Zoltan J. Acs
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148625
- eISBN:
- 9781400846818
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148625.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter describes the system of opportunity creation in the United States, which has been a series of inventions and reinventions of the means by which opportunity has been provided. It begins ...
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This chapter describes the system of opportunity creation in the United States, which has been a series of inventions and reinventions of the means by which opportunity has been provided. It begins with a historical background on efforts to suppress opportunity—or at least keep a monopoly hold on it—particularly in Britain. It then considers how opportunity has been embedded in American-style capitalism in two fundamental ways. The first is by equipping individuals with the skills they need to participate in capitalism; the second relates to the functioning of innovation and markets, and to the ability of new industries, firms, and jobs to challenge the status quo—namely, creative destruction. It also highlights the fundamental tension between wealth creation and maintaining economic opportunity. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role played by schools and education reformers in the history of opportunity and opportunity creation in America.Less
This chapter describes the system of opportunity creation in the United States, which has been a series of inventions and reinventions of the means by which opportunity has been provided. It begins with a historical background on efforts to suppress opportunity—or at least keep a monopoly hold on it—particularly in Britain. It then considers how opportunity has been embedded in American-style capitalism in two fundamental ways. The first is by equipping individuals with the skills they need to participate in capitalism; the second relates to the functioning of innovation and markets, and to the ability of new industries, firms, and jobs to challenge the status quo—namely, creative destruction. It also highlights the fundamental tension between wealth creation and maintaining economic opportunity. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role played by schools and education reformers in the history of opportunity and opportunity creation in America.
Louis Chauvel
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199732180
- eISBN:
- 9780199866182
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732180.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter presents a comparative theory and an empirical analysis of inequalities in economic opportunities and returns to education across birth cohorts. It focuses on the consequences of ...
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This chapter presents a comparative theory and an empirical analysis of inequalities in economic opportunities and returns to education across birth cohorts. It focuses on the consequences of economic slowdowns in different types of welfare regimes and analyzes how discontinuities in economic trends produce diverse effects on the balance between birth cohorts. It shows that conservative (France) and the familialistic (Italy) welfare regimes are marked by strong inter-cohort inequalities at the expense of younger social generations. In contrast, social-democratic (Denmark) and liberal (US) systems show less inter-cohort redistribution of resources. As far as education goes, while there is no clear decline in the return to education in the latter countries, the former nations show strong drops in the value of intermediate levels of education. This means that national trajectories of social change have diverged, and we should anticipate the long-term consequences of these divergences.Less
This chapter presents a comparative theory and an empirical analysis of inequalities in economic opportunities and returns to education across birth cohorts. It focuses on the consequences of economic slowdowns in different types of welfare regimes and analyzes how discontinuities in economic trends produce diverse effects on the balance between birth cohorts. It shows that conservative (France) and the familialistic (Italy) welfare regimes are marked by strong inter-cohort inequalities at the expense of younger social generations. In contrast, social-democratic (Denmark) and liberal (US) systems show less inter-cohort redistribution of resources. As far as education goes, while there is no clear decline in the return to education in the latter countries, the former nations show strong drops in the value of intermediate levels of education. This means that national trajectories of social change have diverged, and we should anticipate the long-term consequences of these divergences.
Elizabeth Rose
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395075
- eISBN:
- 9780199775767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395075.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The creation of the federal Head Start program in 1965 put the needs of young children from poor families on the national agenda. Head Start was inspired both by research suggesting the promise of ...
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The creation of the federal Head Start program in 1965 put the needs of young children from poor families on the national agenda. Head Start was inspired both by research suggesting the promise of early intervention and by the politics of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty, which required that it be launched quickly and on a large scale, and that it bypass the structures of local government. Local programs varied widely in how they prioritized Head Start's different goals, making it difficult to assess the program's success. By drawing national attention to the promise of preschool for the poor, Head Start also spurred interest in preschool for other children, leading to the expansion of public kindergartens, private nursery schools, and the television show Sesame Street.Less
The creation of the federal Head Start program in 1965 put the needs of young children from poor families on the national agenda. Head Start was inspired both by research suggesting the promise of early intervention and by the politics of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty, which required that it be launched quickly and on a large scale, and that it bypass the structures of local government. Local programs varied widely in how they prioritized Head Start's different goals, making it difficult to assess the program's success. By drawing national attention to the promise of preschool for the poor, Head Start also spurred interest in preschool for other children, leading to the expansion of public kindergartens, private nursery schools, and the television show Sesame Street.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198278641
- eISBN:
- 9780191599903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198278640.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Libertarians defend a narrow version of negative freedom. Hayek defines freedom as the absence of coercion, but this position is shown to be untenable. A more common view is that laws and other such ...
