Lee J. Alston, Marcus André Melo, Bernardo Mueller, and Carlos Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691162911
- eISBN:
- 9781400880942
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162911.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Brazil is the world's sixth-largest economy, and for the first three-quarters of the twentieth century was one of the fastest-growing countries in the world. While the country underwent two decades ...
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Brazil is the world's sixth-largest economy, and for the first three-quarters of the twentieth century was one of the fastest-growing countries in the world. While the country underwent two decades of unrelenting decline from 1975 to 1994, the economy has rebounded dramatically. How did this nation become an emerging power? This book looks at the factors behind why this particular country has successfully progressed up the economic development ladder. The book examines the roles of beliefs, leadership, and institutions in the elusive, critical transition to sustainable development. Analyzing the last fifty years of Brazil's history, the book explains how the nation's beliefs, centered on social inclusion yet bound by orthodox economic policies, led to institutions that altered economic, political, and social outcomes. Brazil's growth and inflation became less variable, the rule of law strengthened, politics became more open and competitive, and poverty and inequality declined. While these changes have led to a remarkable economic transformation, there have also been economic distortions and inefficiencies that the book argues are part of the development process. This book demonstrates how a dynamic nation seized windows of opportunity to become a more equal, prosperous, and rules-based society.Less
Brazil is the world's sixth-largest economy, and for the first three-quarters of the twentieth century was one of the fastest-growing countries in the world. While the country underwent two decades of unrelenting decline from 1975 to 1994, the economy has rebounded dramatically. How did this nation become an emerging power? This book looks at the factors behind why this particular country has successfully progressed up the economic development ladder. The book examines the roles of beliefs, leadership, and institutions in the elusive, critical transition to sustainable development. Analyzing the last fifty years of Brazil's history, the book explains how the nation's beliefs, centered on social inclusion yet bound by orthodox economic policies, led to institutions that altered economic, political, and social outcomes. Brazil's growth and inflation became less variable, the rule of law strengthened, politics became more open and competitive, and poverty and inequality declined. While these changes have led to a remarkable economic transformation, there have also been economic distortions and inefficiencies that the book argues are part of the development process. This book demonstrates how a dynamic nation seized windows of opportunity to become a more equal, prosperous, and rules-based society.
James Clay Moltz
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231156882
- eISBN:
- 9780231527576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231156882.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter analyzes ten emerging space powers that are beginning to play a significant regional or international role and are likely to expand their space capabilities in the future: Australia, ...
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This chapter analyzes ten emerging space powers that are beginning to play a significant regional or international role and are likely to expand their space capabilities in the future: Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, North Korea, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam. Almost all of these developing space powers are pursuing hedging strategies of a sort, and they are interested in benefiting from space information while hoping to slow down the space race between more developed actors (particularly in the military sector), thus ensuring that the first-tier countries do not dominate space or ruin it for others. A key advantage of these later-developing Asian space players is that they have an even greater ability to draw on the widespread range of space technologies now available on the international market, including GPS coordinates, weather data, space debris information, communications networks, and remote-sensing images.Less
This chapter analyzes ten emerging space powers that are beginning to play a significant regional or international role and are likely to expand their space capabilities in the future: Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, North Korea, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam. Almost all of these developing space powers are pursuing hedging strategies of a sort, and they are interested in benefiting from space information while hoping to slow down the space race between more developed actors (particularly in the military sector), thus ensuring that the first-tier countries do not dominate space or ruin it for others. A key advantage of these later-developing Asian space players is that they have an even greater ability to draw on the widespread range of space technologies now available on the international market, including GPS coordinates, weather data, space debris information, communications networks, and remote-sensing images.
Islam Hassan
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197521885
- eISBN:
- 9780197554609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197521885.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Middle powers rise at times of instability in the international or regional orders. Two sets of middle powers, namely the traditional and the so-called “emerging” middle powers, came to being during ...
