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The charge is often made that a physicalist cannot make sense of meaning. This chapter argues that the supposed mysteries of meaning and intentionality are a product of Cartesian assumptions regarding the inwardness of mental acts and the passivity of the knower. If instead we consider the mental in terms of emulations of embodied action in the social world, there is no more mystery as to how the word ‘chair’ (for example) hooks onto the world than there is in how one learns to sit in one. Consideration is given to the neural capacities needed for increasingly complex use of symbols, and to the embodied nature of meaning in language. Symbolic language — in fact, quite sophisticated symbolic language — is a prerequisite for both reasoning and morally responsible action.

This chapter introduces the concept of regional variation in landscape character and reviews past literature and current debates on the subject. The processes whereby cultural landscapes can change over time are reviewed. The strongly interdisciplinary approach of this book is introduced, along with its case‐studies in Somerset, the South‐West, East Anglia, and Essex, and south‐east Monmouthshire and Pembrokeshire in South Wales.

This chapter investigates the negotiation of obligations in the law-courts, assembly (ecclesia) and Athenian public writing and the records of this provided by Attic oratory and epigraphy of the 4th century. Prescriptive statutes (laws (nomoi) and (non-honorary) decrees (psephismata)) and the legal procedures of the Athenians provided the bases of some obligations (4.1.1). Additionally, there was a wide range of values used in the grounding of obligations: piety and adherence to oath, values related to sharing, reciprocity, consensual contribution and the emulation of mythological and historical precedent (4.1.3-8). Forms of argumentation based on ideas such as amplification, evocation of pity and imagery, and oratorical fiat were also extensively employed (4.1.9-11). The Athenians encouraged the competition in the fulfilment of obligations through publication of honorary decrees and lists (4.2-3). Finally, this chapter considers the Athenian dedicatory habit as a popular response to the city’s encouragement of obligations and euergetic behaviour (4.4).

Argues that through a felt lack of religious experience, many Americans are emotionally detached from the sacred. Whereas religious ethics ought to be the inspired emulation of God's perceived goodness, religious ethics too often degenerate into divine command theory, where ethical rules are followed simply because they have been commanded by God. This emotional estrangement from the sacred has been an overlooked element in the secularization debate.

The conclusion emphasizes the holistic view of consumption provided by the book. Consumption was not just a relationship between people and things, but a relationship between people; the relationship between consumers and producers was much closer and more meaningful in early modern England than in the modern, or even eighteenth-century, economy. The early seventeenth-century was not necessarily more ‘traditional’ or stable; however, there is evidence of fashion and constant change. Emulation has been over-emphasized in existing discussions; instead, we should consider the transmission of consumer knowledge, which different social groups utilized as they saw fit. Both men and women took responsibility for consumption, but typically performed different roles: men asserted status through spending, while women aspired to good management and thrift.

Successful late industrializing countries (the rest) all allocated intermediate assets to the same set of mid‐technology industries, and in almost all cases, these industries started as import substitutes. What differed among countries was how vigorously and rapidly exportables were extracted from a sequentially rising number of import substitution sectors. The wide variation among countries in export coefficient—share of exports (manufactured and non‐manufactured) in GDP—depended on structural characteristics (population size and density), investment rates, and price distortions. Even controlling for these variables, however, some countries became overexporters while others remained underexporters. The reasons behind this disparity—rather than its importance for growth—are explored in this chapter, which addresses in particular the trading institutions of the latecomers and the influence of earlier industrializers on them—notably Japan and its Asian emulators, the USA and its South American emulators, and (later) Europe as a role model.

The second historical case revisits Britain's role in the nineteenth century. While conventionally Pax Britannica has been presented as one of the cases of hegemonic stability, this view has been strongly challenged. The chapter suggests that Britain can be considered a case of singular hegemony, but of a distinctive type: it depended as much on British weaknesses as on its strengths. This was especially so in its inability to control the European balance, as also in its increasingly exposed position in the Empire. Rather than rehearse the material dimensions of British economic power, the chapter turns instead to the followers, and asks to what extent Britain was viewed as a model for emulation, or encouraged a liberal order. These issues are explored in the contexts of free trade, and the roles of sterling and the gold standard.

