George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this afterword, the author discusses the events surrounding the 2000 U.S. Presidential election, in which George W. Bush became President based on a Supreme Court ruling that gave him the majority ...
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In this afterword, the author discusses the events surrounding the 2000 U.S. Presidential election, in which George W. Bush became President based on a Supreme Court ruling that gave him the majority in the electoral college, defeating Vice President Al Gore, who had won the popular vote. The widely held ideal of a popular democracy is contrasted with the reality of the Twelfth Amendment system of electoral votes, and the author asserts that such contrasts point to the ongoing conflict between our “two constitutions” and our own sense of nationhood. Issues of voter disenfranchisement raised in the election are also examined.Less
In this afterword, the author discusses the events surrounding the 2000 U.S. Presidential election, in which George W. Bush became President based on a Supreme Court ruling that gave him the majority in the electoral college, defeating Vice President Al Gore, who had won the popular vote. The widely held ideal of a popular democracy is contrasted with the reality of the Twelfth Amendment system of electoral votes, and the author asserts that such contrasts point to the ongoing conflict between our “two constitutions” and our own sense of nationhood. Issues of voter disenfranchisement raised in the election are also examined.
Christopher J. Anderson, André Blais, Shaun Bowler, Todd Donovan, and Ola Listhaug
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199276387
- eISBN:
- 9780191602719
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276382.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examines the question of whether electoral losers will try to change the rules of the game or will stop participating in politics altogether. Expectations of future loss are likely to have an ...
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Examines the question of whether electoral losers will try to change the rules of the game or will stop participating in politics altogether. Expectations of future loss are likely to have an important impact when citizens are asked to consider replacing the current status quo institutions with another set. Examining proposed and enacted institutional reforms in a variety of areas and countries, we find that losers by and large are more likely to support changes in institutional practices. The findings help to demonstrate that losing is an important part of the motor that drives institutional change. While losing does not presage a disaster or an abrupt end to democratic practices, it does seem to be one of the first steps in the direction of change and reform. One of the difficulties facing the design of democratic institutions is to have institutions that make losers, but not permanent losers, and to allow current losers some reasonable chance of winning in future periods.Less
Examines the question of whether electoral losers will try to change the rules of the game or will stop participating in politics altogether. Expectations of future loss are likely to have an important impact when citizens are asked to consider replacing the current status quo institutions with another set. Examining proposed and enacted institutional reforms in a variety of areas and countries, we find that losers by and large are more likely to support changes in institutional practices. The findings help to demonstrate that losing is an important part of the motor that drives institutional change. While losing does not presage a disaster or an abrupt end to democratic practices, it does seem to be one of the first steps in the direction of change and reform. One of the difficulties facing the design of democratic institutions is to have institutions that make losers, but not permanent losers, and to allow current losers some reasonable chance of winning in future periods.
Daron R. Shaw
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226751337
- eISBN:
- 9780226751368
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226751368.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The Electoral College has played an important role in presidential politics since America's founding, but surprisingly little information exists about precisely how it affects campaign strategy. This ...
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The Electoral College has played an important role in presidential politics since America's founding, but surprisingly little information exists about precisely how it affects campaign strategy. This book goes inside the past two presidential elections and reveals how the race to 270 was won—and lost. The author's nonpartisan study lays out how both the Democrats and the Republicans developed strategies to win decisive electoral votes by targeting specific states and media markets. Drawing on his own experience with Republican battle plans, candidate schedules, and advertising purchases—plus key contacts in the Gore and Kerry camps—the author goes on to show that both sides used information on weekly shifts in candidate support to reallocate media buys and schedule appearances. Most importantly, he uses original research to prove that these carefully constructed plans significantly affected voters' preferences and opinions—not in huge numbers, but enough to shift critical votes in key battlegrounds. Bridging the gap between those who study campaigns and those who conduct them, the book provides insights about the new strategies that stem from one of America's oldest institutions.Less
The Electoral College has played an important role in presidential politics since America's founding, but surprisingly little information exists about precisely how it affects campaign strategy. This book goes inside the past two presidential elections and reveals how the race to 270 was won—and lost. The author's nonpartisan study lays out how both the Democrats and the Republicans developed strategies to win decisive electoral votes by targeting specific states and media markets. Drawing on his own experience with Republican battle plans, candidate schedules, and advertising purchases—plus key contacts in the Gore and Kerry camps—the author goes on to show that both sides used information on weekly shifts in candidate support to reallocate media buys and schedule appearances. Most importantly, he uses original research to prove that these carefully constructed plans significantly affected voters' preferences and opinions—not in huge numbers, but enough to shift critical votes in key battlegrounds. Bridging the gap between those who study campaigns and those who conduct them, the book provides insights about the new strategies that stem from one of America's oldest institutions.
