Mushirul Hasan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198063117
- eISBN:
- 9780199080199
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198063117.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
The author narrates his departure from Calcutta. He arrived at Kedjeree and embarked on board a vessel bound to Denmark. He describes the ship as well as the character of the captain and officers. ...
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The author narrates his departure from Calcutta. He arrived at Kedjeree and embarked on board a vessel bound to Denmark. He describes the ship as well as the character of the captain and officers. The ship sailed to the mouth of the river. There was an embargo. An English vessel burned while at anchor — plundered by the Danish captain. The French frigate La Forte was captured by an English frigate, both of which passed up the river. The embargo was eventually taken off. The author proceeded on his voyage.Less
The author narrates his departure from Calcutta. He arrived at Kedjeree and embarked on board a vessel bound to Denmark. He describes the ship as well as the character of the captain and officers. The ship sailed to the mouth of the river. There was an embargo. An English vessel burned while at anchor — plundered by the Danish captain. The French frigate La Forte was captured by an English frigate, both of which passed up the river. The embargo was eventually taken off. The author proceeded on his voyage.
Nicola Casarini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199560073
- eISBN:
- 9780191721168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199560073.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the debate surrounding the proposal — (officially put forward in Autumn 2003) to lift the EU arms embargo imposed on China in June 1989, after the crackdown on students in ...
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This chapter examines the debate surrounding the proposal — (officially put forward in Autumn 2003) to lift the EU arms embargo imposed on China in June 1989, after the crackdown on students in Tiananmen Square. Alongside EU—China space cooperation, the proposal to lift the arms ban is the other initiative which has attracted most of the attention, and the concern, of the United States and its East Asian allies. This chapter presents the positions in favour and against the lifting, the current technical provisions regulating European arms sales to China, and the strong opposition to the lifting by the United States and its East Asian allies (in particular Japan and Taiwan). This chapter delves into the analysis of the different connections made by EU policy makers on the one hand and American, Japanese, and Taiwanese on the other, in the period 2003–5, regarding China's rise and East Asia's strategic balance.Less
This chapter examines the debate surrounding the proposal — (officially put forward in Autumn 2003) to lift the EU arms embargo imposed on China in June 1989, after the crackdown on students in Tiananmen Square. Alongside EU—China space cooperation, the proposal to lift the arms ban is the other initiative which has attracted most of the attention, and the concern, of the United States and its East Asian allies. This chapter presents the positions in favour and against the lifting, the current technical provisions regulating European arms sales to China, and the strong opposition to the lifting by the United States and its East Asian allies (in particular Japan and Taiwan). This chapter delves into the analysis of the different connections made by EU policy makers on the one hand and American, Japanese, and Taiwanese on the other, in the period 2003–5, regarding China's rise and East Asia's strategic balance.
J. Rixey Ruffin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195326512
- eISBN:
- 9780199870417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326512.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Beginning in 1794, Bentley began to adopt the economic components of republicanism as well as the spiritual ones. In seeing merchants choose what he considered interest over commonwealth, Bentley for ...
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Beginning in 1794, Bentley began to adopt the economic components of republicanism as well as the spiritual ones. In seeing merchants choose what he considered interest over commonwealth, Bentley for the first time was awakened to the economic side of republican ideology. Underscored by his unique embrace of Rousseau's theories of the state of nature and the origins of social inequality, Bentley's new republicanism was as much theological as it was social. In being willing to consider an allegorical reading of the Eden story from Genesis, Bentley could redefine original sin not as pride or envy but instead as self‐interest itself.Less
Beginning in 1794, Bentley began to adopt the economic components of republicanism as well as the spiritual ones. In seeing merchants choose what he considered interest over commonwealth, Bentley for the first time was awakened to the economic side of republican ideology. Underscored by his unique embrace of Rousseau's theories of the state of nature and the origins of social inequality, Bentley's new republicanism was as much theological as it was social. In being willing to consider an allegorical reading of the Eden story from Genesis, Bentley could redefine original sin not as pride or envy but instead as self‐interest itself.
FENG ZHONGPING
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264089
- eISBN:
- 9780191734809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264089.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In order to promote the further deepening of relations, this chapter provides a critical examination of four major issue areas: the nature of strategic partnerships, the particularity of Europe as an ...
