Daniel Engster
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214358
- eISBN:
- 9780191706684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214358.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Political and economic theorists have generally ignored caring practices in outlining accounts of economic justice. Building upon the work of recent feminist theorists, this chapter develops a theory ...
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Political and economic theorists have generally ignored caring practices in outlining accounts of economic justice. Building upon the work of recent feminist theorists, this chapter develops a theory of economic justice organized around caring practices. The first section outlines the basic concepts and normative orientation of a caring economic theory. The second section discusses Virginia Held's and Nancy Folbre's important accounts of care and economic justice. While Held and Folbre identify some of the central tenets of a caring economic theory, they focus primarily on supporting and regulating direct care services within the economy. The book's own approach is broader and more far‐reaching, asking how we can best organize our general economic institutions and policies to provide all individuals with a real opportunity to give and receive adequate care. The third section takes up this subject by exploring the economic system (communism, market socialism, market capitalism, etc.) most conducive to caring values. In the fourth section, it formulates six general principles for establishing and maintaining a caring economic order, and describes in some detail the economic policies following from them. The final section briefly explores the viability of a caring economic order in the context of globalization.Less
Political and economic theorists have generally ignored caring practices in outlining accounts of economic justice. Building upon the work of recent feminist theorists, this chapter develops a theory of economic justice organized around caring practices. The first section outlines the basic concepts and normative orientation of a caring economic theory. The second section discusses Virginia Held's and Nancy Folbre's important accounts of care and economic justice. While Held and Folbre identify some of the central tenets of a caring economic theory, they focus primarily on supporting and regulating direct care services within the economy. The book's own approach is broader and more far‐reaching, asking how we can best organize our general economic institutions and policies to provide all individuals with a real opportunity to give and receive adequate care. The third section takes up this subject by exploring the economic system (communism, market socialism, market capitalism, etc.) most conducive to caring values. In the fourth section, it formulates six general principles for establishing and maintaining a caring economic order, and describes in some detail the economic policies following from them. The final section briefly explores the viability of a caring economic order in the context of globalization.
Liam Murphy and Thomas Nagel
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195150162
- eISBN:
- 9780199833924
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195150163.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In a capitalist economy, taxes are the most significant instrument by which the political system can put into practice a conception of economic justice. But conventional ideas about what constitutes ...
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In a capitalist economy, taxes are the most significant instrument by which the political system can put into practice a conception of economic justice. But conventional ideas about what constitutes tax fairness--found in the vigorous debates about tax policy going on in political and public policy circles, in economics and law--are misguided. In particular, the emphasis on distributing the tax burden relative to pretax income is a fundamental mistake. Taxation does not take from people what they already own. Property rights are the product of a set of laws and conventions, of which the tax system forms a central part, so the fairness of taxes can’t be evaluated by their impact on preexisting entitlements. Pretax income has no independent moral significance. Standards of justice should be applied not to the distribution of tax burdens but to the operation and results of the entire framework of economic institutions. The result is an entirely different understanding of a host of controversial issues, such as the estate tax, the tax treatment of marriage, “flat” versus progressive taxes, consumption versus income taxes, tax cuts for the wealthy, and negative income taxes for the poor.Less
In a capitalist economy, taxes are the most significant instrument by which the political system can put into practice a conception of economic justice. But conventional ideas about what constitutes tax fairness--found in the vigorous debates about tax policy going on in political and public policy circles, in economics and law--are misguided. In particular, the emphasis on distributing the tax burden relative to pretax income is a fundamental mistake. Taxation does not take from people what they already own. Property rights are the product of a set of laws and conventions, of which the tax system forms a central part, so the fairness of taxes can’t be evaluated by their impact on preexisting entitlements. Pretax income has no independent moral significance. Standards of justice should be applied not to the distribution of tax burdens but to the operation and results of the entire framework of economic institutions. The result is an entirely different understanding of a host of controversial issues, such as the estate tax, the tax treatment of marriage, “flat” versus progressive taxes, consumption versus income taxes, tax cuts for the wealthy, and negative income taxes for the poor.