There is no “magic bullet” driving industrialization. The process of accumulation of technological and organizational capabilities does play a crucial role, as highlighted by the many contributions to this book. But such process has to be matched: first, by a congruent “political economy” offering incentive structures conducive to “learning-based” rent-seeking while curbing rent-seeking tout court; and second by a congruent macroeconomic management. Together, it is possible to identify some regularities in the ingredients and processes driving industrialization, including an “emulation philosophy” vis-à-vis the most promising technological paradigms; various measures safeguarding the possibility of “infant industry learning”; explicit policies of capability-building directed both at education and at nurturing and shaping specific corporate actors; a “political economy of rent-management” favourable to learning and industrialization, while curbing the exploitation of monopolist positions; measures aimed to foster and exploit a weak Intellectual Property Rights regime; and strategies aimed at avoiding the “natural resource course”. Further, the chapter discusses the opportunities and constraints associated with the current regimes of trade and IPR governance, and puts forward some basic building blocks of a proposed new pro-developmental consensus.

This chapter describes emulation, situating it in terms of class, gender, and context. Emulation resonated widely in the nineteenth century, and it referred to a relationship far more complex than that of model and copyist. When nineteenth-century bourgeois Frenchmen established a voluntary association or embarked on a worthy civic project, they inevitably spoke of their desire to ‘excite an honourable emulation’ or to ‘stimulate a noble emulation’. They rarely clarified exactly what was to be imitated or by whom. The meaning of emulation, which in the nineteenth century included a competitive ambiguity about who copied whom, has since been restricted to the description of a simple imitative relationship. Emulation is a lost cliché of nineteenth-century French society for whose members it was a convenient term around which a variety of virtues converged.

This chapter considers leisure and argues that emulation and association reconciled the bourgeois work ethic with the conspicuous consumption of spare time. Indulgence in leisure was crucial to bourgeois status, and not only because it denoted economic success. Leisure signified disposable income, but, equally important, it represented bourgeois emancipation from the demands corporate society placed on an individual's time. The issue of leisure revolved around the poles of gender and class. Emulation and association provided the solution to the bourgeois leisure dilemma. The rhetoric of emulation and the practice of association clarified the class and gender ambiguities of free time. When practised by men in association, a wide variety of leisure pastimes could be defined as masculine, as respectable, and as socially responsible. As a set of activities that could make or unmake class and gender identities, leisure was a serious business and bourgeois Frenchmen treated it as such.

This chapter examines the bourgeois claim to be a universal class, open to all men of appropriate character, by looking at the bourgeois patronage of the workers and the indigent. Bourgeois patronage of worker association focused on imparting a limited set of bourgeois values and associative practices. Mutual aid was the first form of worker association to engage bourgeois interests. In the 1860s, adult education classes and popular libraries offered workers the opportunity to emulate bourgeois regard for instruction. Finally, in the late 1860s, a few bourgeois innovators turned their attention to worker leisure. The bourgeois patron wanted the worker to imitate — to produce a copy of certain bourgeois virtues such as thrift and sobriety. Working-class interpretations of mutual aid or leisure were of no interest to the bourgeois; they were simply affronts to bourgeois leadership. Workers, not surprisingly, resisted their assigned role of mimic.

This chapter discusses the late nineteenth-century fragmentation of the bourgeois public sphere. It looks into the tension between the alleged universality of emulation and the exclusivity of the bourgeoisie. The chapter turns to a new set of associations, those established by the emerging petite bourgeoisie of the 1860s. As industrialisation and urbanisation accelerated, the single, coherent bourgeoisie of the immediate post-revolutionary decades fractured. The petit-bourgeois imitation of bourgeois sociable norms revealed the limits of bourgeois inclusiveness: petit-bourgeois emulation did not, ultimately, win access to the elite. As the industrial economy matured, Frenchmen found it increasingly difficult to imagine society as a harmonious whole, united by the principles and practices of emulation. By 1870 bourgeois claims to be a potentially universal class rang distinctly hollow.

