Rein Taagepera
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287741
- eISBN:
- 9780191713408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287741.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
We now expect to be able to fine-tune simple electoral laws to effect party systems and government stability positively, but we still need to be cautious. We should not expect to be able to tailor ...
More
We now expect to be able to fine-tune simple electoral laws to effect party systems and government stability positively, but we still need to be cautious. We should not expect to be able to tailor complex electoral laws to desired goals. In institutional design, we need to consider marginal adjustments rather than flipping to completely different electoral laws. We should consider keeping the same electoral laws for at least three elections before changing them. Political science has been an intellectual field separate from politics, but the two may now start to connect, thanks to advances in the study of electoral systems and party systems.Less
We now expect to be able to fine-tune simple electoral laws to effect party systems and government stability positively, but we still need to be cautious. We should not expect to be able to tailor complex electoral laws to desired goals. In institutional design, we need to consider marginal adjustments rather than flipping to completely different electoral laws. We should consider keeping the same electoral laws for at least three elections before changing them. Political science has been an intellectual field separate from politics, but the two may now start to connect, thanks to advances in the study of electoral systems and party systems.
Rein Taagepera
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287741
- eISBN:
- 9780191713408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287741.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
An electoral system helps determine the number and size distribution of parties in a country, as well as cabinet duration. Electoral systems are expressed in electoral laws. Their impact depends on ...
More
An electoral system helps determine the number and size distribution of parties in a country, as well as cabinet duration. Electoral systems are expressed in electoral laws. Their impact depends on the way politicians and voters make use of these laws. Flawed electoral laws can lead to breakdown of democracy or to staleness.Less
An electoral system helps determine the number and size distribution of parties in a country, as well as cabinet duration. Electoral systems are expressed in electoral laws. Their impact depends on the way politicians and voters make use of these laws. Flawed electoral laws can lead to breakdown of democracy or to staleness.
Rein Taagepera
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287741
- eISBN:
- 9780191713408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287741.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
When choosing an electoral system, the main tradeoff is between decisiveness of government and representation of minority views. With simple electoral systems, their average effect can be predicted. ...
More
When choosing an electoral system, the main tradeoff is between decisiveness of government and representation of minority views. With simple electoral systems, their average effect can be predicted. With complex electoral systems, the ability to predict their actual workings is lost. Refraining from changing electoral laws frequently allows an understanding to develop of how the electoral system works.Less
When choosing an electoral system, the main tradeoff is between decisiveness of government and representation of minority views. With simple electoral systems, their average effect can be predicted. With complex electoral systems, the ability to predict their actual workings is lost. Refraining from changing electoral laws frequently allows an understanding to develop of how the electoral system works.
Shaun Bowler, Elisabeth Carter, and David M. Farrell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199264995
- eISBN:
- 9780191603259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199264996.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines whether it has become easier or more difficult for political parties to participate in elections. It does this by comparing the electoral systems and the wider electoral laws ...
More
This chapter examines whether it has become easier or more difficult for political parties to participate in elections. It does this by comparing the electoral systems and the wider electoral laws (including those governing ballot access, media access, and the receipt of state subventions) in operation in a number of OECD countries in 1960 to those in operation in 2000. While it finds there has been little electoral system change over this period, it does report evidence of changes in the wider electoral laws, the general evolution of which appears to have been towards a more liberal environment for all political parties. This does not necessarily mean an easier time for small or new parties, however, and may instead suggest a type of cartelization between the established parties.Less
This chapter examines whether it has become easier or more difficult for political parties to participate in elections. It does this by comparing the electoral systems and the wider electoral laws (including those governing ballot access, media access, and the receipt of state subventions) in operation in a number of OECD countries in 1960 to those in operation in 2000. While it finds there has been little electoral system change over this period, it does report evidence of changes in the wider electoral laws, the general evolution of which appears to have been towards a more liberal environment for all political parties. This does not necessarily mean an easier time for small or new parties, however, and may instead suggest a type of cartelization between the established parties.
Robert G. Moser and Frank C. Thames
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The introduction of a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system in Russia came in the midst of a violent struggle between President Boris Yeltsin and a communist and nationalist opposition, ...