Robert M. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190939427
- eISBN:
- 9780190939465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190939427.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This chapter examines common arguments surrounding the Electoral College. Many of these arguments were present with the 2016 presidential election. The election marked the sixth time the popular vote ...
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This chapter examines common arguments surrounding the Electoral College. Many of these arguments were present with the 2016 presidential election. The election marked the sixth time the popular vote winner did not win the Electoral College vote. It also witnessed the largest number of faithless votes for president in history. Lastly, it marked the second time in the last three elections that a state split its electoral vote total. Each represents a common criticism of the institution. Proponents of the body suggested the institution worked as it should—especially in regard to protecting the interests of less populated states and supporting the two-party system. All arguments over the Electoral College ultimately relate to issues over representation. The chapter concludes by examining historical controversies relating to the Electoral College and several reform efforts aimed at the body.Less
This chapter examines common arguments surrounding the Electoral College. Many of these arguments were present with the 2016 presidential election. The election marked the sixth time the popular vote winner did not win the Electoral College vote. It also witnessed the largest number of faithless votes for president in history. Lastly, it marked the second time in the last three elections that a state split its electoral vote total. Each represents a common criticism of the institution. Proponents of the body suggested the institution worked as it should—especially in regard to protecting the interests of less populated states and supporting the two-party system. All arguments over the Electoral College ultimately relate to issues over representation. The chapter concludes by examining historical controversies relating to the Electoral College and several reform efforts aimed at the body.
George C. Edwards III
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300243888
- eISBN:
- 9780300249651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300243888.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter summarizes the findings of the previous chapters and concludes that electoral colleges violate political equality. It argues that the electoral college system is obsolete. The United ...
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This chapter summarizes the findings of the previous chapters and concludes that electoral colleges violate political equality. It argues that the electoral college system is obsolete. The United States is now the only country that elects a politically powerful president via an electoral college and the only one in which a candidate can become president without having obtained the highest number of votes in the sole or final round of popular voting. The chapter indicates that recent reforms in democratic countries have replaced indirect procedures with direct popular voting. In this light, the chapter offers alternatives to the electoral college and considers some prospects for change.Less
This chapter summarizes the findings of the previous chapters and concludes that electoral colleges violate political equality. It argues that the electoral college system is obsolete. The United States is now the only country that elects a politically powerful president via an electoral college and the only one in which a candidate can become president without having obtained the highest number of votes in the sole or final round of popular voting. The chapter indicates that recent reforms in democratic countries have replaced indirect procedures with direct popular voting. In this light, the chapter offers alternatives to the electoral college and considers some prospects for change.
Robert M. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190939427
- eISBN:
- 9780190939465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190939427.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This chapter details applicable theories of representation relative to the Electoral College. It examines how representation has been operationalized over time, paying specific attention to Hannah ...