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Libertarians defend a narrow version of negative freedom. Hayek defines freedom as the absence of coercion, but this position is shown to be untenable. A more common view is that laws and other such deliberately imposed obstacles restrict freedom, but a lack of economic opportunities, for instance, does not. Against this, it is argued that any obstacle for which human beings can be held morally responsible should count as a constraint on freedom. Furthermore, contrary to Steiner, a constraint does not have to prevent an action, it can merely make it ineligible.Less
Libertarians defend a narrow version of negative freedom. Hayek defines freedom as the absence of coercion, but this position is shown to be untenable. A more common view is that laws and other such deliberately imposed obstacles restrict freedom, but a lack of economic opportunities, for instance, does not. Against this, it is argued that any obstacle for which human beings can be held morally responsible should count as a constraint on freedom. Furthermore, contrary to Steiner, a constraint does not have to prevent an action, it can merely make it ineligible.
Lisa L. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195331684
- eISBN:
- 9780199867967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331684.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores in more detail the nature and quality of interaction citizen groups have with the policy process in the two urban locales studied. In particular, the chapter addresses the two ...
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This chapter explores in more detail the nature and quality of interaction citizen groups have with the policy process in the two urban locales studied. In particular, the chapter addresses the two major questions left unanswered by the empirical analyses of the previous chapters: First, are the broad citizen groups that are active at the local level participating meaningfully in the policy process? Second, are they contributing anything substantially different from other groups? This chapter offers a more in-depth analysis of the local data in an effort to answer these complicated and underexplored questions and argues that the groups mobilized locally around urban crime problems frequently present policy frames that are substantially different from those promulgated by criminal justice agencies, professional associations, and highly active single-issue groups. Indeed, the deep connection urban dwellers have to crime, its causes, and its consequences makes their perspective unique and highly practical. Most notably, the policy environment for responding to crime at the local level is considerably more focused on victims—specifically on harm reduction—than is the environment at the state and national levels, where criminal justice agencies and narrow victims' groups dominate and focus much attention on punishing offenders.Less
This chapter explores in more detail the nature and quality of interaction citizen groups have with the policy process in the two urban locales studied. In particular, the chapter addresses the two major questions left unanswered by the empirical analyses of the previous chapters: First, are the broad citizen groups that are active at the local level participating meaningfully in the policy process? Second, are they contributing anything substantially different from other groups? This chapter offers a more in-depth analysis of the local data in an effort to answer these complicated and underexplored questions and argues that the groups mobilized locally around urban crime problems frequently present policy frames that are substantially different from those promulgated by criminal justice agencies, professional associations, and highly active single-issue groups. Indeed, the deep connection urban dwellers have to crime, its causes, and its consequences makes their perspective unique and highly practical. Most notably, the policy environment for responding to crime at the local level is considerably more focused on victims—specifically on harm reduction—than is the environment at the state and national levels, where criminal justice agencies and narrow victims' groups dominate and focus much attention on punishing offenders.
P. J. P. Goldberg
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201540
- eISBN:
- 9780191674938
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201540.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, Economic History
This is an innovative analysis of the relationship between women's economic opportunity and marriage in the 14th and 15th centuries. It is based on an intensive study of York and Yorkshire, but also ...
