported protests declining and becoming less confrontational in some countries, but rising and becoming more confrontational in others. Most reported environmental protest was moderate and nondisruptive throughout the decade, and violent action remained rare. It was expected that opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union would produce a Europeanization of environmental protest, but there was no evidence of any increase in the proportions of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions, all of which remained at very low levels in all of the countries. Nor was there evidence of Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of convergence of national patterns of the incidence of protest. The patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tending to persist over time. Protest event methodology encounters problems of selection bias associated with cycles of media attention, and so, in the attempt better to understand these biases and their impact upon the pattern of reported protest, journalists and editors associated with the production of those reports were interviewed. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, this investigation concludes that there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.
Christopher Rootes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
By 1990, environmentalism had been institutionalized almost everywhere in western Europe, environmental movement organizations had become substantial and well‐connected operations, and it was widely ...
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By 1990, environmentalism had been institutionalized almost everywhere in western Europe, environmental movement organizations had become substantial and well‐connected operations, and it was widely supposed that environmental movements had been demobilized and incorporated. However, in some countries, during the 1990s, there was a revival of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. National experiences differed and this chapter introduces some of those differences and the theories that might explain them. Nevertheless, transnational collaboration increased and it was widely expected that a Europeanization of environmental protest would follow in response to opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union. The case is made for the use of protest event methodology and newspaper reports to assemble empirical data with which to confront these theories and assumptions systematically.Less
By 1990, environmentalism had been institutionalized almost everywhere in western Europe, environmental movement organizations had become substantial and well‐connected operations, and it was widely supposed that environmental movements had been demobilized and incorporated. However, in some countries, during the 1990s, there was a revival of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. National experiences differed and this chapter introduces some of those differences and the theories that might explain them. Nevertheless, transnational collaboration increased and it was widely expected that a Europeanization of environmental protest would follow in response to opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union. The case is made for the use of protest event methodology and newspaper reports to assemble empirical data with which to confront these theories and assumptions systematically.
Christopher Rootes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The evolution of environmental protest in Britain is considered against the background of the development of the environmental movement and the emergence of the environment as a political issue. 1323 ...
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The evolution of environmental protest in Britain is considered against the background of the development of the environmental movement and the emergence of the environment as a political issue. 1323 protest events reported in The Guardian during the years 1988–97 are analysed to explore the varying incidence, issues, forms and organizational affiliations of protest. In a decade in which environmentalism was widely supposed to have been institutionalized and domesticated, the evidence reveals an extraordinary surge of increasingly confrontational but generally non‐violent protest, especially against roads and for animal rights. In terms of issues, forms, networks, and organizations, animal welfare appears quite distinct from and scarcely linked to the broader environmental movement. The varying incidence and changing character of protest is explained chiefly in terms of changing political opportunities, but also as a legacy of a cycle of protest that began with the campaign against the poll tax.Less
The evolution of environmental protest in Britain is considered against the background of the development of the environmental movement and the emergence of the environment as a political issue. 1323 protest events reported in The Guardian during the years 1988–97 are analysed to explore the varying incidence, issues, forms and organizational affiliations of protest. In a decade in which environmentalism was widely supposed to have been institutionalized and domesticated, the evidence reveals an extraordinary surge of increasingly confrontational but generally non‐violent protest, especially against roads and for animal rights. In terms of issues, forms, networks, and organizations, animal welfare appears quite distinct from and scarcely linked to the broader environmental movement. The varying incidence and changing character of protest is explained chiefly in terms of changing political opportunities, but also as a legacy of a cycle of protest that began with the campaign against the poll tax.
Olivier Fillieule
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The incidence of environmental protest in France is examined by means of an analysis of all the environmental protest events reported in Le Monde during the years 1988–97. The relatively low level of ...
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The incidence of environmental protest in France is examined by means of an analysis of all the environmental protest events reported in Le Monde during the years 1988–97. The relatively low level of protests reported is partly explained by the systematic bias of Le Monde toward institutional politics and formal political actors, as well as by its tendency to neglect local and regional associations and events. Nevertheless, the impression remains that environmental protest in France was relatively subdued during the decade, and explanations are offered in terms of the tendency of environmentalism in France to become mobilized into formal politics via Green parties, and to have become institutionalized at local and regional levels through partnerships with decentralized governmental agencies. The disastrous defeat of the anti‐nuclear movement of the 1970s appears to have depressed levels of national environmental protest in subsequent years.Less
The incidence of environmental protest in France is examined by means of an analysis of all the environmental protest events reported in Le Monde during the years 1988–97. The relatively low level of protests reported is partly explained by the systematic bias of Le Monde toward institutional politics and formal political actors, as well as by its tendency to neglect local and regional associations and events. Nevertheless, the impression remains that environmental protest in France was relatively subdued during the decade, and explanations are offered in terms of the tendency of environmentalism in France to become mobilized into formal politics via Green parties, and to have become institutionalized at local and regional levels through partnerships with decentralized governmental agencies. The disastrous defeat of the anti‐nuclear movement of the 1970s appears to have depressed levels of national environmental protest in subsequent years.
