Hillel Cohen and Haim Watzman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520252219
- eISBN:
- 9780520933989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520252219.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The first signs of Palestinian Arab political reorganization appeared at the end of 1943. Independent leaders reestablished the Nation's Fund, operating in three channels: propaganda against selling ...
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The first signs of Palestinian Arab political reorganization appeared at the end of 1943. Independent leaders reestablished the Nation's Fund, operating in three channels: propaganda against selling land to Jews, rescuing land that was in danger, and direct action against sellers. On the eve of the 1948 war, the Palestinian national institutions were unable to unite the country's Arabs. They were vulnerable to intelligence penetration by the Zionists, whom each faction and leader helped in his own way in order to harm his opponents. Many Arabs continued to maintain social and economic ties with Jews in violation of the Higher Arab Committee's instructions. Zionist intelligence recruitment was becoming more and more sophisticated. And the Arabs of Palestine were facing a war that commenced immediately after their leadership announced its rejection of the UN General Assembly decision to partition Palestine into two countries.Less
The first signs of Palestinian Arab political reorganization appeared at the end of 1943. Independent leaders reestablished the Nation's Fund, operating in three channels: propaganda against selling land to Jews, rescuing land that was in danger, and direct action against sellers. On the eve of the 1948 war, the Palestinian national institutions were unable to unite the country's Arabs. They were vulnerable to intelligence penetration by the Zionists, whom each faction and leader helped in his own way in order to harm his opponents. Many Arabs continued to maintain social and economic ties with Jews in violation of the Higher Arab Committee's instructions. Zionist intelligence recruitment was becoming more and more sophisticated. And the Arabs of Palestine were facing a war that commenced immediately after their leadership announced its rejection of the UN General Assembly decision to partition Palestine into two countries.
Hillel Cohen and Haim Watzman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520252219
- eISBN:
- 9780520933989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520252219.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Collaboration took different forms during these years, depending mostly on the way Zionist decision makers analyzed the state of the conflict. This chapter highlights the unique feature of the ...
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Collaboration took different forms during these years, depending mostly on the way Zionist decision makers analyzed the state of the conflict. This chapter highlights the unique feature of the Palestinian national movement. A national movement generally faces the difficulty of disseminating its ideology among an internally divided public. The Palestinian Arabs also had to confront the intensive penetration of their ranks by a rival national movement. The discussion also considers the Zionist ideology and praxis in this regard. After more than a decade of effort, the Zionist movement abandoned its strategy of establishing or encouraging organizations and parties to constitute an alternative leadership for Palestine's Arabs. The Palestinian national movement, for its part, tried from time to time to impose a boycott on Jewish products. It sought to harm the Jewish economy and to prevent the Zionists from depicting the relations between Jews and Arabs as mutually beneficial.Less
Collaboration took different forms during these years, depending mostly on the way Zionist decision makers analyzed the state of the conflict. This chapter highlights the unique feature of the Palestinian national movement. A national movement generally faces the difficulty of disseminating its ideology among an internally divided public. The Palestinian Arabs also had to confront the intensive penetration of their ranks by a rival national movement. The discussion also considers the Zionist ideology and praxis in this regard. After more than a decade of effort, the Zionist movement abandoned its strategy of establishing or encouraging organizations and parties to constitute an alternative leadership for Palestine's Arabs. The Palestinian national movement, for its part, tried from time to time to impose a boycott on Jewish products. It sought to harm the Jewish economy and to prevent the Zionists from depicting the relations between Jews and Arabs as mutually beneficial.
Kimberly K. Little
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604732283
- eISBN:
- 9781604733518
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604732283.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter examines the participation of white women in direct action protests in Memphis in the years 1955–1964. It looks at how Memphis’s white women became involved in the civil rights movement ...
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This chapter examines the participation of white women in direct action protests in Memphis in the years 1955–1964. It looks at how Memphis’s white women became involved in the civil rights movement through the back door, through volunteer and religious organizations. It also considers the resistance they encountered from all quarters, whites and blacks, in their journey to civil rights activism and how they challenged segregation and pushed for social reform by joining protests such as sit-ins, freedom rides, and economic boycotts.Less
This chapter examines the participation of white women in direct action protests in Memphis in the years 1955–1964. It looks at how Memphis’s white women became involved in the civil rights movement through the back door, through volunteer and religious organizations. It also considers the resistance they encountered from all quarters, whites and blacks, in their journey to civil rights activism and how they challenged segregation and pushed for social reform by joining protests such as sit-ins, freedom rides, and economic boycotts.
Lee Sartain
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617037511
- eISBN:
- 9781621039303
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617037511.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
As a border city Baltimore made an ideal arena to push for change during the civil rights movement. It was a city in which all forms of segregation and racism appeared vulnerable to attack by the ...
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As a border city Baltimore made an ideal arena to push for change during the civil rights movement. It was a city in which all forms of segregation and racism appeared vulnerable to attack by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)’s methods. If successful in Baltimore, the rest of the nation might follow with progressive and integrationist reforms. The Baltimore branch of the NAACP, one of the first chapters in the nation and the largest branch by 1946, undertook various forms of civil rights activity from 1914 through the 1940s that later were mainstays of the 1960s movement. Nonviolent protest, youth activism, economic boycotts, marches on state capitols, campaigns for voter registration, and pursuit of anti-lynching cases all had test runs. Remarkably, Baltimore’s NAACP had the same branch president for thirty-five years starting in 1935, a woman, Lillie M. Jackson. Her work highlights gender issues and the social and political transitions among the changing civil rights groups. This book evaluates Jackson’s leadership amid challenges from radicalized youth groups and the Black Power Movement. Baltimore was an urban industrial center that shared many characteristics with the North, and African Americans could vote there. The city absorbed a large number of black economic migrants from the South, and exhibited racial patterns that made it more familiar to Southerners. It was one of the first places to begin desegregating its schools in September 1954 after the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education.Less
As a border city Baltimore made an ideal arena to push for change during the civil rights movement. It was a city in which all forms of segregation and racism appeared vulnerable to attack by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)’s methods. If successful in Baltimore, the rest of the nation might follow with progressive and integrationist reforms. The Baltimore branch of the NAACP, one of the first chapters in the nation and the largest branch by 1946, undertook various forms of civil rights activity from 1914 through the 1940s that later were mainstays of the 1960s movement. Nonviolent protest, youth activism, economic boycotts, marches on state capitols, campaigns for voter registration, and pursuit of anti-lynching cases all had test runs. Remarkably, Baltimore’s NAACP had the same branch president for thirty-five years starting in 1935, a woman, Lillie M. Jackson. Her work highlights gender issues and the social and political transitions among the changing civil rights groups. This book evaluates Jackson’s leadership amid challenges from radicalized youth groups and the Black Power Movement. Baltimore was an urban industrial center that shared many characteristics with the North, and African Americans could vote there. The city absorbed a large number of black economic migrants from the South, and exhibited racial patterns that made it more familiar to Southerners. It was one of the first places to begin desegregating its schools in September 1954 after the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education.