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This is an innovative analysis of the relationship between women's economic opportunity and marriage in the 14th and 15th centuries. It is based on an intensive study of York and Yorkshire, but also utilizes evidence from other parts of England and continental Europe. The book explores the role of women in the economy and the part that marriage played in their lives. Importantly, it challenges the Wrigley and Schofield thesis of nuptiality: the analysis of the demography of marriage demonstrates that in late medieval Yorkshire, women participated strongly in the labour force, deferring marriage or avoiding it entirely.Less
This is an innovative analysis of the relationship between women's economic opportunity and marriage in the 14th and 15th centuries. It is based on an intensive study of York and Yorkshire, but also utilizes evidence from other parts of England and continental Europe. The book explores the role of women in the economy and the part that marriage played in their lives. Importantly, it challenges the Wrigley and Schofield thesis of nuptiality: the analysis of the demography of marriage demonstrates that in late medieval Yorkshire, women participated strongly in the labour force, deferring marriage or avoiding it entirely.
Thad Williamson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195369434
- eISBN:
- 9780199852826
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369434.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Rawls theory of liberal egalitarianism is used as a basis in determining the fairness of spatial configuration as it relates to the nature and purpose for which it was built and whether it undermines ...
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Rawls theory of liberal egalitarianism is used as a basis in determining the fairness of spatial configuration as it relates to the nature and purpose for which it was built and whether it undermines the ideas of a fair society, tackling evidences implicating patterns of socioeconomic and racial segregation in suburban areas in the United States. The investigation explores the question of whether sprawl is actually linked with the violation of fairness norms and the promotion of inequality. But alas, the extent of spatial elements of sprawl within socio-spatial patterns and economic opportunity and class privilege relationships still remains obscure.Less
Rawls theory of liberal egalitarianism is used as a basis in determining the fairness of spatial configuration as it relates to the nature and purpose for which it was built and whether it undermines the ideas of a fair society, tackling evidences implicating patterns of socioeconomic and racial segregation in suburban areas in the United States. The investigation explores the question of whether sprawl is actually linked with the violation of fairness norms and the promotion of inequality. But alas, the extent of spatial elements of sprawl within socio-spatial patterns and economic opportunity and class privilege relationships still remains obscure.
P. J. P. Goldberg
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201540
- eISBN:
- 9780191674938
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201540.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, Economic History
This chapter explores more fully the structure of late medieval English society and examines the role women played in economic life. It compares and contrasts this with the post-medieval English ...
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This chapter explores more fully the structure of late medieval English society and examines the role women played in economic life. It compares and contrasts this with the post-medieval English evidence and some continental evidence, notably for Tuscany around the time of the great tax survey or catasto of 1427, a society that allowed women little economic or emotional independence. On one hand, it considers the issue of household and marriage in late medieval England. On the other hand, it considers the wider question of the relationship between movements in the economy. It proposes a new hypothesis that links increasing demand for female labour with greater autonomy for women in deciding when and whom to marry. This hypothesis suggests an essentially anti-Malthusian relationship between nuptiality and economic opportunity for women.Less
This chapter explores more fully the structure of late medieval English society and examines the role women played in economic life. It compares and contrasts this with the post-medieval English evidence and some continental evidence, notably for Tuscany around the time of the great tax survey or catasto of 1427, a society that allowed women little economic or emotional independence. On one hand, it considers the issue of household and marriage in late medieval England. On the other hand, it considers the wider question of the relationship between movements in the economy. It proposes a new hypothesis that links increasing demand for female labour with greater autonomy for women in deciding when and whom to marry. This hypothesis suggests an essentially anti-Malthusian relationship between nuptiality and economic opportunity for women.
Jonathan Karam Skaff
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199734139
- eISBN:
- 9780199950195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199734139.003.0008
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE, Asian and Middle Eastern History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter examines the argument that unlike popular belief, the material needs of the Turko-Mongols only played a small role in shaping the relations between the Sui-Tang Empires and ...
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This chapter examines the argument that unlike popular belief, the material needs of the Turko-Mongols only played a small role in shaping the relations between the Sui-Tang Empires and Mongolia-based powers. It first discusses the economic impact of Turko-Mongol rule over subordinate peoples, where it considers the available economic opportunities, the administration, and taxation. The next section studies the administrative and financial impact on tribes accepting Tang authority. This chapter concludes with a discussion of the Tang horse system and a description of the horse trade.Less
This chapter examines the argument that unlike popular belief, the material needs of the Turko-Mongols only played a small role in shaping the relations between the Sui-Tang Empires and Mongolia-based powers. It first discusses the economic impact of Turko-Mongol rule over subordinate peoples, where it considers the available economic opportunities, the administration, and taxation. The next section studies the administrative and financial impact on tribes accepting Tang authority. This chapter concludes with a discussion of the Tang horse system and a description of the horse trade.