More
The introduction of a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system in Russia came in the midst of a violent struggle between President Boris Yeltsin and a communist and nationalist opposition, after which Yeltsin was left to construct a new electoral system and a new constitutional order unopposed. Explains the development and maintenance of the MMM system in Russia as a compromise between competing intraparty and interparty goals, first within the small circle drafting the executive decree in 1993, and then between competing institutions in the struggle over the electoral law in 1995. The designers of the presidential decree that implemented the system saw a mixed‐member system as being able to promote the formation of national parties while maintaining regional representation, and despite the preponderance of power that Yeltsin held throughout this process, the system was not crafted exclusively for the interests of a particular party or ideological camp. It is argued that the system that eventually emerged was a product of competing goals, uncertainty over future electoral outcomes, and compromise between competing institutions. The chapter proceeds as follows: the first section briefly examines the historical background of elections in Russia and provides an overview of the MMM system adopted in 1993; the second describes the process surrounding Yeltsin's executive decree establishing the electoral system for the 1993 election; the third looks at the adoption of the electoral law in 1995; the final section draws some conclusions.Less
The introduction of a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system in Russia came in the midst of a violent struggle between President Boris Yeltsin and a communist and nationalist opposition, after which Yeltsin was left to construct a new electoral system and a new constitutional order unopposed. Explains the development and maintenance of the MMM system in Russia as a compromise between competing intraparty and interparty goals, first within the small circle drafting the executive decree in 1993, and then between competing institutions in the struggle over the electoral law in 1995. The designers of the presidential decree that implemented the system saw a mixed‐member system as being able to promote the formation of national parties while maintaining regional representation, and despite the preponderance of power that Yeltsin held throughout this process, the system was not crafted exclusively for the interests of a particular party or ideological camp. It is argued that the system that eventually emerged was a product of competing goals, uncertainty over future electoral outcomes, and compromise between competing institutions. The chapter proceeds as follows: the first section briefly examines the historical background of elections in Russia and provides an overview of the MMM system adopted in 1993; the second describes the process surrounding Yeltsin's executive decree establishing the electoral system for the 1993 election; the third looks at the adoption of the electoral law in 1995; the final section draws some conclusions.
Torbjörn Bergman, Wolfgang C. Müller, Kaare Strøm, and Magnus Blomgren
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297840
- eISBN:
- 9780191602016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829784X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Reviews the patterns of delegation and accountability in 17 Western European parliamentary democracies, over the post-war period. It provides information about the links between voters and MPs, ...
More
Reviews the patterns of delegation and accountability in 17 Western European parliamentary democracies, over the post-war period. It provides information about the links between voters and MPs, between MPs and the cabinet, within the cabinet, and between ministers and civil servants, discussing potentials for agency loss. It places political parties in the delegation relations and provides a comparative account of Constitution amendments and law making in these states. It concludes by identifying the most common parliamentary delegation mechanisms in Western Europe as well as major empirical exceptions, and the main trends of the 1945–2000 period.Less
Reviews the patterns of delegation and accountability in 17 Western European parliamentary democracies, over the post-war period. It provides information about the links between voters and MPs, between MPs and the cabinet, within the cabinet, and between ministers and civil servants, discussing potentials for agency loss. It places political parties in the delegation relations and provides a comparative account of Constitution amendments and law making in these states. It concludes by identifying the most common parliamentary delegation mechanisms in Western Europe as well as major empirical exceptions, and the main trends of the 1945–2000 period.
Klaus von Beyme
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Begins by pointing out that the concept of institutional engineering was not invented for the latest wave of transitions from dictatorship to democracy, but rather created for evaluating a democratic ...
More
Begins by pointing out that the concept of institutional engineering was not invented for the latest wave of transitions from dictatorship to democracy, but rather created for evaluating a democratic country at a time when it was in crisis. In Eastern Europe, a peculiar constellation of old and new elites led the way through the process of compromise between old and new forces and old and new institutions. Voters’ increased fickleness and a weaker party system left more room for manoeuver to institutional engineers. This chapter describes and analyses four models of institutional engineering: constitutional engineering; semi‐presidential systems; electoral laws; and decision‐making by plebiscite. These models are then compared with the paths of transition of selected Eastern European countries and contrasted with countries from Western Europe.Less
Begins by pointing out that the concept of institutional engineering was not invented for the latest wave of transitions from dictatorship to democracy, but rather created for evaluating a democratic country at a time when it was in crisis. In Eastern Europe, a peculiar constellation of old and new elites led the way through the process of compromise between old and new forces and old and new institutions. Voters’ increased fickleness and a weaker party system left more room for manoeuver to institutional engineers. This chapter describes and analyses four models of institutional engineering: constitutional engineering; semi‐presidential systems; electoral laws; and decision‐making by plebiscite. These models are then compared with the paths of transition of selected Eastern European countries and contrasted with countries from Western Europe.