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This chapter details applicable theories of representation relative to the Electoral College. It examines how representation has been operationalized over time, paying specific attention to Hannah Pitkin’s seminal work on the topic. Using her concepts of formalistic, descriptive, symbolic, and substantive representation provides a common framework to evaluate how the Electoral College performs relative to these standards. Edmund Burke’s distinction between delegate representation and trustee representation further aids the objective assessment of the Electoral College relative to expectations regarding representation. An examination of how electoral rules affect different dimensions of representation is undertaken in a comparative context. Analyzing how different nations use different electoral systems provides greater insight into what the Electoral College process emphasizes regarding representation. Acknowledging the importance and potential tension among popular sovereignty, federalism, and legitimacy is essential in evaluating the merits of the Electoral College.Less
This chapter details applicable theories of representation relative to the Electoral College. It examines how representation has been operationalized over time, paying specific attention to Hannah Pitkin’s seminal work on the topic. Using her concepts of formalistic, descriptive, symbolic, and substantive representation provides a common framework to evaluate how the Electoral College performs relative to these standards. Edmund Burke’s distinction between delegate representation and trustee representation further aids the objective assessment of the Electoral College relative to expectations regarding representation. An examination of how electoral rules affect different dimensions of representation is undertaken in a comparative context. Analyzing how different nations use different electoral systems provides greater insight into what the Electoral College process emphasizes regarding representation. Acknowledging the importance and potential tension among popular sovereignty, federalism, and legitimacy is essential in evaluating the merits of the Electoral College.
Thomas E. Mann (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300108569
- eISBN:
- 9780300133189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300108569.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter argues that the American electoral system is broken and in need of fixing even after the implementation of congressionally mandated reforms following the 2000 presidential election. In ...
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This chapter argues that the American electoral system is broken and in need of fixing even after the implementation of congressionally mandated reforms following the 2000 presidential election. In 2004, the problem arose from unsolved questions about touch-screen voting machines and provisional ballots. In addition, the McCain-Feingold legislation has failed to address the campaign for finance reform. The chapter first provides an overview of how American politics became highly polarized before turning to the problems of campaign finance. It then discusses the electoral college and the process of gerrymandering and how the political polarization of Congress has intensified due to the highly politicized redistricting efforts by both Democrats and Republicans. The chapter proposes a reform agenda designed to make the United States's electoral system truly work.Less
This chapter argues that the American electoral system is broken and in need of fixing even after the implementation of congressionally mandated reforms following the 2000 presidential election. In 2004, the problem arose from unsolved questions about touch-screen voting machines and provisional ballots. In addition, the McCain-Feingold legislation has failed to address the campaign for finance reform. The chapter first provides an overview of how American politics became highly polarized before turning to the problems of campaign finance. It then discusses the electoral college and the process of gerrymandering and how the political polarization of Congress has intensified due to the highly politicized redistricting efforts by both Democrats and Republicans. The chapter proposes a reform agenda designed to make the United States's electoral system truly work.
Christopher J. Devine and Kyle C. Kopko
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781784993375
- eISBN:
- 9781526109934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784993375.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter reviews the historical record to determine whether such a decisive home state advantage has ever happened, and concludes that it has not. Even so, it is possible that a decisive ...
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This chapter reviews the historical record to determine whether such a decisive home state advantage has ever happened, and concludes that it has not. Even so, it is possible that a decisive advantage could happen, and that it might have happened if in past close elections a presidential candidate had selected a different running mate. This chapter estimates the counterfactual effect of a vice presidential finalist who was not chosen by the presidential candidate, based upon past empirical predictors of state voting. In one instance, the results suggests that a running mate could have provided an electorally decisive home state advantage. Specifically, had Al Gore selected then-Governor Jeanne Shaheen in the 2000 presidential election as his running mate, all things being equal, the counterfactual Gore/Shaheen ticket would have won New Hampshire’s electoral votes, and with it a majority of votes in the Electoral College.Less
This chapter reviews the historical record to determine whether such a decisive home state advantage has ever happened, and concludes that it has not. Even so, it is possible that a decisive advantage could happen, and that it might have happened if in past close elections a presidential candidate had selected a different running mate. This chapter estimates the counterfactual effect of a vice presidential finalist who was not chosen by the presidential candidate, based upon past empirical predictors of state voting. In one instance, the results suggests that a running mate could have provided an electorally decisive home state advantage. Specifically, had Al Gore selected then-Governor Jeanne Shaheen in the 2000 presidential election as his running mate, all things being equal, the counterfactual Gore/Shaheen ticket would have won New Hampshire’s electoral votes, and with it a majority of votes in the Electoral College.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
During 1944, an anti-New Deal group of wealthy men known as the Texas Regulars attempted to seize control of the Texas Democratic Party in order to deny President Roosevelt Texas's electoral college ...
