Adele Goldberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199268511
- eISBN:
- 9780191708428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268511.003.0010
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter briefly surveys various constructionist approaches, comparing and contrasting several closely related frameworks. In addition, certain mainstream generative grammar approaches that have ...
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This chapter briefly surveys various constructionist approaches, comparing and contrasting several closely related frameworks. In addition, certain mainstream generative grammar approaches that have also argued for relating semantics to formal structures are critiqued. It is argued that the generative proposals underestimate the necessity of item-specific meaning; a combination of morphologically specific and constructional generalizations are required to account for the richness and complexity of language.Less
This chapter briefly surveys various constructionist approaches, comparing and contrasting several closely related frameworks. In addition, certain mainstream generative grammar approaches that have also argued for relating semantics to formal structures are critiqued. It is argued that the generative proposals underestimate the necessity of item-specific meaning; a combination of morphologically specific and constructional generalizations are required to account for the richness and complexity of language.
Bridget D. Samuels
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199694358
- eISBN:
- 9780191731891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199694358.003.0004
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Phonetics / Phonology, Psycholinguistics / Neurolinguistics / Cognitive Linguistics
‘The Syntax-Phonology Interface’ presents a theory of how syntax, phonology, and morphology interact in a cyclic manner, based on the Lexical Phonology, Derivation by Phase and Distributed Morphology ...
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‘The Syntax-Phonology Interface’ presents a theory of how syntax, phonology, and morphology interact in a cyclic manner, based on the Lexical Phonology, Derivation by Phase and Distributed Morphology frameworks. Phenomena discussed include cyclic spell-out and the Phase Impenetrability Condition, locality restrictions in morphology and phonology, lexical and post-lexical rules, and the prosodic hierarchy.Less
‘The Syntax-Phonology Interface’ presents a theory of how syntax, phonology, and morphology interact in a cyclic manner, based on the Lexical Phonology, Derivation by Phase and Distributed Morphology frameworks. Phenomena discussed include cyclic spell-out and the Phase Impenetrability Condition, locality restrictions in morphology and phonology, lexical and post-lexical rules, and the prosodic hierarchy.
David Embick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262014229
- eISBN:
- 9780262289344
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262014229.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Phonetics / Phonology
This book offers a detailed examination of morphology and phonology from a phase-cyclic point of view (that is, one that takes into account recent developments in Distributed Morphology and the ...
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This book offers a detailed examination of morphology and phonology from a phase-cyclic point of view (that is, one that takes into account recent developments in Distributed Morphology and the Minimalist program) and a detailed treatment of allomorphy, a phenomenon that is central to understanding how the grammar of human language works. In addition to making new theoretical proposals about morphology and phonology in terms of a cyclic theory, it addresses a schism in the field between phonological theories such as Optimality Theory and other (mostly syntactic) theories such as those associated with the Minimalist program. The book presents sustained empirical arguments that the Localist view of grammar associated with the Minimalist program (and Distributed Morphology in particular) is correct, and that the Globalism espoused by many forms of Optimality Theory is incorrect. In the “derivational versus nonderivational” debate in linguistic theory, its arguments come down squarely on the derivational side. Determining how to make empirical comparisons between such large positions and the different frameworks that embody them is at the heart of the book. The book argues that patterns of allomorphy implicate general questions about locality and specific questions about the manner in which (morpho)syntax relates to (morpho)phonology. Allomorphy thus provides a crucial test case for comparing Localist and Globalist approaches to grammar.Less
This book offers a detailed examination of morphology and phonology from a phase-cyclic point of view (that is, one that takes into account recent developments in Distributed Morphology and the Minimalist program) and a detailed treatment of allomorphy, a phenomenon that is central to understanding how the grammar of human language works. In addition to making new theoretical proposals about morphology and phonology in terms of a cyclic theory, it addresses a schism in the field between phonological theories such as Optimality Theory and other (mostly syntactic) theories such as those associated with the Minimalist program. The book presents sustained empirical arguments that the Localist view of grammar associated with the Minimalist program (and Distributed Morphology in particular) is correct, and that the Globalism espoused by many forms of Optimality Theory is incorrect. In the “derivational versus nonderivational” debate in linguistic theory, its arguments come down squarely on the derivational side. Determining how to make empirical comparisons between such large positions and the different frameworks that embody them is at the heart of the book. The book argues that patterns of allomorphy implicate general questions about locality and specific questions about the manner in which (morpho)syntax relates to (morpho)phonology. Allomorphy thus provides a crucial test case for comparing Localist and Globalist approaches to grammar.