For much of the nineteenth century, establishing the bourgeois society of voluntary associations and civic involvement was men's work. Statutes, votes, and public debate governed male bourgeois sociability. The manliness of the bourgeois public sphere and of the activities bourgeois men pursued within it were mutually supporting. Associations' masculine rhetoric of citizenship and science plainly excluded women from their midst. Potentially feminine practices such as charity or music and their less aggressive discourses of harmony acquired impeccable manly credentials when performed publicly and in association. Nineteenth-century sociable circles simultaneously constructed class status and gender difference as part of the same project of emulation. As industrialisation and urbanisation accelerated, the early nineteenth-century model of a united bourgeois citizenry defined by its sociable occupation of the public sphere was no longer an adequate description of French society. In the final decades of the century, class society in France definitively left emulation behind.

This chapter outlines a broad historical interpretation of industrial policies in modern history, focusing on technological learning, synergies, and increasing returns. Throughout all experiences of catching up, successful strategies always involved a principle of emulation involving explicit measures explicitly aimed to acquire knowledge in increasing returns activities. Only later, after the success of industrialization, countries can effort forms of market governance relying on the principle of comparative advantage as they emerge from the dynamics of international specialization and trade.

Starting from the concepts of empirical law, model, and scientific theory, a H-bond theory is defined as the encoding of its empirical laws in terms of a more fundamental theory, F. Though both VB and acid-base theories fulfill these condition and give acceptable H-bond theories, a better approach consists in considering the H-bond as a stationary point of a bimolecular reaction pathway leading from D···H-A to D-H···A through the D···H···A transition state. The operator F is now the transition-state theory with its paraphernalia (Leffler-Hammond postulate, Marcus rate-equilibrium theory, linear free-energy relationships, and so on). In this chapter, the validity of this newly-proposed transition-state H-bond theory (TSHBT) is successfully verified on a sample system (the N-H···O/O-H···N competition in the tautomeric ketohydrazone-azoenol system forming intramolecular RAHB) by variable-temperature X-ray crystallography (VTXRC) and Marcus analysis on the DFT-emulated stationary points along the proton-transfer pathway.

The conclusion returns to the five key themes outlined in the introduction. Overall, it argues that retailing and shopping were important in engendering wider changes in consumption: the grocery trade was dynamic and responsive to consumer demand, and was an active agent in making shopping an everyday activity, effectively tying consumers into the market. In these ways, the impact of groceries went beyond that envisaged in many established interpretations. At the same time, new groceries were sold, bought and consumed alongside a more established set of goods, especially other groceries. This mixing of new and old tempered the revolutionary impact of colonial groceries, both in the shop and the home, and added layers of nuance to the practices and attitudes of consumers.

The introduction critically reviews the historiography of consumption and how this relates to the grocery trade. It draws out novelty, luxury and utility as key concepts shaping our understanding of eighteenth‐century consumption; evaluates a number of important theories of consumption, including those of Simmel, Veblen, McKendrick, Smith, and de Vries, and outlines the relative neglect of groceries in the historiography of retailing. In tracing these debates, the introduction highlights key themes to be explored in the book: first, the relationship between the grocery trade and British colonialism; second, the changing nature of eighteenth‐century retailing, and particularly the relationship between supply and demand; third, the extent and nature of consumers' engagement with the market and particularly their shopping practices; fourth, the relative usefulness of novelty, luxury and utility as causal factors underpinning consumer choices, and fifth, the relationship between groceries and wider conceptions of consumer change.

The Renaissance principle of imitation was two separate concepts. One was the imitation of Nature (Mimesis), the other involved imitating earlier works. The second type is generally known nowadays as “the imitation of art.” When a Renaissance artist or writer copied an already-existing work, they might do it in different ways. The most common were: translatio, absolute copying or replication; imitatio, or eclectic borrowing; and emulatio or emulation, copying with improvement or enhancement. This chapter discusses emulation and replication, imitation in the canonic system, style-copying and work-copying, the shelf life of historical evidence regarding music of the past, and anachronisms.