Search Results

This chapter looks closely at the rise of state-funded English education to uncover the disciplinary role that poetry played. It shows how the naturalization of English “meter” was a crucial part of the English literary curriculum. “Meter” is placed in quotation marks because the “meter” that emerges in the state-funded classroom has little to do with the prosody wars going on outside its walls. Educational theorist Matthew Arnold's cultural metrics, in which poetry by Shakespeare, for instance, will subtly and intimately transform a student into a good citizen, is replaced by a patriotic pedagogy wherein verses written in rousing rhythms are taught as a naturally felt English “beat.” It suggests that poet and educational theorist Henry Newbolt's figure of the “drum” performed a naturalized rhythm that brought England together as a collective. The collective mass identification with (and proliferation of) patriotic verses created an even sharper divide between the high and low, elite and mass, private and public cultures of poetry in the early twentieth century.

This chapter discusses budget power that was briefly enhanced under Governor Ray Mabus at the beginning of his administration. It shows how Mabus fended off an attempt by the legislature to weaken executive budget authority by vetoing S.B. 2214. Chapter 4 explains how Mabus worked with the legislature to abolish the Fiscal Management Board and replace it with the Department of Finance and Administration (DFA). This chapter also looks at the efforts made by Mabus to get more funding for public education, more specifically, funding for Mississippi’s B.E.S.T. (Better Education for Success Tomorrow) program.

Following his controversial ascendancy to the presidency, George W. Bush promised to be a ‘uniter, not a divider’. In the field of education, he fulfilled this promise by successfully shepherding the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB) into law. Despite the highly charged partisanship of that time, he courted and won the support and co-operation of leading Democrats. Even more extraordinarily, Bush retained the support of his own party in Congress for an education bill that expanded significantly the federal government's influence and involvement in education at the state and local levels. NCLB increased federal education funding to states but reduced states' control over how they spent it. This chapter discusses the politics and policy of education reform in the United States under the Bush administration, focusing on the NCLB. It first looks at the country's previous federal education policy and then considers the passage of NCLB as well as the implementation and future of NCLB.

This chapter explores some of the major debates within social work education, particularly in relation to the development of two contrasting approaches to learning, broadly described as ‘reflective’ and ‘competence-based’. While proponents argue that the competency model results in clearer specifications and more transparent assessment methods, critics have dismissed it as a reductionist, ‘tick-box’ approach to education. Reflective learning and practice has come to be seen as a more responsive means of meeting the needs of service users. However, concerns have been raised that this model also tends to overlook the political context of social work, focusing instead on the individual. These are some of the debates explored in this chapter. Other issues that pertain to the development of social work education are also examined, including: higher education funding, course provision and the status of social work as an academic discipline.

This chapter details the specific requirements of religious education and collective worship in non-faith schools and the nature of the agreed syllabus for religious education in Birmingham. The main difference between faith and non-faith schools concerns the recruitment of teachers and other staff — for example, whether a particular faith-background can be required — and pupil selection — for example, whether this can be from a particular faith background. In schools with a religious foundation, religious education and collective worship will reflect the Trust deeds of the school, whereas those schools without a religious foundation will either follow the locally agreed syllabus or, in the case of academies and free schools, a religious education syllabus of their choosing in line with their contract with the Education Funding Agency (EFA).

This chapter discusses the propaganda warfare against British authorities in Hong Kong. The June 3 People's Daily editorial was a call on the left wing to prepare to “answer the call of the motherland” and smash the reactionary regime of British imperialism. Many leftist sympathizers believed that the editorial was an indication of the Chinese government's intention of “liberating” Hong Kong. The Hong Kong government continued to clamp down on the left wing, removing any inflammatory posters, and anyone found guilty of being connected with these inflammatory materials might be fined or imprisoned. Economic means were employed by the colonial government to force media organizations to take sides. On May 18, thirty leading businessmen in Hong Kong set up the Police Education Fund for the higher education of the children of police officers. The government earned public support for its crackdown on the disturbances.

In this chapter, I consider the extent to which my account supports equality of opportunity, understood roughly in the Rawlsian sense known as FEO (Fair Equality of Opportunity). FEO seems inconsistent with the priority view defended in Section 2. However, I argue there are powerful reasons of justice to think that justice requires limiting the ability of parents to pass on economic advantages to their children. I show an argument for equalising opportunity flows from my account of children’s wellbeing. I argue that children’s social relations with one another are dependent upon FEO, and in particular that children interact with the world as agents. This means that their lives take the shape they do because of their own actions and abilities.