Bob Deacon
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295662
- eISBN:
- 9780191599521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295669.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In this chapter, it is argued that the concerns of social policy, traditionally the prerogative of sovereign states, have become supranational and global in scope. The management of economic ...
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In this chapter, it is argued that the concerns of social policy, traditionally the prerogative of sovereign states, have become supranational and global in scope. The management of economic activity, such that it also serves the purpose of social justice both within and among states, is now high on the agenda of global forums such as the G7 and of international organizations such as the World Bank and the World Trade Organization. Begins by elaborating on this proposition, offering a more precise analysis of the new terrain of global social policy. It then reviews the social policies, both explicit and implicit, of major international organizations, particularly in the sphere of income maintenance and the management of inequality. Finally, it reviews the global governance reform agenda in terms of its relevance to the task of securing greater global justice.Less
In this chapter, it is argued that the concerns of social policy, traditionally the prerogative of sovereign states, have become supranational and global in scope. The management of economic activity, such that it also serves the purpose of social justice both within and among states, is now high on the agenda of global forums such as the G7 and of international organizations such as the World Bank and the World Trade Organization. Begins by elaborating on this proposition, offering a more precise analysis of the new terrain of global social policy. It then reviews the social policies, both explicit and implicit, of major international organizations, particularly in the sphere of income maintenance and the management of inequality. Finally, it reviews the global governance reform agenda in terms of its relevance to the task of securing greater global justice.
Vincent D. Rougeau
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199739813
- eISBN:
- 9780199866120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199739813.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter presents a brief legal history of contract law in the United States and identifies multiple ways in which it includes a bias toward market decisions and often excludes fundamental ...
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This chapter presents a brief legal history of contract law in the United States and identifies multiple ways in which it includes a bias toward market decisions and often excludes fundamental concerns of justice. The chapter is organized as follows. Section 1 describes the three major understandings of justice in the Catholic intellectual tradition. Section 2 relates those areas to a particular aspect of Anglo-American contract law and policy. Section 3 evaluates how the law addresses justice concerns and assesses its strengths and limitations in light of Catholic conceptions of justice. Finally, Section 4 offers some suggestions about the future direction of contract law and its potential for being a force for economic justice in society.Less
This chapter presents a brief legal history of contract law in the United States and identifies multiple ways in which it includes a bias toward market decisions and often excludes fundamental concerns of justice. The chapter is organized as follows. Section 1 describes the three major understandings of justice in the Catholic intellectual tradition. Section 2 relates those areas to a particular aspect of Anglo-American contract law and policy. Section 3 evaluates how the law addresses justice concerns and assesses its strengths and limitations in light of Catholic conceptions of justice. Finally, Section 4 offers some suggestions about the future direction of contract law and its potential for being a force for economic justice in society.
Liam Murphy and Thomas Nagel
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195150162
- eISBN:
- 9780199833924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195150163.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Taxation arouses strong passions, fueled not only by conflicts of economic self-interest, but by conflicting ideas of justice or fairness. Though empirical questions and questions of economic theory ...
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Taxation arouses strong passions, fueled not only by conflicts of economic self-interest, but by conflicting ideas of justice or fairness. Though empirical questions and questions of economic theory are inescapable in responsible discussion of tax policy, so too are philosophical questions of social and economic justice. But the topic has been neglected by philosophers, especially by comparison with such legal issues as abortion and freedom of expression. This book aims to make a start at filling this gap.Less
Taxation arouses strong passions, fueled not only by conflicts of economic self-interest, but by conflicting ideas of justice or fairness. Though empirical questions and questions of economic theory are inescapable in responsible discussion of tax policy, so too are philosophical questions of social and economic justice. But the topic has been neglected by philosophers, especially by comparison with such legal issues as abortion and freedom of expression. This book aims to make a start at filling this gap.