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During 1944, an anti-New Deal group of wealthy men known as the Texas Regulars attempted to seize control of the Texas Democratic Party in order to deny President Roosevelt Texas's electoral college votes. Cunningham was one of the leaders of the Texas New Dealers who resisted the Regulars. She ran for governor in 1944 in an attempt to expose Governor Coke Stevenson's ties to the Regulars, and helped establish the Texas Social and Legislative Conference to unite New Deal farmers and unions against the Regulars. When the Regulars attempted to take over the University of Texas, Cunningham organized the Women's Committee for Educational Freedom to defend academic freedom at the university, and to attempt to elect Homer Rainey, an opponent of the Regulars, as governor in 1946.Less
During 1944, an anti-New Deal group of wealthy men known as the Texas Regulars attempted to seize control of the Texas Democratic Party in order to deny President Roosevelt Texas's electoral college votes. Cunningham was one of the leaders of the Texas New Dealers who resisted the Regulars. She ran for governor in 1944 in an attempt to expose Governor Coke Stevenson's ties to the Regulars, and helped establish the Texas Social and Legislative Conference to unite New Deal farmers and unions against the Regulars. When the Regulars attempted to take over the University of Texas, Cunningham organized the Women's Committee for Educational Freedom to defend academic freedom at the university, and to attempt to elect Homer Rainey, an opponent of the Regulars, as governor in 1946.
George C. Edwards III
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300243888
- eISBN:
- 9780300249651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300243888.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter traces the origins of the electoral college. The Constitution's framers chose a unique and complex method of selecting the president—one that clearly violates fundamental tenets of ...
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This chapter traces the origins of the electoral college. The Constitution's framers chose a unique and complex method of selecting the president—one that clearly violates fundamental tenets of political equality and majority rule. As such, this chapter considers the historical motivations behind the founding of electoral colleges, such as slavery, legislative intrigue, population differences, and voter parochialism. Afterward, it argues that most of the motivations behind the creation of the electoral college are irrelevant today and can be easily dismissed. In addition, the broad thrust of constitutional revision over the past two centuries has been in the direction of democratization and majority rule.Less
This chapter traces the origins of the electoral college. The Constitution's framers chose a unique and complex method of selecting the president—one that clearly violates fundamental tenets of political equality and majority rule. As such, this chapter considers the historical motivations behind the founding of electoral colleges, such as slavery, legislative intrigue, population differences, and voter parochialism. Afterward, it argues that most of the motivations behind the creation of the electoral college are irrelevant today and can be easily dismissed. In addition, the broad thrust of constitutional revision over the past two centuries has been in the direction of democratization and majority rule.
George C. Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300243888
- eISBN:
- 9780300249651
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300243888.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This is the third edition of the definitive book on the unique system by which Americans choose a presidents, and why that system should be changed. It is a critique of the U.S. electoral college and ...
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This is the third edition of the definitive book on the unique system by which Americans choose a presidents, and why that system should be changed. It is a critique of the U.S. electoral college and includes a new chapter focusing on the 2016 election. The book examines the function of the electoral college during the 2016 presidential elections and argues that the electoral college did not work as it should have. The book claims that the electoral college distorted the electoral process and gave the candidates strong incentives to ignore most of the country. It did not guarantee victory to the candidate receiving the most votes, nor ensure national harmony, nor provide the winner a broad coalition and a mandate to govern. The book asserts that there is a need to focus directly and systematically on the core questions surrounding the electoral college and assess whether its role in American democracy is justified.Less
This is the third edition of the definitive book on the unique system by which Americans choose a presidents, and why that system should be changed. It is a critique of the U.S. electoral college and includes a new chapter focusing on the 2016 election. The book examines the function of the electoral college during the 2016 presidential elections and argues that the electoral college did not work as it should have. The book claims that the electoral college distorted the electoral process and gave the candidates strong incentives to ignore most of the country. It did not guarantee victory to the candidate receiving the most votes, nor ensure national harmony, nor provide the winner a broad coalition and a mandate to govern. The book asserts that there is a need to focus directly and systematically on the core questions surrounding the electoral college and assess whether its role in American democracy is justified.