Chapter 3 describes Chambers's two years in New York 1962-1964, the first at Columbia Law School and the second as the first-ever civil rights intern at the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund ("LDF"). Earlier the LDF, under the leadership of Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall, pioneered systematic strategic litigation for social change and led the legal campaign that culminated in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, which signalled the beginning of the end of state-sponsored apartheid in the American South. In 1963 LDF director-counsel Jack Greenberg selected Chambers as the first intern for a new program designed to offer prospective civil rights attorneys front-line experience at LDF headquarters in New York City plus three years of subsequent modest funding to support the establishment of new Southern law practices as allies in civil rights litigation. Chambers found the year at LDF exhilarating. Working with LDF's highly-motivated and exceptionally talented staff attorneys, Chambers traveled the South to assist with LDF cases, gaining experience and a clear vision of his professional future.

This chapter narrates how from the mid-1980s the World Bank began to lobby key functionaries of the Union and some state governments to avail Bank funding for primary education. It also elaborates why Indian academia and Anil Bordia were opposed to access Bank funding for elementary education. It explains the reasons why the Indian Government decided to explore Bank funding and to pose a ‘test case’ project in Uttar Pradesh (UP). It describes the beginning of the engagement with the World Bank, the unusual seminar on the UP organized at the National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration (NIEPA), the divergent perceptions of the Union Education Ministry, Finance Ministry and Planning Commission, and the agreements reached between the Union Education Department and the Bank Mission which attended the NIEPA seminar.

Crouch was exposed publicly as a liar during two trials in 1954. During Senate hearings in New Orleans on the Southern Conference Education Fund, Crouch testified at the behest of Senator James Eastland. During his testimony, Crouch asserted that Leo Sheiner, James Domborwski, Aubrey Williams, Clifford Durr, and Virginia Durr were all members of the Communist Party and used the Fund surreptitiously to spread Communist propaganda. The testimony became famous when Clifford Durr threatened and attacked Crouch after he had claimed Durr's wife, Virginia, was a Communist. Worse than the spectacle was the general sense that Crouch was an unbelievable and unreliable witness. Despite that, Crouch also testified in the trial of nine Communists in Philadelphia. During that trial, prosecutors showed Crouch to be a liar when he charged David Davis with being a Communist after denying in previous trials that Davis had any Party affiliation. Although not charged with perjury, the questionable testimony in Philadelphia, combined with the spectacle in New Orleans, effectively ended his usefulness as an anti-Communist informant.

The organizational structure of the Church is a strict hierarchy beginning with infants and children at the bottom and forming the pinnacle of power and authority in the First Presidency at the top. At every level of this hierarchy one of the key values is “service” to others, which helps mitigate potential conflicts within the ranks as well as between them. The paradigm of service also directs Church action in the secular world. Iconic examples of the value of service is given by the Church’s welfare program, inaugurated in the Depression of the 1930s, and then transformed into the fast and testimony meetings. This is a model of cooperative as opposed to competitive activity, which itself provides further alternatives in the form of humanitarian aid (marked by yellow colored jackets with “helping hands” emblems), coming to help the victims of natural disasters, and providing loans through the perpetual education fund (PEF).

This chapter examines Chambers's and his firm's immense contributions to the legal campaign to end school desegregation in the U.S. Chambers filed federal lawsuits against scores of recalcitrant school districts across North Carolina. His most significant victory was the landmark Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court in 1971, hailed as the most significant schools ruling since Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Litigating Swann at trial, Chambers convinced federal District Court Judge James B. McMillan to authorize the busing and other remedies to overcome a system of racially dual schools. Later, still just 34-years old, Chambers argued the case for the Legal Defense Fund at the U.S. Supreme Court. Chief Justice Warren Burger's unanimous opinion appeared an unqualified endorsement by the High Court of the use of aggressive remedies finally to defeat school desegregation. By the mid-1970s Charlotte had come to serve as a national model of successful transition to desegregated schools.

This chapter describes Chambers's return to North Carolina in July 1964, and his success in quickly elevating North Carolina to the forefront of the LDF's national litigation campaign to translate provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to overcome racial segregation in public accommodation, schools, and employment. Chambers, who opened his small office in Charlotte the same week that Lyndon Johnson signed the new Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law, quickly assumed leadership of the Legal Redress Committee of the North Carolina NAACP, which had long spearheaded civil rights litigation in the state. Chambers barnstormed North Carolina to inform black citizens of their rights and prospective new remedies afforded by the Civil Rights Act and soon launched a spate of new legal actions targeting the state's largest school district and employers. In January of 1965, as Chambers addressed a rally at a black church in New Bern, his car was dynamited; local legal authorities showed little enthusiasm to prosecute the Klan-affiliated assailants.