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In order to promote the further deepening of relations, this chapter provides a critical examination of four major issue areas: the nature of strategic partnerships, the particularity of Europe as an international actor, the resolution of the arms embargo issue, and the granting of China's market economy status. Nevertheless, China as a sovereign and unitary actor will still find itself having to negotiate the complexities of the multi-level, multi-mode European relationship, a factor rendered all the more difficult by the enlargement process. The discussion identifies two further obstacles to deepening: the role of the USA in influencing the position of European member states towards the arms embargo; and the question of China's poor governance record on intellectual property rights, which may be the most significant barrier to market economy status.Less
In order to promote the further deepening of relations, this chapter provides a critical examination of four major issue areas: the nature of strategic partnerships, the particularity of Europe as an international actor, the resolution of the arms embargo issue, and the granting of China's market economy status. Nevertheless, China as a sovereign and unitary actor will still find itself having to negotiate the complexities of the multi-level, multi-mode European relationship, a factor rendered all the more difficult by the enlargement process. The discussion identifies two further obstacles to deepening: the role of the USA in influencing the position of European member states towards the arms embargo; and the question of China's poor governance record on intellectual property rights, which may be the most significant barrier to market economy status.
Mauricio Drelichman and Hans-Joachim Voth
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151496
- eISBN:
- 9781400848430
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151496.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter focuses on repayment incentives. The question of why sovereign lending can exist can be divided into two broad approaches: sanctions and reputation. Papers in the reputation tradition ...
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This chapter focuses on repayment incentives. The question of why sovereign lending can exist can be divided into two broad approaches: sanctions and reputation. Papers in the reputation tradition argue that the need to smooth consumption is key: if a borrower fails to honor their contract, credit will dry up. The borrower will be markedly worse off, being unable to borrow in hard times. In contrast, the sanctions literature argues that without penalties above and beyond the mere exclusion from future borrowing, sovereign lending cannot exist. Sanctions range from trade embargoes to military intervention. Over the last 200 years, there are examples of both trade sanctions and armed intervention—but they are exceedingly rare.Less
This chapter focuses on repayment incentives. The question of why sovereign lending can exist can be divided into two broad approaches: sanctions and reputation. Papers in the reputation tradition argue that the need to smooth consumption is key: if a borrower fails to honor their contract, credit will dry up. The borrower will be markedly worse off, being unable to borrow in hard times. In contrast, the sanctions literature argues that without penalties above and beyond the mere exclusion from future borrowing, sovereign lending cannot exist. Sanctions range from trade embargoes to military intervention. Over the last 200 years, there are examples of both trade sanctions and armed intervention—but they are exceedingly rare.
Rosemary Foot
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292920
- eISBN:
- 9780191599286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292929.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the second of three chapters that analyse the connections between legitimacy and power, and seek to demonstrate the erosion of international and domestic support for America’s China policy. ...
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This is the second of three chapters that analyse the connections between legitimacy and power, and seek to demonstrate the erosion of international and domestic support for America’s China policy. The topic addressed here is the changing status of American trade with China from the period before 1950 (when China had been a major post-war trading partner) until 1979. The first section of the chapter discusses the total trade embargo placed by the USA on trade with China in relation to the ‘China differential’ : the fact that international trade controls with China were harsher than those imposed on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The next section looks at the status of the American embargo in the period 1950–58 (the China differential was removed in 1957), and the following section at changing international and American policy on trade with China in the period 1958–1971, which culminated in Nixon’s decision in April 1971 to end the embargo on non-strategic sales to China. The last section of the chapter looks at trade patterns in the period 1972–79, which began with Nixon’s historic visit to China and the signing of the Shanghai Communiqu” in February 1972.Less
This is the second of three chapters that analyse the connections between legitimacy and power, and seek to demonstrate the erosion of international and domestic support for America’s China policy. The topic addressed here is the changing status of American trade with China from the period before 1950 (when China had been a major post-war trading partner) until 1979. The first section of the chapter discusses the total trade embargo placed by the USA on trade with China in relation to the ‘China differential’ : the fact that international trade controls with China were harsher than those imposed on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The next section looks at the status of the American embargo in the period 1950–58 (the China differential was removed in 1957), and the following section at changing international and American policy on trade with China in the period 1958–1971, which culminated in Nixon’s decision in April 1971 to end the embargo on non-strategic sales to China. The last section of the chapter looks at trade patterns in the period 1972–79, which began with Nixon’s historic visit to China and the signing of the Shanghai Communiqu” in February 1972.