Robert M. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190939427
- eISBN:
- 9780190939465
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190939427.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This book evaluates the Electoral College as it relates to relevant theories of representation. The purpose of the study is to help readers understand the ways in which the institution does or does ...
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This book evaluates the Electoral College as it relates to relevant theories of representation. The purpose of the study is to help readers understand the ways in which the institution does or does not align with expectations relating to representative democracy. In the aftermath of the 2016 election, heated calls to abolish the Electoral College were made in large part because the winning candidate received nearly 3 million fewer votes from across the country than his opponent. At the same time, many lauded the institution for working as intended—particularly as it relates to federalism. The Electoral College is a unique institution. It is also one of the most debated institutions in American politics. Many arguments concerning the body—it protects less populated states, it helps preserve federalism, it violates the one-person, one-vote principle, it forces candidates to produce broad-based coalitions—rarely receive the depth of attention they deserve. This book sets out to do this by examining the origin, evolution, and practice of the Electoral College. Much of the controversy relating to the institution revolves around whether we rely on the original or the evolved Electoral College to inform our perspective. Understanding the origin and evolution of the body allows us to more appropriately evaluate contemporary arguments over the institution. In addition to looking at common arguments relating to the Electoral College, this study pays particular attention to its role in the 2016 election and the often overlooked but essential position of presidential electors.Less
This book evaluates the Electoral College as it relates to relevant theories of representation. The purpose of the study is to help readers understand the ways in which the institution does or does not align with expectations relating to representative democracy. In the aftermath of the 2016 election, heated calls to abolish the Electoral College were made in large part because the winning candidate received nearly 3 million fewer votes from across the country than his opponent. At the same time, many lauded the institution for working as intended—particularly as it relates to federalism. The Electoral College is a unique institution. It is also one of the most debated institutions in American politics. Many arguments concerning the body—it protects less populated states, it helps preserve federalism, it violates the one-person, one-vote principle, it forces candidates to produce broad-based coalitions—rarely receive the depth of attention they deserve. This book sets out to do this by examining the origin, evolution, and practice of the Electoral College. Much of the controversy relating to the institution revolves around whether we rely on the original or the evolved Electoral College to inform our perspective. Understanding the origin and evolution of the body allows us to more appropriately evaluate contemporary arguments over the institution. In addition to looking at common arguments relating to the Electoral College, this study pays particular attention to its role in the 2016 election and the often overlooked but essential position of presidential electors.
George C. Edwards III
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300243888
- eISBN:
- 9780300249651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300243888.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the function of the electoral college during the controversial 2016 presidential elections. It argues that the electoral college did not work at all as its defenders said it ...
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This chapter examines the function of the electoral college during the controversial 2016 presidential elections. It argues that the electoral college did not work at all as its defenders said it would. Instead of encouraging candidates to take their cases to the entire country and pay special attention to small states, it distorted the electoral process and gave the candidates strong incentives to ignore most of the country, especially the smallest states. It did not guarantee victory to the candidate receiving the most votes. It did not ensure national harmony, and it did not provide the winner a broad coalition and a mandate to govern. Moreover, the electoral college did not preclude extreme partisan polarization. As such, the chapter asserts that there is a need to focus directly and systematically on the core questions surrounding the electoral college and assess whether it warrants a role in American democracy.Less
This chapter examines the function of the electoral college during the controversial 2016 presidential elections. It argues that the electoral college did not work at all as its defenders said it would. Instead of encouraging candidates to take their cases to the entire country and pay special attention to small states, it distorted the electoral process and gave the candidates strong incentives to ignore most of the country, especially the smallest states. It did not guarantee victory to the candidate receiving the most votes. It did not ensure national harmony, and it did not provide the winner a broad coalition and a mandate to govern. Moreover, the electoral college did not preclude extreme partisan polarization. As such, the chapter asserts that there is a need to focus directly and systematically on the core questions surrounding the electoral college and assess whether it warrants a role in American democracy.