Luciano Bardi
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
For over forty years, Italy was seen as a ‘party government’ system, with a party system that was extremely fragmented, consisting of up to 10 national parties, at least seven of which could at any ...
More
For over forty years, Italy was seen as a ‘party government’ system, with a party system that was extremely fragmented, consisting of up to 10 national parties, at least seven of which could at any time be considered ‘relevant’. As a consequence of various factors that found expression in the results of two crucial elections in 1992 and 1994, all of this has abruptly come to an end. Party organizations have literally fallen apart after at least thirty years of successful adaptation to societal and political system changes, with all parties and other electoral competitors having been deeply affected, and a number of the traditional parties, including the three largest ones, suffering divisions and transformations. The transformation was the result of three sets of direct causes: first, there had been shifts in political demand for specific parties or even parties in general, resulting from greater potential voter mobility; second, there had been change in the political supply provided by the parties; and third, the new electoral law impacted directly on the parties’ parliamentary delegations; some of these factors are arguably still effective, and the transformation of the Italian party system is far from complete. The introductory section of the chapter discusses this changing structure of the Italian party system; the next three sections of the chapter cover the same topics as the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy, party organizational strength, and party functionality (in governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political communication and education, and political participation).Less
For over forty years, Italy was seen as a ‘party government’ system, with a party system that was extremely fragmented, consisting of up to 10 national parties, at least seven of which could at any time be considered ‘relevant’. As a consequence of various factors that found expression in the results of two crucial elections in 1992 and 1994, all of this has abruptly come to an end. Party organizations have literally fallen apart after at least thirty years of successful adaptation to societal and political system changes, with all parties and other electoral competitors having been deeply affected, and a number of the traditional parties, including the three largest ones, suffering divisions and transformations. The transformation was the result of three sets of direct causes: first, there had been shifts in political demand for specific parties or even parties in general, resulting from greater potential voter mobility; second, there had been change in the political supply provided by the parties; and third, the new electoral law impacted directly on the parties’ parliamentary delegations; some of these factors are arguably still effective, and the transformation of the Italian party system is far from complete. The introductory section of the chapter discusses this changing structure of the Italian party system; the next three sections of the chapter cover the same topics as the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy, party organizational strength, and party functionality (in governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political communication and education, and political participation).
Mona Lena Krook
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195375671
- eISBN:
- 9780199871605
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195375671.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores campaigns for legislative quotas in Argentina and France. Before quotas, these countries had almost identical proportions of women in parliament. In Argentina, a quota law was ...
More
This chapter explores campaigns for legislative quotas in Argentina and France. Before quotas, these countries had almost identical proportions of women in parliament. In Argentina, a quota law was adopted in the early 1990s that required all parties to nominate 30% women. Although this provision amended only the electoral code and did not specify how the quota would be implemented and monitored, by the late 2000s, the policy had resulted in the election of 40% women. Around the same time, French legislators altered the constitution and electoral law to mandate that parties nominate equal numbers of women and men, with specific regulations as to how the quota would be applied and the sanctions that would be imposed on parties that did not meet these requirements. Despite these apparently radical reforms, the representation of women increased only incrementally to 12% and then 18%, still only barely approximating the world average.Less
This chapter explores campaigns for legislative quotas in Argentina and France. Before quotas, these countries had almost identical proportions of women in parliament. In Argentina, a quota law was adopted in the early 1990s that required all parties to nominate 30% women. Although this provision amended only the electoral code and did not specify how the quota would be implemented and monitored, by the late 2000s, the policy had resulted in the election of 40% women. Around the same time, French legislators altered the constitution and electoral law to mandate that parties nominate equal numbers of women and men, with specific regulations as to how the quota would be applied and the sanctions that would be imposed on parties that did not meet these requirements. Despite these apparently radical reforms, the representation of women increased only incrementally to 12% and then 18%, still only barely approximating the world average.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0022
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
On August 31, a “special committee,” consisting of 45 members of the House of Peers, began a series of secret meetings that would last until October 3. Attention focused again on the emperor's role ...