This chapter describes Chambers's creation of a black-led and racially integrated law firm, for all intents the first such institution in the United States. In 1967, Chambers recruited two junior attorneys to his office: Adam Stein, a white George Washington University Law School graduate who had interned with Chambers in the summer of 1965, and James Ferguson, an African American from Asheville, North Carolina, who had just graduated from Columbia Law School. The three would form the nucleus of a powerful civil rights law practice for years to come. In 1968, after recruiting a young white Legal Aid attorney, James Lanning, Chambers formally created Chambers, Stein, Ferguson & Lanning. In 1969, African American attorney Robert Belton, a North Carolina native who was LDF's leading Title VII litigator, also joined the firm. So highly reputed was Chambers as a civil rights litigator, and so central was his firm to the wider LDF campaign in these years, that the firm was informally acknowledged as "LDF South."

The epilogue examines the legacy of the efforts by Julius Chambers and his firm through the mid-1970s. In 1984, Chambers, widely acknowledged as an exceptionally skilled civil rights litigator and legal strategist, succeeded Jack Greenberg as director-counsel of Legal Defense and Education Fund. From that post Chambers coordinated the legal struggle for civil rights for nine years, mostly attempting to fend off the increasingly reactionary policies of the Reagan administration and of the legal positions on race advanced by the Supreme Court under Chief Justice William Rehnquist. In 1993, Chambers resigned as LDF director-counsel and returned to North Carolina, where he was installed as chancellor of his undergraduate alma mater, now North Carolina Central University, in Durham. Chambers retired in 2001and, after an absence of nearly twenty years, returned to Charlotte where he rejoined the firm on a limited basis. He meanwhile served the inaugural director of the UNC Center for Civil Rights, housed within the UNC Law School. Chambers, whose efforts advanced federal civil rights law to its apogee in the early to mid-1970s and who thus stands out as the most important African American civil rights attorney in the generation following Thurgood Marshall, died on August 2, 2013.

This chapter describes the contributions of Julius Chambers and his partners, most particularly Robert Belton, to the LDF's national litigation campaign to enforce Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which new law outlawed racial discrimination in the workplace effective July 1965. In October 1965, Chambers filed the nation's first-ever Title VII suit, and soon after filed three additional cases which, when ultimately decided years later, substantially ended overt racial discrimination in American workplaces. These critical victories included Supreme Court triumphs in Griggs v. Duke Power (1971) and Albermarle Paper Co. v. Moody (1975), and the Fourth Circuit's Robinson v. Lorillard Corp. (1971). Griggs, recognized as the era's landmark employment ruling, established the "disparate impact" standard for adjudicating employers' use of "intelligence" tests and other pre-employment screening mechanisms. Together, Griggs, Moody, and Robinson did much to define the federal courts' interpretations of Title VII in a fashion that both opened workplaces to black job seekers and offered some compensatory remedy to those who had suffered under racially discriminatory workplace schemes. By these efforts, Chambers, his partners, and the LDF would leave the American workplace forever changed.

The Introduction provides a brief summary of the life of Julius Chambers. Born in rural North Carolina in the middle of the Great Depression, Chambers would overcome numerous obstacles to become the nation's foremost civil rights litigator in the generation after Thurgood Marshall. Chambers built the nation's first enduring racially integrated law firm in Charlotte, North Carolina, and, working closely with the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, he and his partners brought landmark civil rights suits that pushed federal civil rights law to its high-water mark by the early to mid-1970s.

This chapter describes Chambers's efforts to enforce Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited discrimination in restaurants, motels, and other places of public accommodation, against attempts to circumvent the new law's broad reach, confirmed by an earlier U.S. Supreme Court ruling. The Charlotte YMCA argued for a "private club" exemption under Title II, but quickly abandoned that claim and agreed to desegregate when Chambers filed suit. Chambers also sued the Raleigh YMCA, which sought to prevent desegregation of its exercise facilities on a similar claim notwithstanding that the YMCA's officers had desegregated their cafeteria and rental lodging. After a loss at trial before an unsympathetic U.S. District Court judge, Chambers and LDF won an unqualified victory on appeal before the Fourth Circuit. Chambers also prevailed in a suit to open Moore's Barbecue Restaurant in New Bern to black customers despite Moore's claim to have arranged his business affairs so as to be free of any connection to "interstate commerce," a key element of the Supreme Court's basis for upholding Title II. Here, Chambers overcame a hostile federal judge who willingly ignored a fundamental judicial canon by repeatedly communicating privately about the case with Moore's attorney.