Dieter Rucht and Jochen Roose
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The incidence of environmental protest in Germany and Berlin is examined by means of an analysis of all the environmental protest events reported in die Tageszeitung during the years 1988–97. ...
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The incidence of environmental protest in Germany and Berlin is examined by means of an analysis of all the environmental protest events reported in die Tageszeitung during the years 1988–97. Although nationally reported protest declined in the early 1990s, it rebounded strongly in the mid‐1990s and became relatively more confrontational than previously. Strikingly, over half of all environmental protests were associated with nuclear energy, and the revival of protest is principally associated with the controversy over the transportation of nuclear waste. The broad picture of stability of protest over the decade is explained by the solid organizational infrastructure for protest provided by supposedly institutionalized environmental associations. German unification apart, the continuity of political structures and of environmental and nuclear policies during the decade also tended to produce continuity in the issues and incidence of protest.Less
The incidence of environmental protest in Germany and Berlin is examined by means of an analysis of all the environmental protest events reported in die Tageszeitung during the years 1988–97. Although nationally reported protest declined in the early 1990s, it rebounded strongly in the mid‐1990s and became relatively more confrontational than previously. Strikingly, over half of all environmental protests were associated with nuclear energy, and the revival of protest is principally associated with the controversy over the transportation of nuclear waste. The broad picture of stability of protest over the decade is explained by the solid organizational infrastructure for protest provided by supposedly institutionalized environmental associations. German unification apart, the continuity of political structures and of environmental and nuclear policies during the decade also tended to produce continuity in the issues and incidence of protest.
Mario Diani and Francesca Forno
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter analyses the evolution of Italian environmentalism in the decade following the successful anti‐nuclear referendum of 1987. Although the number of national protests contracted over the ...
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This chapter analyses the evolution of Italian environmentalism in the decade following the successful anti‐nuclear referendum of 1987. Although the number of national protests contracted over the decade, the overall presence of environmental organizations in the national media and in local protest was actually stable if not on the rise. Altogether, Italian environmentalism only partially fits the model of a movement engaged in sustained, large‐scale collective challenges to authorities. Especially at the national level, environmental action emerges rather as action promoted by a set of public interest groups, mostly institutionalized in their forms of action, and whose control over the issues is less and less challenged by other political actors such as parties or economic interest groups.Less
This chapter analyses the evolution of Italian environmentalism in the decade following the successful anti‐nuclear referendum of 1987. Although the number of national protests contracted over the decade, the overall presence of environmental organizations in the national media and in local protest was actually stable if not on the rise. Altogether, Italian environmentalism only partially fits the model of a movement engaged in sustained, large‐scale collective challenges to authorities. Especially at the national level, environmental action emerges rather as action promoted by a set of public interest groups, mostly institutionalized in their forms of action, and whose control over the issues is less and less challenged by other political actors such as parties or economic interest groups.
Iñaki Barcena, Pedro Ibarra, Eunate Guarrotxena, and Jon Torre
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Environmental protest in the Basque Country has been distinguished by its intensity and its frequency as well as by its association with the cause of Basque nationalism. To analyse the transformation ...
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Environmental protest in the Basque Country has been distinguished by its intensity and its frequency as well as by its association with the cause of Basque nationalism. To analyse the transformation of environmental protest in the Basque Country during a decade (198897), in the course of which environmental concerns became increasingly autonomous of the national question and instead became more embedded in the struggles of local communities to preserve their quality of life, we examined reports of environmental protest published in the newspaper EGIN. The majority of ecological organizations, while they appear to have distanced themselves from the protest‐oriented and anti‐institutional scenario and discursive frame of radical Basque nationalism, have not embarked on a determined process of institutionalization. Instead, they seem to have found a new ecological space, ’eco‐localism’, from which to continue their work. In this respect, it would seem that the movement is following the famous slogan ’Think globally, act locally.’Less
Environmental protest in the Basque Country has been distinguished by its intensity and its frequency as well as by its association with the cause of Basque nationalism. To analyse the transformation of environmental protest in the Basque Country during a decade (198897), in the course of which environmental concerns became increasingly autonomous of the national question and instead became more embedded in the struggles of local communities to preserve their quality of life, we examined reports of environmental protest published in the newspaper EGIN. The majority of ecological organizations, while they appear to have distanced themselves from the protest‐oriented and anti‐institutional scenario and discursive frame of radical Basque nationalism, have not embarked on a determined process of institutionalization. Instead, they seem to have found a new ecological space, ’eco‐localism’, from which to continue their work. In this respect, it would seem that the movement is following the famous slogan ’Think globally, act locally.’
