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Part II examines how British Jews related to Zionist state- and nation-building in the Middle East as participants in the transnational Jewish sphere of interaction. It charts the Peel Commission, the White Paper, the shoah, rescue, post-war-reconstruction, the displaced persons problem, the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry, the birth of the State of Israel, and the Suez crisis, and explores how British Zionists responded to these challenges by lobbying, fundraising, aliyah, and military engagement. While the part focuses on the principal channels through which British Zionists participated in Zionist state- and nation-building it also traces how competing liberal assimilationist, Communist, and radical Orthodox British Jews related to the Zionist project in the Middle East.lobbying the Peel Report the White Paper the Jewish Fighting Force the Jewish Brigade rescue displaced persons the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry birth of the State of Israel the machalniks the Suez crisis aliyah economic support

Marriage is seen as a partnership, a pooling of resources, a striving for mutual happiness. From an evolutionary and genetic perspective this is far from the truth. If marriage is an agreement in which the woman is responsible for child-rearing (even if she also holds a waged job) and the man provides economic support, it seems reasonable that failure to hold up his end of the bargain might well lead to trouble. Therefore, marriage should be less frequent and divorce more common under two particular conditions. First, when men's economic situation makes them poor providers. Secondly, when women are able to earn sufficient resources to obviate the need for male assistance. This chapter discusses marriage and intragenomic conflict, neurochemical basis of attachment, benefits of monogamy to women, reasons why marriages fail and lead to divorce, wifely fidelity, and pros and cons of bearing children.

This chapter talks about the recent social-protection policies for young people in Europe. It notes that the provision of economic support for young people depends on the boundary of responsibility between state and the family, which is of course strongly influenced by recent adaptations of welfare systems in general. The chapter demonstrates that youth policies are based on different constructions of youth as a category, which becomes manifest among other things in different age divisions for different policy measures. Next, it shows a detailed overview of state provisions for young people across Europe, covering minimum wages, social assistance, unemployment, housing and child benefits, and the funding of post-compulsory school-age education. Lastly, the chapter provides an overview of expectations of parental support across Europe.

Rulers in the nineteenth century opted to keep populations within their borders so that they could provide support to the economy and aid in the expansion of their military forces. Border controls were then established to monitor those who are attempting to exit national territory, and such were particularly targeted at those who were born in the state. In those days, borders took a less negative connotation, as this was before nationality laws had been codified, administrative instruments for identification such as passports and birth registers developed, or border controls continuously enforced. The jus includendi et excludendi became one of the major principles of contemporary sovereignty, and by the twentieth century, the following legal limitations were established: the prohibition of collective deportation, the principle of non-refoulment, the rights given to family units, and the right to contest certain bureaucratic decisions.

This chapter looks at the youth and families who currently dominate the juvenile justice population: low-income families and youth of color. If the United States shifted the resources they now spend on monitoring, separating, incarcerating, and punishing poor kids, families, and communities toward creating institutions and communities that respect and support those same kids and families, the U.S. would have a truly different and far better set of outcomes and challenges. The chapter thus argues for the provision of baseline economic support; for the provision of significantly more social support in poor communities; and that any efforts toward reform not only provide significantly more economic and social support but also provide that support in a way that respects the privacy and enhances the autonomy of poor children, families, and communities.

This chapter reviews the key arguments and findings of the book and draws conclusions regarding the implications for a relational economic support policy—a policy which focuses on economic agency and conceptualizes extra-regional linkages that connect territories with global resource and knowledge pools. In order to clarify this, it develops the foundations of a relational cluster policy. In addition, the chapter discusses the aspects of relational multidimensional cluster policies, such as vertical cluster dimension, horizontal cluster dimension, power relations, institutional cluster dimension, and external cluster dimension.