MARK STEIN
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264423
- eISBN:
- 9780191734793
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264423.003.0023
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Just over a century ago, Frederick Jackson Turner presented his famous Frontier Thesis, which continues to be one of the most debated and controversial theories in historical scholarship and has ...
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Just over a century ago, Frederick Jackson Turner presented his famous Frontier Thesis, which continues to be one of the most debated and controversial theories in historical scholarship and has affected all discussions of frontier history worldwide. This chapter explores one aspect of Turner's work that may be applicable to other frontiers — that of the frontier as a zone of economic opportunity. It discusses how military service on the seventeenth-century Ottoman-Hapsburg frontier presented a number of chances for economic advancement to men who were willing to take the risks of living and working along the border. Moving to the frontier offered economic opportunities not found in the interior. In North America, a large part of the opportunity was the potential to acquire land. It is possible that in some cases there was similar opportunity along the seventeenth-century Ottoman-Hapsburg frontier.Less
Just over a century ago, Frederick Jackson Turner presented his famous Frontier Thesis, which continues to be one of the most debated and controversial theories in historical scholarship and has affected all discussions of frontier history worldwide. This chapter explores one aspect of Turner's work that may be applicable to other frontiers — that of the frontier as a zone of economic opportunity. It discusses how military service on the seventeenth-century Ottoman-Hapsburg frontier presented a number of chances for economic advancement to men who were willing to take the risks of living and working along the border. Moving to the frontier offered economic opportunities not found in the interior. In North America, a large part of the opportunity was the potential to acquire land. It is possible that in some cases there was similar opportunity along the seventeenth-century Ottoman-Hapsburg frontier.
Susan E. Whyman
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199250233
- eISBN:
- 9780191697906
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199250233.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Social History
This chapter reveals the importance of London to the Verneys and their friends, and compares John's city and country networks with those of Sir Ralph. It shows what it was like to live in London when ...
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This chapter reveals the importance of London to the Verneys and their friends, and compares John's city and country networks with those of Sir Ralph. It shows what it was like to live in London when society was becoming more commercial. The Verneys openly wrote about the reasons that brought them to town. They included conversation and sociability; entertainment, culture, and education; consumption; news and gossip; politics, the social season, and the marriage market; medical, legal, financial, and professional services; and freedom from family oversight, social mobility, and economic opportunity.Less
This chapter reveals the importance of London to the Verneys and their friends, and compares John's city and country networks with those of Sir Ralph. It shows what it was like to live in London when society was becoming more commercial. The Verneys openly wrote about the reasons that brought them to town. They included conversation and sociability; entertainment, culture, and education; consumption; news and gossip; politics, the social season, and the marriage market; medical, legal, financial, and professional services; and freedom from family oversight, social mobility, and economic opportunity.
John S. Ahlquist and Margaret Levi
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158563
- eISBN:
- 9781400848652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158563.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter examines how the national-level organizations manage internal heterogeneity across individual members, as well as specific geographically defined subunits. By observing internal ...
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This chapter examines how the national-level organizations manage internal heterogeneity across individual members, as well as specific geographically defined subunits. By observing internal opposition to the dominant national leadership of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF), the chapter compares specific locals within each union. Consequently, it shows the robustness of the larger organizational governance institutions to perturbation once in equilibrium and that, at the local level, workers did not sort in to unions for political or social reasons; rather, they joined where the economic opportunities first appeared. The ILWU and WWF, whose leaders ask member contributions to political projects, pursued active persuasion combined with tolerance. The IBT, on the other hand, invested less in persuasion and employed screening and repression.Less
This chapter examines how the national-level organizations manage internal heterogeneity across individual members, as well as specific geographically defined subunits. By observing internal opposition to the dominant national leadership of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF), the chapter compares specific locals within each union. Consequently, it shows the robustness of the larger organizational governance institutions to perturbation once in equilibrium and that, at the local level, workers did not sort in to unions for political or social reasons; rather, they joined where the economic opportunities first appeared. The ILWU and WWF, whose leaders ask member contributions to political projects, pursued active persuasion combined with tolerance. The IBT, on the other hand, invested less in persuasion and employed screening and repression.