Johan Rooryck and Guido Vanden Wyngaerd
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199691326
- eISBN:
- 9780191731785
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199691326.003.0002
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter presents the central assumptions about Agree and Distributed Morphology adopted in this study. These assumptions are sufficient to account for absence of Principle B effects, i.e., the ...
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This chapter presents the central assumptions about Agree and Distributed Morphology adopted in this study. These assumptions are sufficient to account for absence of Principle B effects, i.e., the observation that in many languages pronouns take over anaphoric duties when a dedicated anaphor is lacking. An account of this generalization is developed in terms of the Elsewhere principle. More specifically, it is shown that the framework of Distributed Morphology framework allows for a precise formal analysis of a wide array of data conforming to this generalization, including the diachrony of English, Haitian Creole, and the delay of Principle B effects in L1 acquisition.Less
This chapter presents the central assumptions about Agree and Distributed Morphology adopted in this study. These assumptions are sufficient to account for absence of Principle B effects, i.e., the observation that in many languages pronouns take over anaphoric duties when a dedicated anaphor is lacking. An account of this generalization is developed in terms of the Elsewhere principle. More specifically, it is shown that the framework of Distributed Morphology framework allows for a precise formal analysis of a wide array of data conforming to this generalization, including the diachrony of English, Haitian Creole, and the delay of Principle B effects in L1 acquisition.
Ora Matushansky and Alec Marantz (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780262019675
- eISBN:
- 9780262314572
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262019675.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This book offers a snapshot of current research in Distributed Morphology, highlighting the lasting influence of Morris Halle, a pioneer in generative linguistics. Distributed Morphology, which ...
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This book offers a snapshot of current research in Distributed Morphology, highlighting the lasting influence of Morris Halle, a pioneer in generative linguistics. Distributed Morphology, which integrates the morphological with the syntactic, originated in Halle's work. This book, written to mark his 90th birthday, makes an original theoretical contribution to the field and emphasizes Halle's foundational contributions to the study of morphology. The chapters primarily focus on the issues of locality, exploring the tight connection of morphology to phonology, syntax, and semantics that lies at the core of Distributed Morphology. The nature of phases, the notion of a morpho-syntactic feature, allomorphy and exponence, the synthetic/analytic alternation, stress assignment, and syntactic agreement are all shown to link to more than one grammatical module. Animated discussion with students has been central to Halle's research, and the development of Distributed Morphology has been shaped and continued by his students, many of whom have contributed to this volume. Halle's support, advice, and enthusiasm encouraged the research exemplified here.Less
This book offers a snapshot of current research in Distributed Morphology, highlighting the lasting influence of Morris Halle, a pioneer in generative linguistics. Distributed Morphology, which integrates the morphological with the syntactic, originated in Halle's work. This book, written to mark his 90th birthday, makes an original theoretical contribution to the field and emphasizes Halle's foundational contributions to the study of morphology. The chapters primarily focus on the issues of locality, exploring the tight connection of morphology to phonology, syntax, and semantics that lies at the core of Distributed Morphology. The nature of phases, the notion of a morpho-syntactic feature, allomorphy and exponence, the synthetic/analytic alternation, stress assignment, and syntactic agreement are all shown to link to more than one grammatical module. Animated discussion with students has been central to Halle's research, and the development of Distributed Morphology has been shaped and continued by his students, many of whom have contributed to this volume. Halle's support, advice, and enthusiasm encouraged the research exemplified here.
Mark Aronoff
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199678860
- eISBN:
- 9780191758089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199678860.003.0009
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
Recent morphological theories have highlighted two very different views of what roots are. Within Distributed Morphology, roots are the basic meaningful lexical units of language. Within autonomous ...