Paul Maddrell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199267507
- eISBN:
- 9780191708404
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267507.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter begins by discussing the breakup of Germany into several parts, the expulsion of the Germans from Eastern Europe, and the establishment of Communist systems, resulting in a huge mass ...
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This chapter begins by discussing the breakup of Germany into several parts, the expulsion of the Germans from Eastern Europe, and the establishment of Communist systems, resulting in a huge mass flight. It explains the importance of Berlin as the escape hatch from Stalin's empire. It narrates the refugees' experiences during their migration, particularly the full interrogation in order to identify a valuable source to provide economic and political intelligence or a security suspect. It discusses that these interrogations served the West's two main policies designed to weaken the East German economy: embargo and induced defection. It defines defection as a product of the Soviet system itself, which is a natural consequence of disaffection with Communist totalitarianism and the wretchedness of life in Stalin's USSR. It also explains the reason behind the adoption of the policy of induced defection by the American and British intelligence services.Less
This chapter begins by discussing the breakup of Germany into several parts, the expulsion of the Germans from Eastern Europe, and the establishment of Communist systems, resulting in a huge mass flight. It explains the importance of Berlin as the escape hatch from Stalin's empire. It narrates the refugees' experiences during their migration, particularly the full interrogation in order to identify a valuable source to provide economic and political intelligence or a security suspect. It discusses that these interrogations served the West's two main policies designed to weaken the East German economy: embargo and induced defection. It defines defection as a product of the Soviet system itself, which is a natural consequence of disaffection with Communist totalitarianism and the wretchedness of life in Stalin's USSR. It also explains the reason behind the adoption of the policy of induced defection by the American and British intelligence services.
Dale C. Copeland
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161587
- eISBN:
- 9781400852703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161587.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the nine months leading up to the attack on the United States on December 7, 1941. It begins with a look at US–Japanese talks in spring 1941. The chapter then explores why the ...
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This chapter focuses on the nine months leading up to the attack on the United States on December 7, 1941. It begins with a look at US–Japanese talks in spring 1941. The chapter then explores why the US–Japanese agreement fell apart in late June 1941, after which it examines Roosevelt and US secretary of state Cordell Hull's willingness to restart talks with Tokyo in late August and their subsequent suspension of the talks in early September. Finally, the chapter discusses the last three months of peace and aborted final round of negotiations in late November 1941. It shows that US officials were highly aware that Japan's desperate economic situation, caused by the American oil embargo, was driving Tokyo into war.Less
This chapter focuses on the nine months leading up to the attack on the United States on December 7, 1941. It begins with a look at US–Japanese talks in spring 1941. The chapter then explores why the US–Japanese agreement fell apart in late June 1941, after which it examines Roosevelt and US secretary of state Cordell Hull's willingness to restart talks with Tokyo in late August and their subsequent suspension of the talks in early September. Finally, the chapter discusses the last three months of peace and aborted final round of negotiations in late November 1941. It shows that US officials were highly aware that Japan's desperate economic situation, caused by the American oil embargo, was driving Tokyo into war.
Paul Maddrell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199267507
- eISBN:
- 9780191708404
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267507.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the strategies employed by the West in using the information that they acquired. It discusses that fear of wire was instigated by the intelligence of a huge Soviet arms ...
