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The traditional view of Mexican leadership suggests that only one significant shift in the professional training and education credentials defining technocratic politicians has occurred in the second half of the 20th century. An examination of prominent politicians since the mid-1930s suggests three distinct waves of leadership based on these credentials. These three distinct waves are important because they help explain transformations in the political system itself and because in part they are products of those very transformations. The second, well-known wave of change in educational and professional credentials is symbolized by president Carlos Salinas, and is equally dramatic in its consequences, but boasts different characteristics and produces different results. A third wave in politicians' educational and professional credentials can be discerned. As is the case of the two preceding waves, it builds on qualities which characterize each preceding wave. Again, however, there are important distinctions, the foremost being that opposition parties, but especially the PAN, contributed significantly to its overriding qualities.

The democratic era unleashed changes in leadership composition which led to leading Mexican politicians being less representative of the general population than at any time during the semi-authoritarian period prior to 2000. This finding, which applies to the geographic origins of top politicians, dispels the notion that democratic models, in all respects, are more representative than centralized, authoritarian models. Democracy and the opening of the political system to other parties actually increased the presence of birthplaces from the capital in the backgrounds of the legislative elite and among cabinet secretaries, which seems counter intuitive. It may well be that when a significant change in a political model occurs, the narrowing quality characterizing the familial pool from which leading politicians emerge in a long standing political system, again will reproduce itself over time in a newly minted political model, but drawn from a different set of families. The democratic era has influenced significantly the educational credentials of Mexico's politicians, reversing provincial public institutions' lower visibility by dramatically increasing the presence of state colleges and universities among leaders in both the executive and legislative branches.

This chapter examines whether or not observed gaps in credentials and performance between whites and minorities are larger among establishments that practice affirmative action in hiring than among those that do not. In comparing minorities with whites, there was clear evidence of weaker educational credentials among the former group but relatively little evidence of weaker performance. The chapter also stresses that employment decisions are quite sensitive to the hiring process. An overreliance on personal interviews can weaken the employment prospects of disadvantaged workers, while tests that that simulate workplace decision making are more effective than standardized testing. Furthermore, the chapter looks at the additional factors that can close the racial employment and earnings gaps, and that can improve the employment situation of young men and women.