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Recent morphological theories have highlighted two very different views of what roots are. Within Distributed Morphology, roots are the basic meaningful lexical units of language. Within autonomous morphology, where the meaningful lexical units are lexemes, roots play a very different role and their necessary meaningfulness has been called into question (Aronoff 1976, 1994, 2007). In this article, I will provide detailed evidence from English irregular verbs that roots are purely morphological entities and that English verb roots cannot be meaningful. I will then trace the history of the study of roots in Semitic grammar, beginning with the earliest Arabic grammarians and moving on to the early Hebrew grammatical tradition. I will show that, although traditional Arabic grammar dealt with roots, it was the Hebrew grammarians who gave roots the special status that they acquired in Western grammatical description from the Renaissance on. I will finally review evidence from inside and outside formal linguistics on the status of roots in modern Semitic languages and conclude that, although much points to the reality of roots in these languages, there is little or no evidence that these roots are meaningful as opposed to purely morphological entities. This calls into question the basis of Distributed Morphology, or any theory that relies on meaningful roots as fundamental theoretical entities.Less
Recent morphological theories have highlighted two very different views of what roots are. Within Distributed Morphology, roots are the basic meaningful lexical units of language. Within autonomous morphology, where the meaningful lexical units are lexemes, roots play a very different role and their necessary meaningfulness has been called into question (Aronoff 1976, 1994, 2007). In this article, I will provide detailed evidence from English irregular verbs that roots are purely morphological entities and that English verb roots cannot be meaningful. I will then trace the history of the study of roots in Semitic grammar, beginning with the earliest Arabic grammarians and moving on to the early Hebrew grammatical tradition. I will show that, although traditional Arabic grammar dealt with roots, it was the Hebrew grammarians who gave roots the special status that they acquired in Western grammatical description from the Renaissance on. I will finally review evidence from inside and outside formal linguistics on the status of roots in modern Semitic languages and conclude that, although much points to the reality of roots in these languages, there is little or no evidence that these roots are meaningful as opposed to purely morphological entities. This calls into question the basis of Distributed Morphology, or any theory that relies on meaningful roots as fundamental theoretical entities.
Johan Rooryck and Guido Vanden Wyngaerd
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199691326
- eISBN:
- 9780191731785
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199691326.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This book adopts the strong Minimalist thesis that grammar contains no rules or principles specifically designed to account for anaphors and pronouns. Lexically, anaphors have unvalued φ-features, ...
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This book adopts the strong Minimalist thesis that grammar contains no rules or principles specifically designed to account for anaphors and pronouns. Lexically, anaphors have unvalued φ-features, which need to be valued under Agree. This leads to the novel assumption that anaphors c-command their antecedents. This idea underlies the analysis of both simplex and complex reflexives. Simplex reflexives are merged in a configuration of inalienable possession, with the simplex reflexive c-commanding its antecedent inside a possessive small clause. Self-reflexives share the syntax of self-intensifiers and floating quantifiers, raising to a vP-adjoined position to c-command their antecedents. In contrast to anaphors, pronouns have lexically valued φ-features. Postsyntactic lexical insertion accounts for absence of Principle B effects observed in many languages. The behaviour of pronouns and self-forms in snake-sentences is related to the nature of the Axpart projection of the locative preposition. Semantically, the difference between simplex and complex reflexives derives from the way they refer to spatiotemporal stages of their antecedents.Less
This book adopts the strong Minimalist thesis that grammar contains no rules or principles specifically designed to account for anaphors and pronouns. Lexically, anaphors have unvalued φ-features, which need to be valued under Agree. This leads to the novel assumption that anaphors c-command their antecedents. This idea underlies the analysis of both simplex and complex reflexives. Simplex reflexives are merged in a configuration of inalienable possession, with the simplex reflexive c-commanding its antecedent inside a possessive small clause. Self-reflexives share the syntax of self-intensifiers and floating quantifiers, raising to a vP-adjoined position to c-command their antecedents. In contrast to anaphors, pronouns have lexically valued φ-features. Postsyntactic lexical insertion accounts for absence of Principle B effects observed in many languages. The behaviour of pronouns and self-forms in snake-sentences is related to the nature of the Axpart projection of the locative preposition. Semantically, the difference between simplex and complex reflexives derives from the way they refer to spatiotemporal stages of their antecedents.
David Embick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262014229
- eISBN:
- 9780262289344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262014229.003.0010
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Phonetics / Phonology
This book investigates whether morphology is computed in the same system as phonology or whether morphology and phonology are computed by distinct linguistic systems, organized serially in such a way ...