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This chapter focuses on the strategies employed by the West in using the information that they acquired. It discusses that fear of wire was instigated by the intelligence of a huge Soviet arms build-up using German weapons technology. It adds that intelligence influenced war planning and weapons development. It explains that in order to gather more information, the USAF used overflight, radar detection, and signal interception. It also discusses that the embargo was based on the information provided by the spies and that it had some success in preserving the West's lead time in applying science and technology to military capability. It also tells that disinformation was certainly an element in British covert action against the Soviet Bloc and included the dissemination of bad scientific ideas in order to conceal technical progress.Less
This chapter focuses on the strategies employed by the West in using the information that they acquired. It discusses that fear of wire was instigated by the intelligence of a huge Soviet arms build-up using German weapons technology. It adds that intelligence influenced war planning and weapons development. It explains that in order to gather more information, the USAF used overflight, radar detection, and signal interception. It also discusses that the embargo was based on the information provided by the spies and that it had some success in preserving the West's lead time in applying science and technology to military capability. It also tells that disinformation was certainly an element in British covert action against the Soviet Bloc and included the dissemination of bad scientific ideas in order to conceal technical progress.
Paul Maddrell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199267507
- eISBN:
- 9780191708404
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267507.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the increased suspicion of British and Americans and the effect on the character of their containment policy by the threat posed by Stalin's arms build-up. It adds that the ...
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This chapter focuses on the increased suspicion of British and Americans and the effect on the character of their containment policy by the threat posed by Stalin's arms build-up. It adds that the West's demand for more intelligence on the Soviet build-up and decision to induce the defection of East German scientific workers so as to deny them to their rival resulted in the exploitation of the scientific returnees of the 1950s. It assumes that the defectors reduced the scientific potential available. It explains that a mass of intelligence was acquired from refugees about the activities of factories and research institutes, particularly their production, and that it was used for embargo. It adds that mass flight caused serious damage to East German research and development and supplied the west with sources who reported on its difficulties. It explains that refugee interrogation was a great technique of obtaining information.Less
This chapter focuses on the increased suspicion of British and Americans and the effect on the character of their containment policy by the threat posed by Stalin's arms build-up. It adds that the West's demand for more intelligence on the Soviet build-up and decision to induce the defection of East German scientific workers so as to deny them to their rival resulted in the exploitation of the scientific returnees of the 1950s. It assumes that the defectors reduced the scientific potential available. It explains that a mass of intelligence was acquired from refugees about the activities of factories and research institutes, particularly their production, and that it was used for embargo. It adds that mass flight caused serious damage to East German research and development and supplied the west with sources who reported on its difficulties. It explains that refugee interrogation was a great technique of obtaining information.
James Robert Allison
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300206692
- eISBN:
- 9780300216219
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300206692.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
After successfully defending the Northern Cheyenne and Crow Reservations from non-Indian mining, American Indians launched a national campaign to prepare similarly situated energy tribes for the ...
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After successfully defending the Northern Cheyenne and Crow Reservations from non-Indian mining, American Indians launched a national campaign to prepare similarly situated energy tribes for the coming onslaught in energy demand. This chapter details those efforts that began with Northern Cheyenne and Crow leaders helping to organize a regional coalition of tribes to fight federally planned development on the Northern Plains. From this defensive alliance, energy tribes then turned to exploring options to mine their own minerals. They worked with federal agencies charged with expanding domestic energy production in the wake of the 1973 Arab Oil Embargo and consulted energy experts familiar with the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. Ultimately, tribes nationwide formed the Council of Energy Resource Tribes to provide a unified Indian voice to federal energy policymakers, lobby for federal aid in developing tribal resources, and share information about energy development. After much confusion as to CERT’s primary purpose – including whether it was a cartel-like “Native American OPEC” – the organization evolved into a professional consulting firm that both worked with individual tribes to pursue specific mining projects and lobbied the federal government for beneficial grants and policies.Less
After successfully defending the Northern Cheyenne and Crow Reservations from non-Indian mining, American Indians launched a national campaign to prepare similarly situated energy tribes for the coming onslaught in energy demand. This chapter details those efforts that began with Northern Cheyenne and Crow leaders helping to organize a regional coalition of tribes to fight federally planned development on the Northern Plains. From this defensive alliance, energy tribes then turned to exploring options to mine their own minerals. They worked with federal agencies charged with expanding domestic energy production in the wake of the 1973 Arab Oil Embargo and consulted energy experts familiar with the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. Ultimately, tribes nationwide formed the Council of Energy Resource Tribes to provide a unified Indian voice to federal energy policymakers, lobby for federal aid in developing tribal resources, and share information about energy development. After much confusion as to CERT’s primary purpose – including whether it was a cartel-like “Native American OPEC” – the organization evolved into a professional consulting firm that both worked with individual tribes to pursue specific mining projects and lobbied the federal government for beneficial grants and policies.