More
On August 31, a “special committee,” consisting of 45 members of the House of Peers, began a series of secret meetings that would last until October 3. Attention focused again on the emperor's role (kokutai), popular sovereignty, and the proposed electoral review of judges. Peers also criticized the American‐sounding rhetoric of the preamble and the notion in Chapter X of the constitution as “supreme law.” Notable during these debates were exchanges between Takayanagi Kenzō and Sasaki Sōichi. In the end, after making a few minor amendments, the House of Peers added its approval of the revision.Less
On August 31, a “special committee,” consisting of 45 members of the House of Peers, began a series of secret meetings that would last until October 3. Attention focused again on the emperor's role (kokutai), popular sovereignty, and the proposed electoral review of judges. Peers also criticized the American‐sounding rhetoric of the preamble and the notion in Chapter X of the constitution as “supreme law.” Notable during these debates were exchanges between Takayanagi Kenzō and Sasaki Sōichi. In the end, after making a few minor amendments, the House of Peers added its approval of the revision.
Roderic Ai Camp
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199742851
- eISBN:
- 9780199866298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199742851.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Democratic politics engineered a sea change among politicians in the linkage between holding a party position and a nationally prominent office. Party militants have increased in number dramatically ...
More
Democratic politics engineered a sea change among politicians in the linkage between holding a party position and a nationally prominent office. Party militants have increased in number dramatically since 2000. The 1964 electoral law produced three major, long-term consequences on national recruitment, affecting national leadership to the present. The electoral laws helped to weaken PAN as a grass roots party, while strengthening the voice of the national party leadership. Nearly nine out of ten prominent politicians who were elected to congress served as chair of their respective state party organizations after 1934. The most surprising general revelation in the long-term chronological data on party militancy is the extraordinary percentage of politicians who were nominally party members, essentially only registering as a party member, or who were not known to have any party affiliation.Less
Democratic politics engineered a sea change among politicians in the linkage between holding a party position and a nationally prominent office. Party militants have increased in number dramatically since 2000. The 1964 electoral law produced three major, long-term consequences on national recruitment, affecting national leadership to the present. The electoral laws helped to weaken PAN as a grass roots party, while strengthening the voice of the national party leadership. Nearly nine out of ten prominent politicians who were elected to congress served as chair of their respective state party organizations after 1934. The most surprising general revelation in the long-term chronological data on party militancy is the extraordinary percentage of politicians who were nominally party members, essentially only registering as a party member, or who were not known to have any party affiliation.
Birch Sarah
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199606160
- eISBN:
- 9780191731693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606160.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter shows that the manipulation of electoral institutions is a powerful means of retaining political power while permitting electoral competition. It also demonstrates that the manipulation ...
More
This chapter shows that the manipulation of electoral institutions is a powerful means of retaining political power while permitting electoral competition. It also demonstrates that the manipulation of electoral institutions is often combined in complex ways with other forms of electoral malpractice. More often than not, electoral legislation is altered so as to facilitate other forms of electoral manipulation and corruption. This suggests that a narrow legalistic approach to electoral reform is likely to be less successful than a more holistic approach that combines appreciation of power structures and resources at different levels of society and the political system.Less
This chapter shows that the manipulation of electoral institutions is a powerful means of retaining political power while permitting electoral competition. It also demonstrates that the manipulation of electoral institutions is often combined in complex ways with other forms of electoral malpractice. More often than not, electoral legislation is altered so as to facilitate other forms of electoral manipulation and corruption. This suggests that a narrow legalistic approach to electoral reform is likely to be less successful than a more holistic approach that combines appreciation of power structures and resources at different levels of society and the political system.
Brian K. Pinaire
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804757249
- eISBN:
- 9780804779609
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804757249.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Bush v. Gore brought to the public's attention the significance of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections function in ...
More
Bush v. Gore brought to the public's attention the significance of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections function in America. This book examines one expanding domain within this larger legal context: freedom of speech in the political process, or electoral speech law. Specifically, the author examines the Court's evolving conceptions of free speech in the electoral process and then traces the consequences of various debates and determinations from the post-World War II era to the present. In his analysis of the broad range of cases from this period, supplemented by four recent case study investigations, he explores competing visions of electoral expression in the marketplace of ideas, various methods for analyzing speech dilemmas, the multiple influences that shape the justices' notions of both the potential for and privileged status of electoral communication, and the ultimate implications of these Court rulings for American democracy.Less
Bush v. Gore brought to the public's attention the significance of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections function in America. This book examines one expanding domain within this larger legal context: freedom of speech in the political process, or electoral speech law. Specifically, the author examines the Court's evolving conceptions of free speech in the electoral process and then traces the consequences of various debates and determinations from the post-World War II era to the present. In his analysis of the broad range of cases from this period, supplemented by four recent case study investigations, he explores competing visions of electoral expression in the marketplace of ideas, various methods for analyzing speech dilemmas, the multiple influences that shape the justices' notions of both the potential for and privileged status of electoral communication, and the ultimate implications of these Court rulings for American democracy.