Andrew Jamison and Magnus Ring
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The incidence of environmental protest in Sweden is examined by means of an analysis of environmental protest events reported in Dagens Nyheter during the years 1988–97. Although nationally reported ...
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The incidence of environmental protest in Sweden is examined by means of an analysis of environmental protest events reported in Dagens Nyheter during the years 1988–97. Although nationally reported protest declined in the early years of the decade, it stabilized thereafter. Given changes in the newspaper, its declining interest in protest, and increasing interest in ‘green business’, it is likely that the actual incidence of protest is understated by this source. Nevertheless, it appears that protests around urban issues declined steadily whereas those concerning animal rights increased, with a modest number of violent protests mainly associated with the latter. Otherwise, environmental protest in Sweden appears to have remained relatively subdued and moderate, as befits a country where environmentalism has been unusually pervasively incorporated.Less
The incidence of environmental protest in Sweden is examined by means of an analysis of environmental protest events reported in Dagens Nyheter during the years 1988–97. Although nationally reported protest declined in the early years of the decade, it stabilized thereafter. Given changes in the newspaper, its declining interest in protest, and increasing interest in ‘green business’, it is likely that the actual incidence of protest is understated by this source. Nevertheless, it appears that protests around urban issues declined steadily whereas those concerning animal rights increased, with a modest number of violent protests mainly associated with the latter. Otherwise, environmental protest in Sweden appears to have remained relatively subdued and moderate, as befits a country where environmentalism has been unusually pervasively incorporated.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans-Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Social movements take shape in relation to the kind of state they face, while, over time, states are transformed by the movements they both incorporate and resist. Social movements are central to ...
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Social movements take shape in relation to the kind of state they face, while, over time, states are transformed by the movements they both incorporate and resist. Social movements are central to democracy and democratization. This book examines the interaction between states and environmentalism, emblematic of contemporary social movements. The analysis covers the entire sweep of the modern environmental era that begins in the 1970s, emphasizing the comparative history of four countries: the US, UK, Germany, and Norway, each of which captures a particular kind of interest representation. Interest groups, parties, mass mobilizations, protest businesses, and oppositional public spheres vary in their weight and significance across the four countries. The book explains why the US was an environmental pioneer around 1970, why it was then eclipsed by Norway, why Germany now shows the way, and why the UK has been a laggard throughout. Ecological modernization and the growing salience of environmental risks mean that environmental conservation can now emerge as a basic priority of government, growing out of entrenched economic and legitimation imperatives. The end in view is a green state, on a par with earlier transformations that produced first the liberal capitalist state and then the welfare state. Any such transformation can be envisaged only to the extent environmentalism maintains its focus as a critical social movement that confronts as well as engages the state.Less
Social movements take shape in relation to the kind of state they face, while, over time, states are transformed by the movements they both incorporate and resist. Social movements are central to democracy and democratization. This book examines the interaction between states and environmentalism, emblematic of contemporary social movements. The analysis covers the entire sweep of the modern environmental era that begins in the 1970s, emphasizing the comparative history of four countries: the US, UK, Germany, and Norway, each of which captures a particular kind of interest representation. Interest groups, parties, mass mobilizations, protest businesses, and oppositional public spheres vary in their weight and significance across the four countries. The book explains why the US was an environmental pioneer around 1970, why it was then eclipsed by Norway, why Germany now shows the way, and why the UK has been a laggard throughout. Ecological modernization and the growing salience of environmental risks mean that environmental conservation can now emerge as a basic priority of government, growing out of entrenched economic and legitimation imperatives. The end in view is a green state, on a par with earlier transformations that produced first the liberal capitalist state and then the welfare state. Any such transformation can be envisaged only to the extent environmentalism maintains its focus as a critical social movement that confronts as well as engages the state.
Christopher Rootes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Despite the institutionalization of environmentalism, it appears that there was no universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests during the decade 1988–97. Patterns of the incidence of ...