Gijs Van Donselaar
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195140392
- eISBN:
- 9780199871483
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195140392.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
In 1895, an English farmer diverted the course of a stream that was flowing through his land, thereby cutting off the supply to the water reservoir of the neighboring community. The courts ...
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In 1895, an English farmer diverted the course of a stream that was flowing through his land, thereby cutting off the supply to the water reservoir of the neighboring community. The courts established that it had been his purpose to “injure the plaintiffs by carrying off the water and to compel them to buy him off.” Regardless of what the law says, most people will feel that the farmer's intentions were morally unjust; he was trying to abuse his property rights in order to take advantage of others. Yet, as this book explains, the major traditions in the theory of economic justice, both from the libertarian right and from the egalitarian left, have failed to appreciate the moral objection to exploitative behavior that this case displays. Those traditions entertain radically opposed views on how private property should be distributed, but they do not consider the legitimacy of constraints on the exercise of property rights—however they are distributed. The second part of the book demonstrates how this failure clears the way for a recent egalitarian argument, gaining in popularity, for a so-called unconditional basic income. If all have an initial right to an equal share of the resources of the world, then it soon seems to follow that all have a right to an equal share of the value of the resources of the world, which could be cashed in as a labor-free income. That inference is only valid if moral behavior similar to that of the farmer is tolerated.Less
In 1895, an English farmer diverted the course of a stream that was flowing through his land, thereby cutting off the supply to the water reservoir of the neighboring community. The courts established that it had been his purpose to “injure the plaintiffs by carrying off the water and to compel them to buy him off.” Regardless of what the law says, most people will feel that the farmer's intentions were morally unjust; he was trying to abuse his property rights in order to take advantage of others. Yet, as this book explains, the major traditions in the theory of economic justice, both from the libertarian right and from the egalitarian left, have failed to appreciate the moral objection to exploitative behavior that this case displays. Those traditions entertain radically opposed views on how private property should be distributed, but they do not consider the legitimacy of constraints on the exercise of property rights—however they are distributed. The second part of the book demonstrates how this failure clears the way for a recent egalitarian argument, gaining in popularity, for a so-called unconditional basic income. If all have an initial right to an equal share of the resources of the world, then it soon seems to follow that all have a right to an equal share of the value of the resources of the world, which could be cashed in as a labor-free income. That inference is only valid if moral behavior similar to that of the farmer is tolerated.
Ngaire Woods
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199251209
- eISBN:
- 9780191599293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199251207.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Woods's chapter focuses primarily on procedural justice within the international financial institutions. She argues that the procedures adopted by these institutions are central to the debate about ...
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Woods's chapter focuses primarily on procedural justice within the international financial institutions. She argues that the procedures adopted by these institutions are central to the debate about global economic justice, and thus it is essential to explore how these bodies make decisions and implement them. Her conclusions suggest that, notwithstanding recent and important reforms, the institutions still suffer from weaknesses in representation and accountability. Unless these bodies attend to these deficiencies, the range and scope of their activities should be circumscribed.Less
Woods's chapter focuses primarily on procedural justice within the international financial institutions. She argues that the procedures adopted by these institutions are central to the debate about global economic justice, and thus it is essential to explore how these bodies make decisions and implement them. Her conclusions suggest that, notwithstanding recent and important reforms, the institutions still suffer from weaknesses in representation and accountability. Unless these bodies attend to these deficiencies, the range and scope of their activities should be circumscribed.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295662
- eISBN:
- 9780191599521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295669.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Argues that the mere demonstration of inequality (e.g. the difference in average life expectancy between West Germany and Uganda) is not of itself sufficient to prove injustice. One needs to go ...