Sara Mendelson and Patricia Crawford
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201243
- eISBN:
- 9780191674846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201243.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Social History
This chapter discusses the main features of women's work at the middling and upper levels of society. At these higher levels, taxes and rates were paid, life was less desperate, and women's work ...
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This chapter discusses the main features of women's work at the middling and upper levels of society. At these higher levels, taxes and rates were paid, life was less desperate, and women's work involved less drudgery. The greater affluence of their families provided them with better education, giving them better training or more economic options. Although such women were more likely to develop a professional occupational identity than poorer women, the work of married women was often taken for granted as a component of their husband's employment. After looking at women's roles in running a household, the discussion considers women's professional and skilled work, female occupations in crafts and manufacture, and the work of aristocratic women.Less
This chapter discusses the main features of women's work at the middling and upper levels of society. At these higher levels, taxes and rates were paid, life was less desperate, and women's work involved less drudgery. The greater affluence of their families provided them with better education, giving them better training or more economic options. Although such women were more likely to develop a professional occupational identity than poorer women, the work of married women was often taken for granted as a component of their husband's employment. After looking at women's roles in running a household, the discussion considers women's professional and skilled work, female occupations in crafts and manufacture, and the work of aristocratic women.
Omar M. McRoberts
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226277646
- eISBN:
- 9780226277813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226277813.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This essay conceptualizes the War on Poverty as a period during which public religious capacities were incorporated into the institutional apparatus of the national welfare state. Such incorporation ...
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This essay conceptualizes the War on Poverty as a period during which public religious capacities were incorporated into the institutional apparatus of the national welfare state. Such incorporation largely served the political needs of the welfare state itself, as it needed not only to execute but also to justify social policy to a variety of publics, including black political movements. Welfare state expansion during this period occasioned the setting of a practical boundary between public and private religion. Then, especially through the Office of Civil Rights, the Office of Economic Opportunity incorporated black religious activists, or public religionists, into the welfare state to gather reconnaissance of and influence the ideological and tactical commitments a religiously based civil rights movement field.Less
This essay conceptualizes the War on Poverty as a period during which public religious capacities were incorporated into the institutional apparatus of the national welfare state. Such incorporation largely served the political needs of the welfare state itself, as it needed not only to execute but also to justify social policy to a variety of publics, including black political movements. Welfare state expansion during this period occasioned the setting of a practical boundary between public and private religion. Then, especially through the Office of Civil Rights, the Office of Economic Opportunity incorporated black religious activists, or public religionists, into the welfare state to gather reconnaissance of and influence the ideological and tactical commitments a religiously based civil rights movement field.
Janet G. Hudson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125022
- eISBN:
- 9780813135182
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125022.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Although the white reformers embraced the various economic opportunities that were presented to them through the mobilization of the nation after the war, these opportunities also brought about ...
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Although the white reformers embraced the various economic opportunities that were presented to them through the mobilization of the nation after the war, these opportunities also brought about instability to the white supremacy. Also, the federal government's intervention on several different local issues affected how the whites dominated the then current racial relationships. In spite of experiencing disfranchisement and segregation, the black reformers served as agents of change and were able to attain the required leverage during wartime for posing threats to white supremacy. This chapter describes how the postwar black migration initiated various opportunities for the black Carolinians outside the south and somehow jeopardized the economic control scheme of the whites. The migration generally served as a means for the blacks to escape white control.Less
Although the white reformers embraced the various economic opportunities that were presented to them through the mobilization of the nation after the war, these opportunities also brought about instability to the white supremacy. Also, the federal government's intervention on several different local issues affected how the whites dominated the then current racial relationships. In spite of experiencing disfranchisement and segregation, the black reformers served as agents of change and were able to attain the required leverage during wartime for posing threats to white supremacy. This chapter describes how the postwar black migration initiated various opportunities for the black Carolinians outside the south and somehow jeopardized the economic control scheme of the whites. The migration generally served as a means for the blacks to escape white control.