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Middle powers rise at times of instability in the international or regional orders. Two sets of middle powers, namely the traditional and the so-called “emerging” middle powers, came to being during and after the Cold War, respectively. On the one hand, traditional middle powers, such as Australia and Canada, emerged during the Cold War. On the other hand, emerging middle powers ascended after the Cold War, and are not the traditional “good citizens” but controversial reformists with independent foreign policy portfolios, and they are becoming increasingly vocal in world affairs.Less
Middle powers rise at times of instability in the international or regional orders. Two sets of middle powers, namely the traditional and the so-called “emerging” middle powers, came to being during and after the Cold War, respectively. On the one hand, traditional middle powers, such as Australia and Canada, emerged during the Cold War. On the other hand, emerging middle powers ascended after the Cold War, and are not the traditional “good citizens” but controversial reformists with independent foreign policy portfolios, and they are becoming increasingly vocal in world affairs.
Varun Sahni
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199458325
- eISBN:
- 9780199086498
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199458325.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter focuses on India’s relations with Latin America, i.e. Hispanic America and Brazil through three phases: distant acquaintance (late 1940s to early 1960s, or the Nehruvian years), ...
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The chapter focuses on India’s relations with Latin America, i.e. Hispanic America and Brazil through three phases: distant acquaintance (late 1940s to early 1960s, or the Nehruvian years), rhetorical solidarity (the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, or the years of nonaligned revisionism), and strategic engagement (mid-1990s onwards, coinciding with India’s emergence as a power with system-shaping potential). It also includes three brief case studies of Latin American decisions that had an inimical impact on India’s interests: Argentina favouring Pakistan’s position on Kashmir in the UNSC; Ecuador nearly recognising a ‘state’ seceding from India; and Brazil favouring expansion of BRICS even at the cost of IBSA. It concludes that India’s relations with Latin America, and especially Brazil, have acquired heft only when propelled by systemic circumstances. Thus, Kenneth Waltz’s emphasis on systemic structure as an explanation of state behaviour also applies to India’s relations with the countries of Latin America.Less
The chapter focuses on India’s relations with Latin America, i.e. Hispanic America and Brazil through three phases: distant acquaintance (late 1940s to early 1960s, or the Nehruvian years), rhetorical solidarity (the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, or the years of nonaligned revisionism), and strategic engagement (mid-1990s onwards, coinciding with India’s emergence as a power with system-shaping potential). It also includes three brief case studies of Latin American decisions that had an inimical impact on India’s interests: Argentina favouring Pakistan’s position on Kashmir in the UNSC; Ecuador nearly recognising a ‘state’ seceding from India; and Brazil favouring expansion of BRICS even at the cost of IBSA. It concludes that India’s relations with Latin America, and especially Brazil, have acquired heft only when propelled by systemic circumstances. Thus, Kenneth Waltz’s emphasis on systemic structure as an explanation of state behaviour also applies to India’s relations with the countries of Latin America.
Marina and David Ottaway
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190061715
- eISBN:
- 9780190099565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190061715.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
The 2011 uprisings had a profound impact on the geopolitics of the Middle East due to the vacuum created by the political turmoil consuming its three traditional power centers—Egypt, Syria and Iraq. ...
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The 2011 uprisings had a profound impact on the geopolitics of the Middle East due to the vacuum created by the political turmoil consuming its three traditional power centers—Egypt, Syria and Iraq. Two old imperial rivals, Turkey and Iran, competed to fill the vacuum while an emerging new regional power, Saudi Arabia, made a bid for the leadership of the Arab world. At the same time, the United States, despite its efforts to disengage from Middle East conflicts, became more engaged than ever, first with Iran and then in civil wars underway in Syria and Iraq and against Islamic extremist groups. Meanwhile, Russia after two decades of absence, returned to quickly re-establish its influence there.Less
The 2011 uprisings had a profound impact on the geopolitics of the Middle East due to the vacuum created by the political turmoil consuming its three traditional power centers—Egypt, Syria and Iraq. Two old imperial rivals, Turkey and Iran, competed to fill the vacuum while an emerging new regional power, Saudi Arabia, made a bid for the leadership of the Arab world. At the same time, the United States, despite its efforts to disengage from Middle East conflicts, became more engaged than ever, first with Iran and then in civil wars underway in Syria and Iraq and against Islamic extremist groups. Meanwhile, Russia after two decades of absence, returned to quickly re-establish its influence there.