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Argues that the mere demonstration of inequality (e.g. the difference in average life expectancy between West Germany and Uganda) is not of itself sufficient to prove injustice. One needs to go further, examining why the inequality has occurred and clarifying the moral basis for condemning it as unjust. Not all inequality in international relations can be so described, and this chapter criticizes two of the prominent types of arguments used to demonstrate that existing inequalities are unjust. First, it dismisses the idea of a ‘global community of states’ in which equality implies recognition and respect. Second, it rejects arguments based on a notion of an equal right to natural resources. Instead, the chapter offers two alternative reasons for regarding inequalities as unjust: first, were they do actually involve the violation of ‘basic rights’, and second, where the inequalities have arisen from ‘exploitative’ transactions based on inequality of bargaining power.Less
Argues that the mere demonstration of inequality (e.g. the difference in average life expectancy between West Germany and Uganda) is not of itself sufficient to prove injustice. One needs to go further, examining why the inequality has occurred and clarifying the moral basis for condemning it as unjust. Not all inequality in international relations can be so described, and this chapter criticizes two of the prominent types of arguments used to demonstrate that existing inequalities are unjust. First, it dismisses the idea of a ‘global community of states’ in which equality implies recognition and respect. Second, it rejects arguments based on a notion of an equal right to natural resources. Instead, the chapter offers two alternative reasons for regarding inequalities as unjust: first, were they do actually involve the violation of ‘basic rights’, and second, where the inequalities have arisen from ‘exploitative’ transactions based on inequality of bargaining power.
Melvin Delgado and Lee Staples
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195182767
- eISBN:
- 9780199865192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182767.003.0002
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations, Children and Families
This chapter presents a four-part definitional and philosophical foundation upon which to build a contextualization of youth rights and their social-political status within society. It includes ...
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This chapter presents a four-part definitional and philosophical foundation upon which to build a contextualization of youth rights and their social-political status within society. It includes definitions of social justice, adultism, youth rights, and a social and economic justice agenda. These four perspectives on justice are influenced by moral philosophy and sociology. It is argued that these four concepts are intertwined and that a commitment to these four concepts is essential if adults are to play meaningful roles in working respectfully and effectively with young people in youth-led community organizing.Less
This chapter presents a four-part definitional and philosophical foundation upon which to build a contextualization of youth rights and their social-political status within society. It includes definitions of social justice, adultism, youth rights, and a social and economic justice agenda. These four perspectives on justice are influenced by moral philosophy and sociology. It is argued that these four concepts are intertwined and that a commitment to these four concepts is essential if adults are to play meaningful roles in working respectfully and effectively with young people in youth-led community organizing.
Gillian Brock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199230938
- eISBN:
- 9780191710957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199230938.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter begins by arguing that the link between free trade and poverty reduction is not as straightforward as some believe. Though there is a role for trade liberalization, its pace, sequencing ...
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This chapter begins by arguing that the link between free trade and poverty reduction is not as straightforward as some believe. Though there is a role for trade liberalization, its pace, sequencing and other complementary policies are also crucial to its success. Special and differential treatment can be justified for vulnerable, developing nations. The chapter considers what economic justice requires. Rejecting Kapstein's model, it argues for an alternative account of economic justice, according to which the international community makes it possible for each country to have reasonable opportunities to achieve the kind and level of economic activity necessary to sustain the goals of global justice introduced in Chapter 3. The chapter discusses ways in which we can discharge this obligation and also ways in which the global economic order can assist in improving working conditions and wages, through programs such as “Just Linkage”, advocated by Barry and Reddy.Less
This chapter begins by arguing that the link between free trade and poverty reduction is not as straightforward as some believe. Though there is a role for trade liberalization, its pace, sequencing and other complementary policies are also crucial to its success. Special and differential treatment can be justified for vulnerable, developing nations. The chapter considers what economic justice requires. Rejecting Kapstein's model, it argues for an alternative account of economic justice, according to which the international community makes it possible for each country to have reasonable opportunities to achieve the kind and level of economic activity necessary to sustain the goals of global justice introduced in Chapter 3. The chapter discusses ways in which we can discharge this obligation and also ways in which the global economic order can assist in improving working conditions and wages, through programs such as “Just Linkage”, advocated by Barry and Reddy.