Sanford Levinson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199890750
- eISBN:
- 9780190260088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199890750.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on the United States's presidential form of government at the national level and the gubernatorial form at the state level. It first describes the defining features of ...
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This chapter focuses on the United States's presidential form of government at the national level and the gubernatorial form at the state level. It first describes the defining features of presidentialism and gubernatorialism as spelled out in the U.S. Constitution before turning to a discussion of the electoral college and why it was adopted at the 1787 Philadelphia Convention, along with the views of Alexander Hamilton and Akhil Amar regarding the electoral college as a means of choosing a president. It then considers the importance of state autonomy concerning voting rules, the Twelfth Amendment as the legitimation of the party system, why the electoral college survives, and proposed changes to the electoral college. Finally, it examines the FairVote proposal to reform the system by which presidents are elected.Less
This chapter focuses on the United States's presidential form of government at the national level and the gubernatorial form at the state level. It first describes the defining features of presidentialism and gubernatorialism as spelled out in the U.S. Constitution before turning to a discussion of the electoral college and why it was adopted at the 1787 Philadelphia Convention, along with the views of Alexander Hamilton and Akhil Amar regarding the electoral college as a means of choosing a president. It then considers the importance of state autonomy concerning voting rules, the Twelfth Amendment as the legitimation of the party system, why the electoral college survives, and proposed changes to the electoral college. Finally, it examines the FairVote proposal to reform the system by which presidents are elected.
David Brian Robertson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199796298
- eISBN:
- 9780199979707
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796298.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Executive power created serious challenges for the delegates' republican ideals. Scheming political opportunists in the Congress could overwhelm a weak president; but an executive with too much power ...
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Executive power created serious challenges for the delegates' republican ideals. Scheming political opportunists in the Congress could overwhelm a weak president; but an executive with too much power could lead to tyranny. At first, most delegates were content to allow Congress to choose and control the executive. Some favored a multiple executive with three individuals serving in the office. After the Connecticut Compromise, James Madison and other broad nationalists demanded a process for choosing the president that would better ensure his independence from Congress. Roger Sherman and many other narrow nationalists supported Congressional selection of the president. Finally, a Committee on Postponed Matters produced a plan for special electors, chosen by the states, to select the president. In this Electoral College, the number of votes for each state would equal the number of Senators and Representatives elected from each state.Less
Executive power created serious challenges for the delegates' republican ideals. Scheming political opportunists in the Congress could overwhelm a weak president; but an executive with too much power could lead to tyranny. At first, most delegates were content to allow Congress to choose and control the executive. Some favored a multiple executive with three individuals serving in the office. After the Connecticut Compromise, James Madison and other broad nationalists demanded a process for choosing the president that would better ensure his independence from Congress. Roger Sherman and many other narrow nationalists supported Congressional selection of the president. Finally, a Committee on Postponed Matters produced a plan for special electors, chosen by the states, to select the president. In this Electoral College, the number of votes for each state would equal the number of Senators and Representatives elected from each state.
Thomas M. Holbrook
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190269128
- eISBN:
- 9780190632809
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190269128.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This book looks at change in party fortunes in presidential elections since 1972, documenting the magnitude, direction, and consequences of changes in party support in the states. It finds that the ...