Charles A. Kupchan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199739394
- eISBN:
- 9780190252472
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199739394.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
The world is on the cusp of a global turn. Between 1500 and 1800, the West sprinted ahead of other centers of power in Asia and the Middle East. Europe and the United States have dominated the world ...
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The world is on the cusp of a global turn. Between 1500 and 1800, the West sprinted ahead of other centers of power in Asia and the Middle East. Europe and the United States have dominated the world since. But today the West's preeminence is slipping away as China, India, Brazil, and other emerging powers rise. Although most strategists recognize that the dominance of the West is on the wane, they are confident that its founding ideas—democracy, capitalism, and secular nationalism—will continue to spread, ensuring that the Western order will outlast its primacy. This book challenges this view, arguing that the world is headed for political and ideological diversity; emerging powers will neither defer to the West's lead nor converge toward the Western way. The ascent of the West was the product of social and economic conditions unique to Europe and the United States. As other regions now rise, they are following their own paths to modernity and embracing their own conceptions of domestic and international order. The book contends that the Western order will not be displaced by a new great power or dominant political model. The twenty-first century will not belong to America, China, Asia, or anyone else. It will be no one's world. For the first time in history, the world will be interdependent—but without a center of gravity or global guardian. The book provides a strategy for striking a bargain between the West and the rising rest by fashioning a new consensus on issues of legitimacy, sovereignty, and governance.Less
The world is on the cusp of a global turn. Between 1500 and 1800, the West sprinted ahead of other centers of power in Asia and the Middle East. Europe and the United States have dominated the world since. But today the West's preeminence is slipping away as China, India, Brazil, and other emerging powers rise. Although most strategists recognize that the dominance of the West is on the wane, they are confident that its founding ideas—democracy, capitalism, and secular nationalism—will continue to spread, ensuring that the Western order will outlast its primacy. This book challenges this view, arguing that the world is headed for political and ideological diversity; emerging powers will neither defer to the West's lead nor converge toward the Western way. The ascent of the West was the product of social and economic conditions unique to Europe and the United States. As other regions now rise, they are following their own paths to modernity and embracing their own conceptions of domestic and international order. The book contends that the Western order will not be displaced by a new great power or dominant political model. The twenty-first century will not belong to America, China, Asia, or anyone else. It will be no one's world. For the first time in history, the world will be interdependent—but without a center of gravity or global guardian. The book provides a strategy for striking a bargain between the West and the rising rest by fashioning a new consensus on issues of legitimacy, sovereignty, and governance.
Marina and David Ottaway
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190061715
- eISBN:
- 9780190099565
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190061715.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
The 2011 uprisings have changed the Arab region profoundly and irreversibly, even as protesters’ hopes were dashed. The region is now clearly splintering into four parts – the Maghreb, the Levant, ...
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The 2011 uprisings have changed the Arab region profoundly and irreversibly, even as protesters’ hopes were dashed. The region is now clearly splintering into four parts – the Maghreb, the Levant, the Gulf and Egypt – each gripped by different problems and influenced by different political forces. The Maghreb is moving toward greater openness; Egypt has reverted to repression; the Levant countries are disintegrating; and even the Gulf countries, which did not experience political upheavals, now feel compelled to introduce reforms from the top. The region’s geopolitics had also been greatly altered, as outside powers and emerging regional powers became deeply involved in their own efforts to shape the region. The analysis in this chapter is based on first-hand information that was gathered during numerous trips to the region since 2011, and fifty years of experience living in and writing about the region.Less
The 2011 uprisings have changed the Arab region profoundly and irreversibly, even as protesters’ hopes were dashed. The region is now clearly splintering into four parts – the Maghreb, the Levant, the Gulf and Egypt – each gripped by different problems and influenced by different political forces. The Maghreb is moving toward greater openness; Egypt has reverted to repression; the Levant countries are disintegrating; and even the Gulf countries, which did not experience political upheavals, now feel compelled to introduce reforms from the top. The region’s geopolitics had also been greatly altered, as outside powers and emerging regional powers became deeply involved in their own efforts to shape the region. The analysis in this chapter is based on first-hand information that was gathered during numerous trips to the region since 2011, and fifty years of experience living in and writing about the region.