Carol A. Horton
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195143485
- eISBN:
- 9780199850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195143485.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter describes the substantive content and political dynamics of what is here referred to as “anti-caste liberalism”. Developed by Radical Republicans and their allies during the late 1860s, ...
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This chapter describes the substantive content and political dynamics of what is here referred to as “anti-caste liberalism”. Developed by Radical Republicans and their allies during the late 1860s, anti-caste liberals claimed that the Reconstruction amendments had placed the principle of racial equality at the pinnacle of the American constitutional order, charging the federal government with the responsibility to take action against the continued maintenance of racial caste. This position was quite radical for its time, as it insisted on the political imperative of a strong standard against racial discrimination. Although only briefly upheld as the law of the land, anti-caste constitutionalism continued to find expression in legal arguments, books, speeches, and political meetings well into the 1880s. On the other hand, anti-caste liberalism represented an essentially conservative position on economic issues. Particularly given the growing economic divisions and class antagonisms of the time, this combination of economic conservatism and racial, political, and legal radicalism illustrates the tremendous disjuncture that existed between the struggle against racial discrimination and the battle for economic justice in late 19th-century America.Less
This chapter describes the substantive content and political dynamics of what is here referred to as “anti-caste liberalism”. Developed by Radical Republicans and their allies during the late 1860s, anti-caste liberals claimed that the Reconstruction amendments had placed the principle of racial equality at the pinnacle of the American constitutional order, charging the federal government with the responsibility to take action against the continued maintenance of racial caste. This position was quite radical for its time, as it insisted on the political imperative of a strong standard against racial discrimination. Although only briefly upheld as the law of the land, anti-caste constitutionalism continued to find expression in legal arguments, books, speeches, and political meetings well into the 1880s. On the other hand, anti-caste liberalism represented an essentially conservative position on economic issues. Particularly given the growing economic divisions and class antagonisms of the time, this combination of economic conservatism and racial, political, and legal radicalism illustrates the tremendous disjuncture that existed between the struggle against racial discrimination and the battle for economic justice in late 19th-century America.
Brantley W. Gasaway
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781469617725
- eISBN:
- 9781469617749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469617725.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter discusses the goal of progressive evangelicals to end poverty, which was central to their broad social justice agenda. Based on their biblical interpretations, leaders argued that God ...
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This chapter discusses the goal of progressive evangelicals to end poverty, which was central to their broad social justice agenda. Based on their biblical interpretations, leaders argued that God designed economic justice by the redistribution of resources to meet the basic needs of the poor. This includes equal economic opportunities and minimizing wealth inequalities. In short, leaders insisted that Christians must work politically to promote governmental actions that provide for and empower the poor. This theology of liberation became the foundation for progressive evangelicals' economic analyses and public efforts to combat poverty. They defended their preferred policies with utmost zeal, often denouncing opposite strategies and competing policies as immoral and unbiblical.Less
This chapter discusses the goal of progressive evangelicals to end poverty, which was central to their broad social justice agenda. Based on their biblical interpretations, leaders argued that God designed economic justice by the redistribution of resources to meet the basic needs of the poor. This includes equal economic opportunities and minimizing wealth inequalities. In short, leaders insisted that Christians must work politically to promote governmental actions that provide for and empower the poor. This theology of liberation became the foundation for progressive evangelicals' economic analyses and public efforts to combat poverty. They defended their preferred policies with utmost zeal, often denouncing opposite strategies and competing policies as immoral and unbiblical.
Samuel Freeman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- July 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190699260
- eISBN:
- 9780190699291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190699260.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter argues that distributive justice is institutionally based. Certain cooperative institutions are basic: they are necessary for economic production and the division of labor, trade and ...