ABBAS ALNASRAWI
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
After the end of the Gulf War on February 27, 1991, Iraq focused on the comprehensive economic embargo which the United Nations Security Council enforced on it as a result of its invasion of Kuwait. ...
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After the end of the Gulf War on February 27, 1991, Iraq focused on the comprehensive economic embargo which the United Nations Security Council enforced on it as a result of its invasion of Kuwait. This enforcement is not a surprise, since it had catastrophic effects on the people and economy of Iraq, as well as being a contributory factor in the rise and continuance of the humanitarian emergency in Iraq. One of the most important factors which affected Iraq was the oil sector of the economy and the centralization of political power, as well as the forced displacement of certain ethnic minorities and the different wars Iraq experienced: the Iraq–Iran War and the Gulf War. The effects of these important factors and the sanction of the UNSC will determine the humanitarian emergency of Iraq in the future. Obviously, all of this is a result of Iraq's series of man-made decisions.Less
After the end of the Gulf War on February 27, 1991, Iraq focused on the comprehensive economic embargo which the United Nations Security Council enforced on it as a result of its invasion of Kuwait. This enforcement is not a surprise, since it had catastrophic effects on the people and economy of Iraq, as well as being a contributory factor in the rise and continuance of the humanitarian emergency in Iraq. One of the most important factors which affected Iraq was the oil sector of the economy and the centralization of political power, as well as the forced displacement of certain ethnic minorities and the different wars Iraq experienced: the Iraq–Iran War and the Gulf War. The effects of these important factors and the sanction of the UNSC will determine the humanitarian emergency of Iraq in the future. Obviously, all of this is a result of Iraq's series of man-made decisions.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
During the campaign leading to the election of 1980, Ronald Reagan referred regularly to the lessons of the Vietnam War. He insisted that the Vietnam War had been “a noble cause” in which Americans ...
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During the campaign leading to the election of 1980, Ronald Reagan referred regularly to the lessons of the Vietnam War. He insisted that the Vietnam War had been “a noble cause” in which Americans had fought and died selflessly. Instead of refraining from the use of military power in the wake of the disaster of Vietnam, Reagan recommended that the United States commit more resources to the armed forces. Reagan easily defeated Jimmy Carter, and for the first time in a generation the Republican Party had a majority in the Senate. The Reagan administration entered the fray in Central America to gain advantages in the competition with the Soviet Union in other areas of the world, while reaffirming its support of the economic embargo against Vietnam. Two problematic issues hindering improvement in diplomatic relations between the two countries were the continuing flow of refugees from Vietnam and service personnel listed as missing in action. Reagan's Vietnam policy rested squarely in the center of American politics.Less
During the campaign leading to the election of 1980, Ronald Reagan referred regularly to the lessons of the Vietnam War. He insisted that the Vietnam War had been “a noble cause” in which Americans had fought and died selflessly. Instead of refraining from the use of military power in the wake of the disaster of Vietnam, Reagan recommended that the United States commit more resources to the armed forces. Reagan easily defeated Jimmy Carter, and for the first time in a generation the Republican Party had a majority in the Senate. The Reagan administration entered the fray in Central America to gain advantages in the competition with the Soviet Union in other areas of the world, while reaffirming its support of the economic embargo against Vietnam. Two problematic issues hindering improvement in diplomatic relations between the two countries were the continuing flow of refugees from Vietnam and service personnel listed as missing in action. Reagan's Vietnam policy rested squarely in the center of American politics.
Valpy Fitzerald and Arturo Grigsby
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241880
- eISBN:
- 9780191696978
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241880.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter addresses the relationship between economic development, armed conflict, and social reform in Nicaragua under the Sandinista administration between 1979 and 1990. This period saw a ...