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This book looks at change in party fortunes in presidential elections since 1972, documenting the magnitude, direction, and consequences of changes in party support in the states. It finds that the Democrats do not have a “lock” on the Electoral College, but that their position has improved dramatically over the past forty years in a number of formerly competitive or Republican-leaning states in the Northeast, Southeast, and Southwest. Republican candidates have made many fewer gains, mostly improving their position in “misplaced,” formerly Democratic states, such as Kentucky and West Virginia, or in already deeply Republican states in the Plains and Mountain West. The book looks at the ways that changes in the racial and ethnic composition of the state electorates, internal (state to state) and external (foreign born) migratory patterns, and changes in other key demographic and political characteristics drive these changes. Additionally, it explores the ways in which increasing partisan polarization at the national level has altered group-based party linkages and contributed to changes in party support at the state level. These factors, along with an increasingly inefficient distribution of Republican votes, have converted what was once a Republican edge in electoral votes to an advantage for Democratic presidential candidates.Less
This book looks at change in party fortunes in presidential elections since 1972, documenting the magnitude, direction, and consequences of changes in party support in the states. It finds that the Democrats do not have a “lock” on the Electoral College, but that their position has improved dramatically over the past forty years in a number of formerly competitive or Republican-leaning states in the Northeast, Southeast, and Southwest. Republican candidates have made many fewer gains, mostly improving their position in “misplaced,” formerly Democratic states, such as Kentucky and West Virginia, or in already deeply Republican states in the Plains and Mountain West. The book looks at the ways that changes in the racial and ethnic composition of the state electorates, internal (state to state) and external (foreign born) migratory patterns, and changes in other key demographic and political characteristics drive these changes. Additionally, it explores the ways in which increasing partisan polarization at the national level has altered group-based party linkages and contributed to changes in party support at the state level. These factors, along with an increasingly inefficient distribution of Republican votes, have converted what was once a Republican edge in electoral votes to an advantage for Democratic presidential candidates.
Thomas M. Holbrook
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190269128
- eISBN:
- 9780190632809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190269128.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This chapter summarizes key findings and presents some final thoughts. This book examines two related propositions. The first is that there has been a shift in power over time that has resulted in ...
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This chapter summarizes key findings and presents some final thoughts. This book examines two related propositions. The first is that there has been a shift in power over time that has resulted in something like a Democratic “lock” on the Electoral College. The second is that changes in state demographic characteristics—in particular changes in the racial and ethnic composition of key states—have moved some states from the Republican to the Democratic column. Evidence presented in the preceding five chapters shows that while there is some truth to both propositions, the full story is more complicated. The chapter also considers trends in key population characteristics over the last few election cycles and identifies states in which the trends favor one party over the other. Based on these trends, we can get a sense of the potential for either party to realize gains in relative strength in the futureLess
This chapter summarizes key findings and presents some final thoughts. This book examines two related propositions. The first is that there has been a shift in power over time that has resulted in something like a Democratic “lock” on the Electoral College. The second is that changes in state demographic characteristics—in particular changes in the racial and ethnic composition of key states—have moved some states from the Republican to the Democratic column. Evidence presented in the preceding five chapters shows that while there is some truth to both propositions, the full story is more complicated. The chapter also considers trends in key population characteristics over the last few election cycles and identifies states in which the trends favor one party over the other. Based on these trends, we can get a sense of the potential for either party to realize gains in relative strength in the future
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195647518
- eISBN:
- 9780199081400
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195647518.003.0030
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter considers Gokhale’s proposal for separate electorates. This approach coincided with that of the sub-committee of the viceroy’s Executive Council (the Arundel Committee) on the advice of ...
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This chapter considers Gokhale’s proposal for separate electorates. This approach coincided with that of the sub-committee of the viceroy’s Executive Council (the Arundel Committee) on the advice of which the Government of India framed its (Simla) proposals in 1907. The scheme announced by Morley on 17 December 1908, however, made a radical departure in favour of ‘electoral colleges’ to which a fixed number of Muslims and Hindus were to be returned ‘in the ratio of population’; these ‘colleges’ were later to elect members of the provincial councils in like proportions. The combination of joint electorates and proportional representation was intended to serve the twofold purpose of securing equitable Muslim representation and preserving harmonious relations between the two communities. However, the bulk of the Muslim educated class was in no mood to accept joint electorates.Less
This chapter considers Gokhale’s proposal for separate electorates. This approach coincided with that of the sub-committee of the viceroy’s Executive Council (the Arundel Committee) on the advice of which the Government of India framed its (Simla) proposals in 1907. The scheme announced by Morley on 17 December 1908, however, made a radical departure in favour of ‘electoral colleges’ to which a fixed number of Muslims and Hindus were to be returned ‘in the ratio of population’; these ‘colleges’ were later to elect members of the provincial councils in like proportions. The combination of joint electorates and proportional representation was intended to serve the twofold purpose of securing equitable Muslim representation and preserving harmonious relations between the two communities. However, the bulk of the Muslim educated class was in no mood to accept joint electorates.