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This chapter argues that distributive justice is institutionally based. Certain cooperative institutions are basic: they are necessary for economic production and the division of labor, trade and exchange, and distribution and consumption. These background institutions presuppose principles of justice to specify their terms, allocate productive resources, and define fair distributions. Primary among these basic institutions are property; laws and conventions enabling transfers of goods and productive resources; and the legal system of contract and agreements that make transfers possible and productive. Political institutions are necessary to specify, interpret, enforce, and make effective the terms of these institutions. Thus, basic cooperative institutions are social; they are realizable only within the context of social and political cooperation—this is a fixed empirical fact about cooperation among free and equal persons. Given the nature of fair social cooperation as a kind of reciprocity, distributive justice is primarily social rather than global in reach.Less
This chapter argues that distributive justice is institutionally based. Certain cooperative institutions are basic: they are necessary for economic production and the division of labor, trade and exchange, and distribution and consumption. These background institutions presuppose principles of justice to specify their terms, allocate productive resources, and define fair distributions. Primary among these basic institutions are property; laws and conventions enabling transfers of goods and productive resources; and the legal system of contract and agreements that make transfers possible and productive. Political institutions are necessary to specify, interpret, enforce, and make effective the terms of these institutions. Thus, basic cooperative institutions are social; they are realizable only within the context of social and political cooperation—this is a fixed empirical fact about cooperation among free and equal persons. Given the nature of fair social cooperation as a kind of reciprocity, distributive justice is primarily social rather than global in reach.
Mark R. Reiff
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199664009
- eISBN:
- 9780191751400
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199664009.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The introduction explains the overall objectives of the work, describes the enormous rise in economic inequality that has occurred over the last thirty years, and defines some of the basic tools or ...
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The introduction explains the overall objectives of the work, describes the enormous rise in economic inequality that has occurred over the last thirty years, and defines some of the basic tools or concepts that will be used to construct the theory of exploitation that is the subject of the book. These tools include a reconceived notion of the ancient doctrine of the just price, and my own more recent idea of intolerable unfairness. The introduction also sets forth the various presuppositions on which the work will be based and explains what is meant by terms such as economic justice, capitalism, political economy, and political liberalism.Less
The introduction explains the overall objectives of the work, describes the enormous rise in economic inequality that has occurred over the last thirty years, and defines some of the basic tools or concepts that will be used to construct the theory of exploitation that is the subject of the book. These tools include a reconceived notion of the ancient doctrine of the just price, and my own more recent idea of intolerable unfairness. The introduction also sets forth the various presuppositions on which the work will be based and explains what is meant by terms such as economic justice, capitalism, political economy, and political liberalism.
Sylvie Laurent
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780520288560
- eISBN:
- 9780520963436
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520288560.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The first chapter defines the race and class framework as debated by Black America very early on, as it foreshadowed the tensions between activists engaged in the 1968 campaign. It is dedicated to ...
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The first chapter defines the race and class framework as debated by Black America very early on, as it foreshadowed the tensions between activists engaged in the 1968 campaign. It is dedicated to exploring the analysis of Frederick Douglass and W.E.B. Du Bois, pioneers of a black radical egalitarianism much more relevant to King’s democratic socialism than usually assumed by historians. Their thoughts on will serve as a stepping stone for understanding King’s intellectual inheritanceLess
The first chapter defines the race and class framework as debated by Black America very early on, as it foreshadowed the tensions between activists engaged in the 1968 campaign. It is dedicated to exploring the analysis of Frederick Douglass and W.E.B. Du Bois, pioneers of a black radical egalitarianism much more relevant to King’s democratic socialism than usually assumed by historians. Their thoughts on will serve as a stepping stone for understanding King’s intellectual inheritance
Keona K. Ervin
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813168838
- eISBN:
- 9780813173924
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813168838.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Gateway to Equality demonstrates that from the 1930s to the 1960s, a critical mass of black working-class women forged a most expansive social justice struggle for economic dignity in St. Louis. ...
