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This chapter takes a broad look at the impact exerted by international economic and political pressures on patterns of government and governance in Europe. It assesses the degree to which, as a consequence of the end of the Cold War and of the forces of globalization, these pressures are changing, and considers the implications of such change. It is argued in the first section of the chapter that the profound impact of the external environment on the character of the European state has been all too evident, despite the internalist tendencies of so much comparativist scholarship; moreover, West European states continue to confront several external challenges to the stability that has, since the Second World War, characterized their half of the Old Continent. The first challenge comes from the continued development of the very forces of liberalization that have played such an important role in Europe's recent past, changes that, for the sake of convenience, can be categorized under the heading of ‘globalization’; the second section examines some of the major aspects of the globalization debate as it relates to the European state, but takes a sceptical viewpoint. The second challenge comes from the changes in the international political system (the emergence of the United States as the single superpower; the collapse of the Soviet Union; the changing character of the security problems facing Europe); an emphasis on these changes can be found most prominently in the writings of US neo–realists who asserted that the end of the Cold War would inevitably result in Europe returning to its geopolitical and conflictual ‘historic norm’. In the third section it is shown why such extreme predictions have been proved wrong but nevertheless argues that the neo–realist emphasis on the international political system is, in a fundamental sense, correct.

This chapter explains why a group of the world's poorest countries adopted an array of TRIPS‐plus standards. It begins with a review of the colonial influence on IP regulation in francophone African countries and the origins of their distinctive regional approach to IP protection. It then introduces the region's common IP framework, the Bangui Agreement, and shows how the latest revisions exceed TRIPS requirements. The chapter traces the Bangui revision process through three phases, highlighting the limited capacity of national IP offices and the policymaking vacuum on IP issues in the region. It argues that the TRIPS‐plus outcome was a result of pressure from international donors (upon which countries relied for financing and technical expertise) and from their own regional organization, the African Intellectual Property Organization (over which they exercised little effective oversight). Importantly, this case highlights that in lieu of direct economic threats, capacity‐building was a decisive tool for international pressure. Moreover, for countries in a weak position in the international system, the compliance‐plus global political environment was a persuasive intervening factor.

Ch. 8 argued for combining a rather restrained, justice‐based view of the unilateral right to secede, the Remedial Right Only Theory, with a much more supportive stance toward forms of self‐determination within the state: various forms of intrastate autonomy. This chapter argues that the international legal order ought to acknowledge the importance of self‐determination by supporting intrastate autonomy, and also suggests that, apart from the role that international law should play, individual states should generally give serious consideration to proposals for intrastate autonomy. The chapter first makes the case for including in the domain of transnational justice the monitoring and enforcement of intrastate autonomy regimes under certain rather exceptional circumstances, and then, in the last section, suggests that even where principles of transnational justice do not require it, there are cases in which the international community might play a constructive role by providing diplomatic support and economic inducements or pressure to encourage the creation and well‐functioning of intrastate autonomy regimes. The five sections of the chapter are: I. Intrastate Autonomy and Transnational Justice; II. Indigenous Peoples’ Rights; III. Justifications for Intrastate Autonomy for Indigenous Peoples; IV. Basic Individual Human Rights as Limits on Intrastate Autonomy; and V. International Support for Intrastate Autonomy: Beyond the Requirements of Transnational Justice.

This chapter shows how Kennedy’s initiative took on a life of its own as Havana and Washington sustained an ongoing dialogue through intermediaries and third countries during the Johnson administration. A number of the programs Johnson inherited from the Kennedy administration—covert sabotage, exile paramilitary operations, and the trade embargo—would become tools in the former’s “pinch” policies, as the new administration moved to step up economic and diplomatic pressures to isolate Cuba in the region. But despite crises over Cuban involvement in Latin America, confrontation over seized fishing boats, U.S. efforts to regionalize the embargo, and the U.S. invasion of the Dominican Republic to prevent “another Cuba,” the back-channel communications with Castro continued, eventually reaching into the Oval Office.

With the disappearance of the last of the boy companies and the recent merger of the two companies that were patronized by James’s younger children into one, four had become the set number of approved playing companies in London by 1615: King’s Men, Queen Anne’s, Palsgrave’s (formerly the Prince’s), and Prince Charles’s (I) Company. The shrinkage from six to four between 1613 and 1615 was due to more factors than the economic pressure of the attempt to increase the supply of plays to the same-sized market of playgoers. It was also a question of the places available to play in. By 1615 there were barely four playhouses even for the four companies that were then in operation in London, and the city was not going to relent in its hostility to the building of new playhouses. All the London companies saw what James Burbage had envisaged first in 1596: that the future lay in enclosed theatres.

This chapter provides a unique look at policymakers' commitment to equity in health in the face of multiple political and economic pressures. The Vietnamese have had a traditional focus on equity, early on creating an impressive health infrastructure that extended throughout the country. Vietnam's overall health performance in terms of life expectancy is remarkably high given its level of economic development. In 1989, however, the legislature implemented Doi Moi (meaning change to the new), resulting in privatization of trade and social services (including health), and the opening up of markets. Cuts in public spending and introduction of user fees for public services were part of this prescription. Faced with these challenges, the chapter presents policymakers' approaches to developing a health financing system that would be both equitable and efficient.

This chapter reviews the rabbinic responsa regarding the Boycott of Ancona. It was written by Ottoman rabbis addressing dramatic issues of international significance that affected both the morale and the economic well-being of many Jews. These texts, grappling with legal issues on the basis of conflicting narratives of what had happened, reveal that the boycott was far more complicated than it originally appears. The boycott of the port of Ancona in 1556 was an unparalleled event in early modern Jewish history, the only attempt before the twentieth century to organize Jewish economic pressure and to wield it in the arena of international affairs for the benefit of Jews persecuted in other lands. Powerful forces converged in this event.

This chapter presents a case study of Mrs. Davis' teaching of a unit on dynamic equilibrium in the human body: energy in and energy out. It explains that making food and activity choices are deeply rooted in culture and routine, and are shaped by larger societal and economic pressures. Storytelling as a pedagogical practice in families and communities has been in existence as long as the spoken word. Stories have played only a peripheral role in the teaching of science or math in the prototypical Western school. Stories or personal narrative are described as the “precursor” to talking and doing “real” or “paradigmatic” science, providing both the space and the opportunity. “Narrative pedagogy” refers to an approach to teaching that is built with and through the telling of stories. The chapter describes how a narrative pedagogy frames inter-subjective meaning making and embodied knowing as central features of coming to know and be in science and of building epistemological and ontological ties among teachers, students, and science. It suggests how a narrative pedagogy allows the learning community to re-imagine the world (of science) and one's position in it, as one considers how to use both epistemological and ontological positioning to enact change.

This chapter investigates the importance of male relative income. It is noted that despite trends toward egalitarian gender-role attitudes and increasing income provision among women, cohabiting men's economic circumstances carry far more weight than women's in marriage formation. Improvements in mothers' relative income may eliminate some of the economic pressure for them to work outside the home, but it would be reckless to presume a mechanical symmetry in relative cohort size effects that leads all the way back to the attitudes of the 1950s just because relative cohort size declines. Underlying preferences regarding women's roles and desired family size do not change as much as current behavior might suggest. The principle of “cognitive dissonance” may tend to bring those underlying preferences more in line with current behavior.