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This book investigates whether morphology is computed in the same system as phonology or whether morphology and phonology are computed by distinct linguistic systems, organized serially in such a way that potential interactions are restricted. Morphological operations, especially those responsible for allomorphy, are limited not only by the cyclic organization of the grammar but also by the local domains defined by syntax and syntactic relations. The derivational properties of this approach thus strongly restrict potential interactions between morphosyntax and morphophonology. The book considers the debate between derivational and nonderivational theories by looking at allomorphy in natural language and describes the opposing theoretical positions in terms of localism versus globalism and serialism versus parallelism. It also articulates a localist theory of contextual allomorphy, a version of Distributed Morphology which posits that patterns of contextual allomorphy are constrained by both phase-cyclic and linear notions of locality.Less
This book investigates whether morphology is computed in the same system as phonology or whether morphology and phonology are computed by distinct linguistic systems, organized serially in such a way that potential interactions are restricted. Morphological operations, especially those responsible for allomorphy, are limited not only by the cyclic organization of the grammar but also by the local domains defined by syntax and syntactic relations. The derivational properties of this approach thus strongly restrict potential interactions between morphosyntax and morphophonology. The book considers the debate between derivational and nonderivational theories by looking at allomorphy in natural language and describes the opposing theoretical positions in terms of localism versus globalism and serialism versus parallelism. It also articulates a localist theory of contextual allomorphy, a version of Distributed Morphology which posits that patterns of contextual allomorphy are constrained by both phase-cyclic and linear notions of locality.
Itamar Francez and Andrew Koontz-Garboden
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198744580
- eISBN:
- 9780191805837
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198744580.003.0004
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter contrasts the uniformity and transparency approaches to explaining variation in the domain of property concept sentences, examining their respective predictions with case studies from ...
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This chapter contrasts the uniformity and transparency approaches to explaining variation in the domain of property concept sentences, examining their respective predictions with case studies from Ulwa and Malayalam. Two ways of spelling out a uniformity-based analysis are exemplified, and contrasted with the transparency-based Lexical Semantic Variation Hypothesis, which is argued to be superior on empirical and theoretical grounds. The broader consequence is that not all morphosyntactic variation can be reduced to variation in morphophonology and functional vocabulary; differences in the meaning of open class lexical items exist, and give rise to deep differences in morphosyntactic expression of translational equivalents.Less
This chapter contrasts the uniformity and transparency approaches to explaining variation in the domain of property concept sentences, examining their respective predictions with case studies from Ulwa and Malayalam. Two ways of spelling out a uniformity-based analysis are exemplified, and contrasted with the transparency-based Lexical Semantic Variation Hypothesis, which is argued to be superior on empirical and theoretical grounds. The broader consequence is that not all morphosyntactic variation can be reduced to variation in morphophonology and functional vocabulary; differences in the meaning of open class lexical items exist, and give rise to deep differences in morphosyntactic expression of translational equivalents.
Sharon Inkelas
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190210304
- eISBN:
- 9780190210328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190210304.003.0011
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Phonetics / Phonology
This chapter explores the conditioning of allomorphy in Optimal Construction Morphology (OCM; Caballero & Inkelas 2013), a highly lexicalist theory of morphology. OCM differs from other lexicalist ...
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This chapter explores the conditioning of allomorphy in Optimal Construction Morphology (OCM; Caballero & Inkelas 2013), a highly lexicalist theory of morphology. OCM differs from other lexicalist theories (e.g. Lexical Morphology and Phonology; Kiparsky 1982) in having both top-down and bottom-up design features. OCM’s unique architecture generates novel predictions regarding the directionality and locality of conditioning of morphological operations. OCM predicts that allomorphy which is conditioned by arbitrary lexical properties of other morphs in the same word will exhibit an inside-out and potentially local character, whereas allomorphy which is conditioned by properties of the meaning of the word is subject to neither directionality nor locality considerations. This asymmetry arises from the fundamental claim in OCM that word formation is driven by an abstract meaning target, and is illustrated with case studies from Nanti, Nimboran, and Totonac.Less
This chapter explores the conditioning of allomorphy in Optimal Construction Morphology (OCM; Caballero & Inkelas 2013), a highly lexicalist theory of morphology. OCM differs from other lexicalist theories (e.g. Lexical Morphology and Phonology; Kiparsky 1982) in having both top-down and bottom-up design features. OCM’s unique architecture generates novel predictions regarding the directionality and locality of conditioning of morphological operations. OCM predicts that allomorphy which is conditioned by arbitrary lexical properties of other morphs in the same word will exhibit an inside-out and potentially local character, whereas allomorphy which is conditioned by properties of the meaning of the word is subject to neither directionality nor locality considerations. This asymmetry arises from the fundamental claim in OCM that word formation is driven by an abstract meaning target, and is illustrated with case studies from Nanti, Nimboran, and Totonac.