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Gateway to Equality demonstrates that from the 1930s to the 1960s, a critical mass of black working-class women forged a most expansive social justice struggle for economic dignity in St. Louis. Women mobilized and resisted as they sought jobs, a living wage, decent working conditions, affordable housing, and economic projection. Their community-based economic politics drew public attention to their status as key members of the urban working class and disrupted mainstream conceptualizations such as “worker,” “the working class,” and “the labor movement.” With support from black middle-class women reformers, black working-class women summoned the broader public sphere to embrace concern and responsibility for black women’s survival Merging women’s rights, labor, and civil rights agendas, black working-class women forged struggles that challenged and disrupted political discourses and practices as they questioned the role of the state, the limits and possibilities of American citizenship and democracy, and the reach and uses of economic power.Less
Gateway to Equality demonstrates that from the 1930s to the 1960s, a critical mass of black working-class women forged a most expansive social justice struggle for economic dignity in St. Louis. Women mobilized and resisted as they sought jobs, a living wage, decent working conditions, affordable housing, and economic projection. Their community-based economic politics drew public attention to their status as key members of the urban working class and disrupted mainstream conceptualizations such as “worker,” “the working class,” and “the labor movement.” With support from black middle-class women reformers, black working-class women summoned the broader public sphere to embrace concern and responsibility for black women’s survival Merging women’s rights, labor, and civil rights agendas, black working-class women forged struggles that challenged and disrupted political discourses and practices as they questioned the role of the state, the limits and possibilities of American citizenship and democracy, and the reach and uses of economic power.
George F. DeMartino and Jonathan D. Moyer
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781474414470
- eISBN:
- 9781474427005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474414470.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the extent of consensus and disagreement among alternative contemporary accounts of justice on the matter of the kinds of events that might warrant restitution and, ...
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This chapter explores the extent of consensus and disagreement among alternative contemporary accounts of justice on the matter of the kinds of events that might warrant restitution and, consequently, the computation of the magnitude of restitution. The goal is not to adjudicate the relevant normative controversies, but rather to illustrate the significance of normative theory for the restitution project. For purposes of demonstration, the chapter focuses on three important traditions in the recent scholarship on economic justice: the libertarian tradition of political philosophy, the liberal contractarian approach, and the capabilities approach. This focus shows that normative controversy surrounding the concept of justice bears heavily on considerations pertaining to restitution.Less
This chapter explores the extent of consensus and disagreement among alternative contemporary accounts of justice on the matter of the kinds of events that might warrant restitution and, consequently, the computation of the magnitude of restitution. The goal is not to adjudicate the relevant normative controversies, but rather to illustrate the significance of normative theory for the restitution project. For purposes of demonstration, the chapter focuses on three important traditions in the recent scholarship on economic justice: the libertarian tradition of political philosophy, the liberal contractarian approach, and the capabilities approach. This focus shows that normative controversy surrounding the concept of justice bears heavily on considerations pertaining to restitution.
Shawn Leigh Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813032320
- eISBN:
- 9780813039084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813032320.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter presents “A New Party” and “But It Will Be!”—editorials written while finishing Black and White—where Fortune demonstrates his growing belief that the conditions of workers, black and ...