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This chapter addresses the relationship between economic development, armed conflict, and social reform in Nicaragua under the Sandinista administration between 1979 and 1990. This period saw a combination of ambitious reform based on land redistribution, universal social services, state investment, and income redistribution in a mixed open economy supported by aid donors on the one hand, and of increasing economic stress arising from externally supported insurgency, a trade embargo, fiscal strain, foreign exchange shortages, and rising inflation leading to electoral defeat on the other. The discussion suggests that the relationship between the war and the economy is highly complex, involving both the pressure of armed peasants for radical land distribution on the one hand and the enormous secondary cost of conflict in a small open economy on the other.Less
This chapter addresses the relationship between economic development, armed conflict, and social reform in Nicaragua under the Sandinista administration between 1979 and 1990. This period saw a combination of ambitious reform based on land redistribution, universal social services, state investment, and income redistribution in a mixed open economy supported by aid donors on the one hand, and of increasing economic stress arising from externally supported insurgency, a trade embargo, fiscal strain, foreign exchange shortages, and rising inflation leading to electoral defeat on the other. The discussion suggests that the relationship between the war and the economy is highly complex, involving both the pressure of armed peasants for radical land distribution on the one hand and the enormous secondary cost of conflict in a small open economy on the other.
David Malone
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294832
- eISBN:
- 9780191685071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294832.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the events surrounding Aristide's return to Haiti. It also describes the role of the UNSC and the United States in the authorization for the use of force to restore democratic ...
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This chapter discusses the events surrounding Aristide's return to Haiti. It also describes the role of the UNSC and the United States in the authorization for the use of force to restore democratic rule in Haiti. Aristide pressed hard for a complete trade embargo, including humanitarian aid as the sole means of forcing the military regime to back down. On 15 September, President Bill Clinton delivered a nationally televised speech indicating that military action was imminent. Under the threat of US-led intervention and the pressure from the UN Security Council Resolution 940, the military leaders relinquished power, and US troops were deployed by President Clinton to handle the transition. Aristide returned to Haiti on 15 October as president. The same day, the UNSC lifted all measures imposed against Haiti.Less
This chapter discusses the events surrounding Aristide's return to Haiti. It also describes the role of the UNSC and the United States in the authorization for the use of force to restore democratic rule in Haiti. Aristide pressed hard for a complete trade embargo, including humanitarian aid as the sole means of forcing the military regime to back down. On 15 September, President Bill Clinton delivered a nationally televised speech indicating that military action was imminent. Under the threat of US-led intervention and the pressure from the UN Security Council Resolution 940, the military leaders relinquished power, and US troops were deployed by President Clinton to handle the transition. Aristide returned to Haiti on 15 October as president. The same day, the UNSC lifted all measures imposed against Haiti.
Lawrence Davidson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125244
- eISBN:
- 9780813135021
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125244.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The Cuba lobby is an excellent example of a special interest that continues to influence American foreign policy. Although Cuba poses little threat to American interests and policies, especially ...
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The Cuba lobby is an excellent example of a special interest that continues to influence American foreign policy. Although Cuba poses little threat to American interests and policies, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US continues to put pressure on the Castro regime in line with the interests of the Cuban American National Foundation, which was founded by Jorge Mas Canosa, who has an abiding hatred for Fidel Castro. With a considerable Cuban American community as its base, the CANF is able to push Congress to make uncompromising demands for action against Cuba, including the imposition of a trade embargo, the suspension of aid to Cuba as a condition to Soviet assistance, and the Helms-Burton Act, which sought to increase Cuba's economic isolation. By catering to the interest of the Cuba lobby, almost all other national interest-related foreign policy goals have been rendered irrelevant.Less
The Cuba lobby is an excellent example of a special interest that continues to influence American foreign policy. Although Cuba poses little threat to American interests and policies, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US continues to put pressure on the Castro regime in line with the interests of the Cuban American National Foundation, which was founded by Jorge Mas Canosa, who has an abiding hatred for Fidel Castro. With a considerable Cuban American community as its base, the CANF is able to push Congress to make uncompromising demands for action against Cuba, including the imposition of a trade embargo, the suspension of aid to Cuba as a condition to Soviet assistance, and the Helms-Burton Act, which sought to increase Cuba's economic isolation. By catering to the interest of the Cuba lobby, almost all other national interest-related foreign policy goals have been rendered irrelevant.