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Despite the institutionalization of environmentalism, it appears that there was no universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests during the decade 1988–97. Patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with protest appearing to decline and become less confrontational in Greece, whereas it rose and became more confrontational in Britain, and declined only to revive sharply in Germany, Spain, and Italy. Considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tended to persist over time. There was no evidence of any Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of either a convergence of national patterns or a rise of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism during the decade, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.Less
Despite the institutionalization of environmentalism, it appears that there was no universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests during the decade 1988–97. Patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with protest appearing to decline and become less confrontational in Greece, whereas it rose and became more confrontational in Britain, and declined only to revive sharply in Germany, Spain, and Italy. Considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tended to persist over time. There was no evidence of any Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of either a convergence of national patterns or a rise of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism during the decade, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.
David Schlosberg
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256419
- eISBN:
- 9780191600203
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256411.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
In this first ever theoretical treatment of the environmental justice movement, David Schlosberg demonstrates the development of a new form of ‘critical’ pluralism, in both theory and practice. ...
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In this first ever theoretical treatment of the environmental justice movement, David Schlosberg demonstrates the development of a new form of ‘critical’ pluralism, in both theory and practice. Taking into account the evolution of environmentalism and pluralism over the course of the century, Schlosberg argues that the environmental justice movement and new pluralist theories now represent a considerable challenge to both conventional pluralist thought and the practices of the major groups in the US environmental movement. Much of recent political theory has been aimed at how to acknowledge and recognize, rather than deny, the diversity inherent in contemporary life. In practice, the myriad ways people define and experience the ‘environment’ has given credence to a form of environmentalism that takes difference seriously. The environmental justice movement, with its base in diversity, its networked structure, and its communicative practices and demands, exemplifies the attempt to design political practices beyond those one would expect from a standard interest group in the conventional pluralist model. The book is arranged in four parts: I. Environmentalism and Difference: The Pluralist Challenge (two chapters); II. Critical Pluralism in Theory (two chapters); III. Environmental Justice: Critical Pluralism in Practice (two chapters); and IV. Conclusion (one chapter).Less
In this first ever theoretical treatment of the environmental justice movement, David Schlosberg demonstrates the development of a new form of ‘critical’ pluralism, in both theory and practice. Taking into account the evolution of environmentalism and pluralism over the course of the century, Schlosberg argues that the environmental justice movement and new pluralist theories now represent a considerable challenge to both conventional pluralist thought and the practices of the major groups in the US environmental movement. Much of recent political theory has been aimed at how to acknowledge and recognize, rather than deny, the diversity inherent in contemporary life. In practice, the myriad ways people define and experience the ‘environment’ has given credence to a form of environmentalism that takes difference seriously. The environmental justice movement, with its base in diversity, its networked structure, and its communicative practices and demands, exemplifies the attempt to design political practices beyond those one would expect from a standard interest group in the conventional pluralist model. The book is arranged in four parts: I. Environmentalism and Difference: The Pluralist Challenge (two chapters); II. Critical Pluralism in Theory (two chapters); III. Environmental Justice: Critical Pluralism in Practice (two chapters); and IV. Conclusion (one chapter).
Avner de‐Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Through the examination of Eco‐feminism and Deep Ecology, it is demonstrated how many in these two schools have misused the concept of ‘environment’ and caused a confusion that has been detrimental ...
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Through the examination of Eco‐feminism and Deep Ecology, it is demonstrated how many in these two schools have misused the concept of ‘environment’ and caused a confusion that has been detrimental to the social and political status of environmental philosophy. It is argued that when putting forward political goals that are legitimate and justified, but not ‘environmental’ at all, they have ‘conceptually exploited’ the ‘environment’. The reasons for environmental philosophy's lack of popularity among politicians and activists are (1) that it fails to distinguish between meta‐ethics and political theory, (2) that it identifies goals that do not necessarily appeal to environmentalists, and (3) that it overextended the use of its main concepts and caused confusion and vagueness.Less
Through the examination of Eco‐feminism and Deep Ecology, it is demonstrated how many in these two schools have misused the concept of ‘environment’ and caused a confusion that has been detrimental to the social and political status of environmental philosophy. It is argued that when putting forward political goals that are legitimate and justified, but not ‘environmental’ at all, they have ‘conceptually exploited’ the ‘environment’. The reasons for environmental philosophy's lack of popularity among politicians and activists are (1) that it fails to distinguish between meta‐ethics and political theory, (2) that it identifies goals that do not necessarily appeal to environmentalists, and (3) that it overextended the use of its main concepts and caused confusion and vagueness.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each ...