Robert R. Korstad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833797
- eISBN:
- 9781469603674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807895740_korstad.8
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter describes how community organizing was also very much on the minds of policymakers in Washington by 1965. The Economic Opportunity Act, which Lyndon Johnson signed into law on August 20, ...
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This chapter describes how community organizing was also very much on the minds of policymakers in Washington by 1965. The Economic Opportunity Act, which Lyndon Johnson signed into law on August 20, 1964, included in Title II a requirement that federally supported community action programs (CAPs) provide for the “maximum feasible participation of the residents of the areas and the members of the groups” that they sought to serve. That mandate echoed guidelines that the North Carolina Fund had spelled out a year earlier in its call for CAP proposals from local communities. Initially, such requirements seemed to pose no obvious threat to established power. They simply asked middle-class Americans to consider the concerns and outlook of their less fortunate neighbors. As federal officials, local activists, and the poor themselves sought to give meaning to “participation” and “understanding,” they moved the antipoverty battle onto terrain that was more openly political.Less
This chapter describes how community organizing was also very much on the minds of policymakers in Washington by 1965. The Economic Opportunity Act, which Lyndon Johnson signed into law on August 20, 1964, included in Title II a requirement that federally supported community action programs (CAPs) provide for the “maximum feasible participation of the residents of the areas and the members of the groups” that they sought to serve. That mandate echoed guidelines that the North Carolina Fund had spelled out a year earlier in its call for CAP proposals from local communities. Initially, such requirements seemed to pose no obvious threat to established power. They simply asked middle-class Americans to consider the concerns and outlook of their less fortunate neighbors. As federal officials, local activists, and the poor themselves sought to give meaning to “participation” and “understanding,” they moved the antipoverty battle onto terrain that was more openly political.
Marc Simon Rodriguez
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834640
- eISBN:
- 9781469603254
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807877661_rodriguez.9
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter illustrates how a large group of “concerned south-side citizens” packed the Milwaukee offices of United Migrant Opportunity Services, Inc. (UMOS), a social service agency established ...
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This chapter illustrates how a large group of “concerned south-side citizens” packed the Milwaukee offices of United Migrant Opportunity Services, Inc. (UMOS), a social service agency established under the auspices of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), to protest the mismanagement of this poverty program. The demonstrators sought a meeting with UMOS management to call on the agency, created under the War on Poverty, to better serve the needs of migrants by hiring more former migrant farmworkers and promoting those already working for the organization to management positions. Many of the protesters filling the room at UMOS headquarters that night were former farmworkers from South Texas, the primary sending region for Wisconsin's migrant farmworker population.Less
This chapter illustrates how a large group of “concerned south-side citizens” packed the Milwaukee offices of United Migrant Opportunity Services, Inc. (UMOS), a social service agency established under the auspices of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), to protest the mismanagement of this poverty program. The demonstrators sought a meeting with UMOS management to call on the agency, created under the War on Poverty, to better serve the needs of migrants by hiring more former migrant farmworkers and promoting those already working for the organization to management positions. Many of the protesters filling the room at UMOS headquarters that night were former farmworkers from South Texas, the primary sending region for Wisconsin's migrant farmworker population.
Jared Bernstein
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- December 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197518199
- eISBN:
- 9780197518229
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197518199.003.0004
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter examines barriers to economic opportunity and mobility in the United States and offers near- and long-term policies to reduce these barriers. These barriers include high levels of income ...