Jonathan I. Israel
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198211396
- eISBN:
- 9780191678196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198211396.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History, Economic History
It may appear strange, even bizarre, at first glance to date a fundamental reshaping of the structure of the Dutch trading system, the onset of Phase Two (which corresponds to the duration of the ...
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It may appear strange, even bizarre, at first glance to date a fundamental reshaping of the structure of the Dutch trading system, the onset of Phase Two (which corresponds to the duration of the Twelve Years' Truce), to a single year, even such a politically resonant year as that in which the Truce was signed, but there is an abundance of hard evidence to justify doing so. In 1609, the Spanish embargoes against the Dutch Republic were lifted. Dutch shipping costs for all European destinations fell dramatically. The Dutch resumed their former massive traffic with the Iberian Peninsula. The obstacles to a flourishing Dutch commerce with the Mediterranean were removed. The onset of the Twelve Years' Truce should have had immense implications for the whole of the world economy.Less
It may appear strange, even bizarre, at first glance to date a fundamental reshaping of the structure of the Dutch trading system, the onset of Phase Two (which corresponds to the duration of the Twelve Years' Truce), to a single year, even such a politically resonant year as that in which the Truce was signed, but there is an abundance of hard evidence to justify doing so. In 1609, the Spanish embargoes against the Dutch Republic were lifted. Dutch shipping costs for all European destinations fell dramatically. The Dutch resumed their former massive traffic with the Iberian Peninsula. The obstacles to a flourishing Dutch commerce with the Mediterranean were removed. The onset of the Twelve Years' Truce should have had immense implications for the whole of the world economy.
Myron Allukian Jr. and Paul L. Atwood
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195311181
- eISBN:
- 9780199865086
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195311181.003.0019
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This chapter describes in depth the public health consequences of the Vietnam War, including both the immediate and long-term effects of that war. It discusses the immediate and long-term effects of ...
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This chapter describes in depth the public health consequences of the Vietnam War, including both the immediate and long-term effects of that war. It discusses the immediate and long-term effects of herbicides used in that war as well as the long-term effects of the U.S. trade embargo.Less
This chapter describes in depth the public health consequences of the Vietnam War, including both the immediate and long-term effects of that war. It discusses the immediate and long-term effects of herbicides used in that war as well as the long-term effects of the U.S. trade embargo.
Joann Ellison Rodgers
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780195174991
- eISBN:
- 9780197562239
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780195174991.003.0047
- Subject:
- Computer Science, History of Computer Science
Shortly after I left daily newspapering in 1984 for a post in Johns Hopkins Medicine's public affairs office, I was called to a meeting of senior ...
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Shortly after I left daily newspapering in 1984 for a post in Johns Hopkins Medicine's public affairs office, I was called to a meeting of senior administrators at the Johns Hopkins Hospital. The assignment was to decide what to say publicly—or whether to say anything at all—about an outbreak of deadly meningitis in the newborn nursery, and the need to close it until state and hospital epidemiologists had tracked down and eradicated the source of the infection. The right things were already being done to protect the public and the workforce, to take responsibility for the problem, and to investigate and fix what might have gone wrong. The issue was communications. My still-fresh reporter's instincts led me to propose that Hopkins call a press conference to tell the bad news quickly, before it leaked and the press suspected a coverup. We would publicly advise prospective mothers-to-be that Hopkins would arrange for their deliveries at other institutions. Despite worries that press coverage would hurt our reputation, scare patients and visitors, and invite lawsuits, I got the benefit of the doubt and personally broke the news on camera that same day. Hopkins was rewarded with a newspaper editorial praising us for putting patient safety first, a bolstered reputation for credibility, and a sure bet for increased referrals and revenue. Not a bad outcome, although not a great one, either. I might have asked that a physician or nurse deliver the news, putting a bona fide expert's face on the story. (The press corps wasn't exactly thrilled with my “credentials.”) I could have made sure insiders got a “heads-up” advance notice before they saw my face on the 6 p.m. news. (They grumbled—appropriately—about having been blind-sided and ill-equipped to answer follow-up questions from patients, families, and journalists.) And I should have alerted public information officers (PIOs) in the state health department that they would surely get calls from the press as well and should be prepared to respond quickly. Still, 20 years later, the option of whether to communicate or not communicate during a crisis remains widely recognized as no option at all.