Elisabeth Carter
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070488
- eISBN:
- 9781781701966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070488.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter establishes the extent to which the four sets of explanations of electoral fortunes may account for the performance of right-wing extremist parties in Western Europe. It is suggested ...
More
This chapter establishes the extent to which the four sets of explanations of electoral fortunes may account for the performance of right-wing extremist parties in Western Europe. It is suggested that the type of ideology right-wing extremist parties embrace, the organization and leadership of the parties, and the different patterns of party competition at work in the various political systems under investigation are all likely to be important factors in an overall explanation for the variation in the right-wing extremist party vote. Party ideology is also significant in an overall explanation for the variation in the right-wing extremist party vote. The electoral laws governing access to the ballot, the broadcast media and state subventions play no role in an overall account of the uneven electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right. A substantial factor in the success of extreme right-wing parties is beyond the influence of established politics.Less
This chapter establishes the extent to which the four sets of explanations of electoral fortunes may account for the performance of right-wing extremist parties in Western Europe. It is suggested that the type of ideology right-wing extremist parties embrace, the organization and leadership of the parties, and the different patterns of party competition at work in the various political systems under investigation are all likely to be important factors in an overall explanation for the variation in the right-wing extremist party vote. Party ideology is also significant in an overall explanation for the variation in the right-wing extremist party vote. The electoral laws governing access to the ballot, the broadcast media and state subventions play no role in an overall account of the uneven electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right. A substantial factor in the success of extreme right-wing parties is beyond the influence of established politics.
Antonio M. Merlo, Vincenzo Galasso, Massimiliano Landi, and Andrea Mattozzi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199588282
- eISBN:
- 9780191595417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199588282.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics, Public and Welfare
This chapter presents a brief overview of the Italian political system. Countries differ with respect to their political institutions, which affect the way in which voters, politicians, political ...
More
This chapter presents a brief overview of the Italian political system. Countries differ with respect to their political institutions, which affect the way in which voters, politicians, political parties, the legislature, and the government interact, as well as the ‘industrial organization’ of the political sector. It presents an overview of the institutional details of the Italian political system, highlighting the role played by parties in the selection of politicians and the way in which changes in the electoral law may have affected the selection process as well as the parties' internal organization and the overall structure of the party system.Less
This chapter presents a brief overview of the Italian political system. Countries differ with respect to their political institutions, which affect the way in which voters, politicians, political parties, the legislature, and the government interact, as well as the ‘industrial organization’ of the political sector. It presents an overview of the institutional details of the Italian political system, highlighting the role played by parties in the selection of politicians and the way in which changes in the electoral law may have affected the selection process as well as the parties' internal organization and the overall structure of the party system.
András Sajó
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- October 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198864738
- eISBN:
- 9780191896774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198864738.003.0019
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Regimes that operate in a democratic manner without offering the possibility of changes in who rules the country represent the ultimate problem of illiberal democracies and authoritarian rule in ...
More
Regimes that operate in a democratic manner without offering the possibility of changes in who rules the country represent the ultimate problem of illiberal democracies and authoritarian rule in general. The shaping of the electoral system in the 1860s and 1870s in England and Hungary was decisive for regime building. In liberal Hungary, the franchise and the electoral system were frozen because of nationalist hegemony. In consequence the governing party remained in power until the collapse of the country in 1918. In England, accidental reform enabled in the long run adaptation to social change and rather peaceful incorporation into the electorate of the working classes, which were thought in Hungary in the 1860s as dangerous, risking the establishment of national minorities. The Hungarian parliamentary debate indicates the importance of comparative constitutional law for liberalism.Less
Regimes that operate in a democratic manner without offering the possibility of changes in who rules the country represent the ultimate problem of illiberal democracies and authoritarian rule in general. The shaping of the electoral system in the 1860s and 1870s in England and Hungary was decisive for regime building. In liberal Hungary, the franchise and the electoral system were frozen because of nationalist hegemony. In consequence the governing party remained in power until the collapse of the country in 1918. In England, accidental reform enabled in the long run adaptation to social change and rather peaceful incorporation into the electorate of the working classes, which were thought in Hungary in the 1860s as dangerous, risking the establishment of national minorities. The Hungarian parliamentary debate indicates the importance of comparative constitutional law for liberalism.
Birch Sarah
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199606160
- eISBN:
- 9780191731693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606160.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This concluding chapter reviews the findings of the study, draws out their implications for policymakers, and suggests directions for future research. It argues that election reform and assistance ...