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The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each country in the modern environmental era is sketched. The movement took a very different form in each country. The oppositional public sphere confronting the state in Germany looks very different from the well‐behaved set of interest groups in the US or the Norwegian organizations that are tightly integrated into government. The shape and fortunes of environmentalism are heavily influenced by the state's orientation to societal interests, which can feature inclusion or exclusion, and be passive or active.Less
The experience of environmentalism in the US, UK, Germany, and Norway is introduced in detail, with special reference to the relationship between the state and the movement. The history of each country in the modern environmental era is sketched. The movement took a very different form in each country. The oppositional public sphere confronting the state in Germany looks very different from the well‐behaved set of interest groups in the US or the Norwegian organizations that are tightly integrated into government. The shape and fortunes of environmentalism are heavily influenced by the state's orientation to societal interests, which can feature inclusion or exclusion, and be passive or active.
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Sometimes the inclusion of the environmental movement in the state that has occurred has been genuine, and sometimes it has involved co‐option, i.e. access without real influence. We argue that ...
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Sometimes the inclusion of the environmental movement in the state that has occurred has been genuine, and sometimes it has involved co‐option, i.e. access without real influence. We argue that inclusion can be genuine when the movement's defining interest can be attached to one of the core state imperatives; this explains why the US alone could prove such an environmental success story around 1970. Later in the 1970s, energy crisis meant that environmentalism was kept away from the state's core in all four countries, though there was substantial variation in how this was played out. More recent history reveals environmentalism generally kept away from the core, though there are exceptions (especially in Norway and, later, Germany).Less
Sometimes the inclusion of the environmental movement in the state that has occurred has been genuine, and sometimes it has involved co‐option, i.e. access without real influence. We argue that inclusion can be genuine when the movement's defining interest can be attached to one of the core state imperatives; this explains why the US alone could prove such an environmental success story around 1970. Later in the 1970s, energy crisis meant that environmentalism was kept away from the state's core in all four countries, though there was substantial variation in how this was played out. More recent history reveals environmentalism generally kept away from the core, though there are exceptions (especially in Norway and, later, Germany).
John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, David Schlosberg, and Hans‐Kristian Hernes
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249022
- eISBN:
- 9780191599095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249024.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Evaluates and compares movement strategy and success in influencing public policy within the state when environmentalists act in conventional interest group or in political party fashion. But ...
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Evaluates and compares movement strategy and success in influencing public policy within the state when environmentalists act in conventional interest group or in political party fashion. But movements can also influence public policy when they confront the state from civil society. In addition, movements in civil society can take effect more directly by changing the terms of political discourse and political culture, and engaging paragovernmental activity that bypasses the state. In light of these possibilities, guidelines are developed for movements contemplating whether to act within the state, in oppositional civil society, or in both. We show when and how the popular ‘dual strategy’ for movement action can work—and when it cannot.Less
Evaluates and compares movement strategy and success in influencing public policy within the state when environmentalists act in conventional interest group or in political party fashion. But movements can also influence public policy when they confront the state from civil society. In addition, movements in civil society can take effect more directly by changing the terms of political discourse and political culture, and engaging paragovernmental activity that bypasses the state. In light of these possibilities, guidelines are developed for movements contemplating whether to act within the state, in oppositional civil society, or in both. We show when and how the popular ‘dual strategy’ for movement action can work—and when it cannot.
Wilfred Beckerman and Joanna Pasek
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245086
- eISBN:
- 9780191598784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245088.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
This chapter discusses critically the main criticisms of the use of cost‐benefit analysis in environmental policy, such as the incommensurability of environmental values with the values born by ...
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This chapter discusses critically the main criticisms of the use of cost‐benefit analysis in environmental policy, such as the incommensurability of environmental values with the values born by marketable goods, and the related unreliability of estimates of peoples’ willingness to pay for environmental protection. While it is found that there is some strength in these criticisms, it is still necessary to take account of the resource constraint involved in decisions concerning public goods. Furthermore, a democratic society needs some impartial and transparent process for solving allocation problems. However, the need to reconcile the valid objections made by environmentalists to cost‐benefit analysis with the problems raised by resource constraints raises new problems of political theory and institutions.Less
This chapter discusses critically the main criticisms of the use of cost‐benefit analysis in environmental policy, such as the incommensurability of environmental values with the values born by marketable goods, and the related unreliability of estimates of peoples’ willingness to pay for environmental protection. While it is found that there is some strength in these criticisms, it is still necessary to take account of the resource constraint involved in decisions concerning public goods. Furthermore, a democratic society needs some impartial and transparent process for solving allocation problems. However, the need to reconcile the valid objections made by environmentalists to cost‐benefit analysis with the problems raised by resource constraints raises new problems of political theory and institutions.