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This chapter presents “A New Party” and “But It Will Be!”—editorials written while finishing Black and White—where Fortune demonstrates his growing belief that the conditions of workers, black and white, were the same and, consequently, so was their cause. He called for workers “of the South, the North and the West” to create “a solid front to the masterful forces which press them down.” “Opposition to this unification,” he argued, “is suicidal.” Equally important, Fortune attempted to demonstrate that the same economic forces that were shaping the lives of white workers, here and abroad, were also affecting the lives of the African Americans. Because of this, according to Fortune, blacks should have an equal place in the struggle for economic justice. These are themes that he would further develop in the latter half of Black and White.Less
This chapter presents “A New Party” and “But It Will Be!”—editorials written while finishing Black and White—where Fortune demonstrates his growing belief that the conditions of workers, black and white, were the same and, consequently, so was their cause. He called for workers “of the South, the North and the West” to create “a solid front to the masterful forces which press them down.” “Opposition to this unification,” he argued, “is suicidal.” Equally important, Fortune attempted to demonstrate that the same economic forces that were shaping the lives of white workers, here and abroad, were also affecting the lives of the African Americans. Because of this, according to Fortune, blacks should have an equal place in the struggle for economic justice. These are themes that he would further develop in the latter half of Black and White.
Samuel Freeman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- July 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190699260
- eISBN:
- 9780190699291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190699260.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter analyzes Rawls’s complex account of distributive justice. Rawls’s difference principle requires that economic systems be organized so that the least advantaged members of society are ...
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This chapter analyzes Rawls’s complex account of distributive justice. Rawls’s difference principle requires that economic systems be organized so that the least advantaged members of society are better off than they would be in any alternative economic arrangement. The following questions are addressed here: What constraints are imposed by equal basic liberties and fair equality of opportunity on inequalities allowed by the difference principle? What are the difference principle’s broad and narrow requirements? Is maximizing the least advantaged position mandatory regardless of the inequalities created, or is it optional so that a society can choose to limit inequalities permitted by the difference principle? In what respect is the difference principle a reciprocity principle and not prioritarian? What measures are required to realize the difference principle under ideal conditions of a well-ordered society versus non-ideal conditions of an unjust society? Why should property-owning democracy rather than welfare-state capitalism satisfy Rawls’s principles of justice?Less
This chapter analyzes Rawls’s complex account of distributive justice. Rawls’s difference principle requires that economic systems be organized so that the least advantaged members of society are better off than they would be in any alternative economic arrangement. The following questions are addressed here: What constraints are imposed by equal basic liberties and fair equality of opportunity on inequalities allowed by the difference principle? What are the difference principle’s broad and narrow requirements? Is maximizing the least advantaged position mandatory regardless of the inequalities created, or is it optional so that a society can choose to limit inequalities permitted by the difference principle? In what respect is the difference principle a reciprocity principle and not prioritarian? What measures are required to realize the difference principle under ideal conditions of a well-ordered society versus non-ideal conditions of an unjust society? Why should property-owning democracy rather than welfare-state capitalism satisfy Rawls’s principles of justice?
Susan D. Carle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945740
- eISBN:
- 9780199369843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, Social History
The disputes that took place within the National Afro-American Council exposed deep ideological fissures among the organization's central figures. These fault lines are examined by contrasting the ...
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The disputes that took place within the National Afro-American Council exposed deep ideological fissures among the organization's central figures. These fault lines are examined by contrasting the perspectives of Booker T. Washington, whose public persona emphasized accommodating white prejudice while working on economic advancement, with those of Reverdy C. Ransom, a social gospel minister of the African Methodist Episcopal church who was the earliest outspoken leader opposing Washington within the Afro-American Council. The chapter argues that the underlying rift between the accommodationist and the radical factions of the Afro-American Council was at bottom based on different underlying economic, rather than civil rights, views.Less
The disputes that took place within the National Afro-American Council exposed deep ideological fissures among the organization's central figures. These fault lines are examined by contrasting the perspectives of Booker T. Washington, whose public persona emphasized accommodating white prejudice while working on economic advancement, with those of Reverdy C. Ransom, a social gospel minister of the African Methodist Episcopal church who was the earliest outspoken leader opposing Washington within the Afro-American Council. The chapter argues that the underlying rift between the accommodationist and the radical factions of the Afro-American Council was at bottom based on different underlying economic, rather than civil rights, views.