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This chapter examines barriers to economic opportunity and mobility in the United States and offers near- and long-term policies to reduce these barriers. These barriers include high levels of income inequality, unequal access to educational opportunities, residential segregation by income, inadequate investments in children and certain areas, and disparities between economic conditions in rural relative to metro areas. In the near-term, running tight labor markets, infrastructure investment, direct job creation, healthcare and other work supports, and apprenticeships could reduce these barriers. Longer term solutions invoke policy interventions targeting inequality, inadequate housing, income and wage stagnation, nutritional and health support, the criminal justice system, and educational access. It is also crucial to avoid policies that keep opportunity barriers in place, such as reducing the provision of public healthcare, regressive tax cuts, and budget cuts to programs that help low- and moderate-income families.Less
This chapter examines barriers to economic opportunity and mobility in the United States and offers near- and long-term policies to reduce these barriers. These barriers include high levels of income inequality, unequal access to educational opportunities, residential segregation by income, inadequate investments in children and certain areas, and disparities between economic conditions in rural relative to metro areas. In the near-term, running tight labor markets, infrastructure investment, direct job creation, healthcare and other work supports, and apprenticeships could reduce these barriers. Longer term solutions invoke policy interventions targeting inequality, inadequate housing, income and wage stagnation, nutritional and health support, the criminal justice system, and educational access. It is also crucial to avoid policies that keep opportunity barriers in place, such as reducing the provision of public healthcare, regressive tax cuts, and budget cuts to programs that help low- and moderate-income families.
Joanna Bourke
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203858
- eISBN:
- 9780191676024
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203858.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This book examines the lives of women in Ireland between 1890 and 1914, tracing the shift of their labour out of the fields and into the home. It shows how their position within the employment market ...
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This book examines the lives of women in Ireland between 1890 and 1914, tracing the shift of their labour out of the fields and into the home. It shows how their position within the employment market deteriorated: married women came to be increasingly dependent on their husbands' earnings, while economic opportunities for unmarried and widowed women collapsed. More and more women devoted all their productive enterprise to performing housework. This documented study analyses the crucial elements in this change: the coincidence of sectoral shifts in the employment market, increasing investment in the rural economy, and the growth of a labour-intensive household sector. Controversially, the book argues that Irish women welcomed their altered role, finding housework preferable to many of the other options available to them.Less
This book examines the lives of women in Ireland between 1890 and 1914, tracing the shift of their labour out of the fields and into the home. It shows how their position within the employment market deteriorated: married women came to be increasingly dependent on their husbands' earnings, while economic opportunities for unmarried and widowed women collapsed. More and more women devoted all their productive enterprise to performing housework. This documented study analyses the crucial elements in this change: the coincidence of sectoral shifts in the employment market, increasing investment in the rural economy, and the growth of a labour-intensive household sector. Controversially, the book argues that Irish women welcomed their altered role, finding housework preferable to many of the other options available to them.
THOMAS KIFFMEYER
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125091
- eISBN:
- 9780813135175
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125091.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Loyal Jones, CSM's assistant director, encountered a crucial challenge. The headquarters of the movement was moved to Bristol as it was closer to the heart of the mountains. The Council was ...
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Loyal Jones, CSM's assistant director, encountered a crucial challenge. The headquarters of the movement was moved to Bristol as it was closer to the heart of the mountains. The Council was considering establishing an independent branch of the Appalachian Volunteers as some members began to question Ayer's leadership. However, it was thought that the CSM would lose control over the most significant reform effort if the AVs were to leave. Jones advised the Office of Economic Opportunity to separate the Councils from the AVs. Although Jones may be perceived to have been more sympathetic to the frustration that the volunteers felt on the War on Poverty, Ayer's call to partnership was able to invite everyone to become involved in an educational and political sense, recognizing that the program was their own. This chapter looks into the separation of the AVs from the CSM.Less
Loyal Jones, CSM's assistant director, encountered a crucial challenge. The headquarters of the movement was moved to Bristol as it was closer to the heart of the mountains. The Council was considering establishing an independent branch of the Appalachian Volunteers as some members began to question Ayer's leadership. However, it was thought that the CSM would lose control over the most significant reform effort if the AVs were to leave. Jones advised the Office of Economic Opportunity to separate the Councils from the AVs. Although Jones may be perceived to have been more sympathetic to the frustration that the volunteers felt on the War on Poverty, Ayer's call to partnership was able to invite everyone to become involved in an educational and political sense, recognizing that the program was their own. This chapter looks into the separation of the AVs from the CSM.