Christopher J. Devine and Kyle C. Kopko
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781784993375
- eISBN:
- 9781526109934
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784993375.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The perception of a vice presidential home state advantage (HSA) – i.e., the running mate’s ability to “deliver” a home state in a presidential election – is engrained in American politics. Even ...
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The perception of a vice presidential home state advantage (HSA) – i.e., the running mate’s ability to “deliver” a home state in a presidential election – is engrained in American politics. Even today, this perception is evident among journalists, campaign advisors, and presidential candidates. But does the perception match reality? This book presents a multi-method analysis of the vice presidential HSA, using aggregate- and individual-level data. The data indicate that, in general, there is no statistically significant vice presidential HSA. Rather, the advantage is highly conditional; it occurs only when the candidate has extensive political experience within a relatively less-populous state. There is no clear evidence that a vice presidential HSA has influenced the outcome of a presidential election since 1884 – including the 1960 election; Lyndon Johnson was far less popular in Texas and the South than typically assumed, and therefore unlikely to have “delivered” those states to the Democratic ticket. However, empirical evidence indicates that a running mate could, under narrow circumstances, change the outcome of an election. Specifically, Al Gore could have won the 2000 presidential election had he selected then-Governor Jeanne Shaheen as his running mate. Further analysis indicates that vice presidential candidate evaluations influence vote choice, but much less so than presidential candidate evaluations. Based on the totality of evidence, the electoral influence of vice presidential candidates, particularly in home states, is minimal. Vice presidential selection, therefore, should focus far more on an individual’s qualifications to be vice president than the candidate’s ability to “deliver” an electoral advantage.Less
The perception of a vice presidential home state advantage (HSA) – i.e., the running mate’s ability to “deliver” a home state in a presidential election – is engrained in American politics. Even today, this perception is evident among journalists, campaign advisors, and presidential candidates. But does the perception match reality? This book presents a multi-method analysis of the vice presidential HSA, using aggregate- and individual-level data. The data indicate that, in general, there is no statistically significant vice presidential HSA. Rather, the advantage is highly conditional; it occurs only when the candidate has extensive political experience within a relatively less-populous state. There is no clear evidence that a vice presidential HSA has influenced the outcome of a presidential election since 1884 – including the 1960 election; Lyndon Johnson was far less popular in Texas and the South than typically assumed, and therefore unlikely to have “delivered” those states to the Democratic ticket. However, empirical evidence indicates that a running mate could, under narrow circumstances, change the outcome of an election. Specifically, Al Gore could have won the 2000 presidential election had he selected then-Governor Jeanne Shaheen as his running mate. Further analysis indicates that vice presidential candidate evaluations influence vote choice, but much less so than presidential candidate evaluations. Based on the totality of evidence, the electoral influence of vice presidential candidates, particularly in home states, is minimal. Vice presidential selection, therefore, should focus far more on an individual’s qualifications to be vice president than the candidate’s ability to “deliver” an electoral advantage.
Edmund F. Kallina
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034850
- eISBN:
- 9780813038599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034850.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The Kennedy–Nixon contest fell into three phases. The first ran from the end of the Republican convention to the eve of the first presidential debate, July 28–September 25. The second encompassed the ...
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The Kennedy–Nixon contest fell into three phases. The first ran from the end of the Republican convention to the eve of the first presidential debate, July 28–September 25. The second encompassed the period of the four presidential debates, September 26–October 21. The final stage was the last two and a half weeks of the campaign, October 22–November 7. Kennedy prevailed in the first two rounds, but Nixon closed with a rush and almost pulled off a political upset that, if he had managed it, would have ranked second only to Harry Truman's comeback victory in 1948.Less
The Kennedy–Nixon contest fell into three phases. The first ran from the end of the Republican convention to the eve of the first presidential debate, July 28–September 25. The second encompassed the period of the four presidential debates, September 26–October 21. The final stage was the last two and a half weeks of the campaign, October 22–November 7. Kennedy prevailed in the first two rounds, but Nixon closed with a rush and almost pulled off a political upset that, if he had managed it, would have ranked second only to Harry Truman's comeback victory in 1948.