More
This concluding chapter reviews the findings of the study, draws out their implications for policymakers, and suggests directions for future research. It argues that election reform and assistance efforts ought to focus more on the ‘up‐stream’ aspects of an election, including the drafting of electoral legislation and the conduct of the campaign.Less
This concluding chapter reviews the findings of the study, draws out their implications for policymakers, and suggests directions for future research. It argues that election reform and assistance efforts ought to focus more on the ‘up‐stream’ aspects of an election, including the drafting of electoral legislation and the conduct of the campaign.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804757249
- eISBN:
- 9780804779609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804757249.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This introductory chapter sets out the book's main theme—the nature and process of freedom of speech within the course of campaigns and elections, or what is referred to as the constitution of ...
More
This introductory chapter sets out the book's main theme—the nature and process of freedom of speech within the course of campaigns and elections, or what is referred to as the constitution of electoral speech law. It argues that electoral speech is unique because of its situation within and impact upon the electoral process, necessarily requiring consideration of the customs, values, and inclinations associated with the maintenance of democratic forms, institutions, and practices themselves. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's main theme—the nature and process of freedom of speech within the course of campaigns and elections, or what is referred to as the constitution of electoral speech law. It argues that electoral speech is unique because of its situation within and impact upon the electoral process, necessarily requiring consideration of the customs, values, and inclinations associated with the maintenance of democratic forms, institutions, and practices themselves. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804757249
- eISBN:
- 9780804779609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804757249.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the techniques, tactics, devices, and schemes that have the potential to constitute the manner means by which the justices “see” the speech question before them. What the ...
More
This chapter examines the techniques, tactics, devices, and schemes that have the potential to constitute the manner means by which the justices “see” the speech question before them. What the members of the Court “have in mind” is especially important in that such contours influence their decisions. The chapter begins by discussing the general significance of the role of imagery in argument and develops the claim that the particular and literal “vision” of the case is critical to its ultimate resolution. It considers evident preferences for certain dimensions of electoral expression and the role for persuasion in the constitution of electoral speech law. Finally, the chapter turns to the role of and for perception, but specifically the significance of “schemata,” or those categories of the mind which represent an individual's “complex set of beliefs and feelings about some area of experience”.Less
This chapter examines the techniques, tactics, devices, and schemes that have the potential to constitute the manner means by which the justices “see” the speech question before them. What the members of the Court “have in mind” is especially important in that such contours influence their decisions. The chapter begins by discussing the general significance of the role of imagery in argument and develops the claim that the particular and literal “vision” of the case is critical to its ultimate resolution. It considers evident preferences for certain dimensions of electoral expression and the role for persuasion in the constitution of electoral speech law. Finally, the chapter turns to the role of and for perception, but specifically the significance of “schemata,” or those categories of the mind which represent an individual's “complex set of beliefs and feelings about some area of experience”.
Thomas F. Remington
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300084986
- eISBN:
- 9780300129762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300084986.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Political History
The new Russian constitution and the electoral law determined the general outlines of the structure of the Federal Assembly. The deputies that won in the December 1993 elections adopted specific ...
More
The new Russian constitution and the electoral law determined the general outlines of the structure of the Federal Assembly. The deputies that won in the December 1993 elections adopted specific rules and procedures to govern both chambers of parliament, each of which was organized very differently from one another to reflect their different constitutional status and electoral bases. While the Duma chose a system of party-based power sharing, the Federation Council opted for a simplified system of chairman and committee chairs. This chapter focuses on the organization of the Federal Assembly of Russia. It first provides an overview of the 1993 election and the emergence of deputy factions in the Duma before turning to the adoption of new rules for the Duma and power sharing among the factions. It then discusses the 1995 Duma elections and the Duma's internal structures, legislative procedure, and constitutional reform in 1996–1999.Less
The new Russian constitution and the electoral law determined the general outlines of the structure of the Federal Assembly. The deputies that won in the December 1993 elections adopted specific rules and procedures to govern both chambers of parliament, each of which was organized very differently from one another to reflect their different constitutional status and electoral bases. While the Duma chose a system of party-based power sharing, the Federation Council opted for a simplified system of chairman and committee chairs. This chapter focuses on the organization of the Federal Assembly of Russia. It first provides an overview of the 1993 election and the emergence of deputy factions in the Duma before turning to the adoption of new rules for the Duma and power sharing among the factions. It then discusses the 1995 Duma elections and the Duma's internal structures, legislative procedure, and constitutional reform in 1996–1999.