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Shortly after I left daily newspapering in 1984 for a post in Johns Hopkins Medicine's public affairs office, I was called to a meeting of senior administrators at the Johns Hopkins Hospital. The assignment was to decide what to say publicly—or whether to say anything at all—about an outbreak of deadly meningitis in the newborn nursery, and the need to close it until state and hospital epidemiologists had tracked down and eradicated the source of the infection. The right things were already being done to protect the public and the workforce, to take responsibility for the problem, and to investigate and fix what might have gone wrong. The issue was communications. My still-fresh reporter's instincts led me to propose that Hopkins call a press conference to tell the bad news quickly, before it leaked and the press suspected a coverup. We would publicly advise prospective mothers-to-be that Hopkins would arrange for their deliveries at other institutions. Despite worries that press coverage would hurt our reputation, scare patients and visitors, and invite lawsuits, I got the benefit of the doubt and personally broke the news on camera that same day. Hopkins was rewarded with a newspaper editorial praising us for putting patient safety first, a bolstered reputation for credibility, and a sure bet for increased referrals and revenue. Not a bad outcome, although not a great one, either. I might have asked that a physician or nurse deliver the news, putting a bona fide expert's face on the story. (The press corps wasn't exactly thrilled with my “credentials.”) I could have made sure insiders got a “heads-up” advance notice before they saw my face on the 6 p.m. news. (They grumbled—appropriately—about having been blind-sided and ill-equipped to answer follow-up questions from patients, families, and journalists.) And I should have alerted public information officers (PIOs) in the state health department that they would surely get calls from the press as well and should be prepared to respond quickly. Still, 20 years later, the option of whether to communicate or not communicate during a crisis remains widely recognized as no option at all.
Sophia Kalantzakos
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190670931
- eISBN:
- 9780190670962
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190670931.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
In 2010, because of a geopolitical incident between China and Japan, seventeen elements of the periodic table known as rare earths became notorious overnight. An “unofficial” and temporary embargo of ...
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In 2010, because of a geopolitical incident between China and Japan, seventeen elements of the periodic table known as rare earths became notorious overnight. An “unofficial” and temporary embargo of rare-earth shipments to Japan alerted the world to China’s near monopoly position on the production and export of these indispensable elements for high-tech, defense, and renewable energy sources. A few months before the geopolitical confrontation, China had chosen to substantially cut export quotas of rare earths. Both events sent shockwaves across the markets, and rare-earth prices skyrocketed, prompting reactions from industrial nations and industry itself. The rare-earth crisis is not a simple trade dispute, however. It also raises questions about China’s use of economic statecraft and the impacts of growing resource competition. A detailed and nuanced examination of the rare-earth crisis provides a significant and distinctive case study of resource competition and its spill-over geopolitical effects. It sheds light on the formulation, deployment, longevity, effectiveness, and, perhaps, shortsightedness of policy responses by other industrial nations, while also providing an example of how China might choose to employ instruments of economic statecraft in its rise to superpower status.Less
In 2010, because of a geopolitical incident between China and Japan, seventeen elements of the periodic table known as rare earths became notorious overnight. An “unofficial” and temporary embargo of rare-earth shipments to Japan alerted the world to China’s near monopoly position on the production and export of these indispensable elements for high-tech, defense, and renewable energy sources. A few months before the geopolitical confrontation, China had chosen to substantially cut export quotas of rare earths. Both events sent shockwaves across the markets, and rare-earth prices skyrocketed, prompting reactions from industrial nations and industry itself. The rare-earth crisis is not a simple trade dispute, however. It also raises questions about China’s use of economic statecraft and the impacts of growing resource competition. A detailed and nuanced examination of the rare-earth crisis provides a significant and distinctive case study of resource competition and its spill-over geopolitical effects. It sheds light on the formulation, deployment, longevity, effectiveness, and, perhaps, shortsightedness of policy responses by other industrial nations, while also providing an example of how China might choose to employ instruments of economic statecraft in its rise to superpower status.