Paul Kiparsky
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190210304
- eISBN:
- 9780190210328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190210304.003.0013
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Phonetics / Phonology
The author presents a critique of Arregi and Nevins (2012; A&N) and argues for constraint-based lexicalist morphology (LM). Distributed Morphology (DM) is REALIZATIONAL in the sense that morphology ...
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The author presents a critique of Arregi and Nevins (2012; A&N) and argues for constraint-based lexicalist morphology (LM). Distributed Morphology (DM) is REALIZATIONAL in the sense that morphology interprets the output of syntax, whereas LM is GENERATIVE in that morphology builds phonologically and semantically interpreted words that are combined in the syntax into phonologically and semantically interpreted sentences. And DM is PROCEDURAL, whereas the Optimality Theory (OT)-based version of LM that the author defends here has no movement or structure-changing operations, only ranked violable constraints. The upshot is that Basque provides no support for the involvement of syntactic head movement in wordformation, or for a processual realizational approach in general, or for rule ordering within themorphology. LM delivers a better analysis of mirror effects, morpheme co-occurrence restrictions, and wordhood in Basque. A&N’s constraint-and-rule approach is shown to lead to redundancy and loss of generalizationLess
The author presents a critique of Arregi and Nevins (2012; A&N) and argues for constraint-based lexicalist morphology (LM). Distributed Morphology (DM) is REALIZATIONAL in the sense that morphology interprets the output of syntax, whereas LM is GENERATIVE in that morphology builds phonologically and semantically interpreted words that are combined in the syntax into phonologically and semantically interpreted sentences. And DM is PROCEDURAL, whereas the Optimality Theory (OT)-based version of LM that the author defends here has no movement or structure-changing operations, only ranked violable constraints. The upshot is that Basque provides no support for the involvement of syntactic head movement in wordformation, or for a processual realizational approach in general, or for rule ordering within themorphology. LM delivers a better analysis of mirror effects, morpheme co-occurrence restrictions, and wordhood in Basque. A&N’s constraint-and-rule approach is shown to lead to redundancy and loss of generalization
Pavel Caha
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- June 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190876746
- eISBN:
- 9780190876784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190876746.003.0002
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter considers two questions that many people ask themselves (or should ask themselves). What is actually the difference between Nanosyntax (NS, Starke, 2009) and Distributed Morphology (DM, ...
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This chapter considers two questions that many people ask themselves (or should ask themselves). What is actually the difference between Nanosyntax (NS, Starke, 2009) and Distributed Morphology (DM, Halle and Marantz, 1993)? And which one of them is right? These questions remain as important now as they were some 15 years ago, when Michal Starke introduced the basics of the NS theory. Despite the fact that several written sources on NS have been available since 2007, there is still a lot of confusion about what NS actually is, and how NS and DM compare to each other. The present paper is an attempt to clear things up.Less
This chapter considers two questions that many people ask themselves (or should ask themselves). What is actually the difference between Nanosyntax (NS, Starke, 2009) and Distributed Morphology (DM, Halle and Marantz, 1993)? And which one of them is right? These questions remain as important now as they were some 15 years ago, when Michal Starke introduced the basics of the NS theory. Despite the fact that several written sources on NS have been available since 2007, there is still a lot of confusion about what NS actually is, and how NS and DM compare to each other. The present paper is an attempt to clear things up.
Artemis Alexiadou, Elena Anagnostopoulou, and Florian Schäfer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199571949
- eISBN:
- 9780191757433
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571949.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
This book is an exploration of the syntax of external arguments in transitivity alternations from a cross-linguistic perspective. The empirical focus is the causative/anticausative alternation and ...
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This book is an exploration of the syntax of external arguments in transitivity alternations from a cross-linguistic perspective. The empirical focus is the causative/anticausative alternation and the formation of (adjectival) Passives. The bulk of the discussion, couched within Distributed Morphology, is devoted to the properties of the (anti-)causative alternation, which the text takes to be a Voice alternation. It offers a detailed discussion of the morphological realization of anticausatives across languages, and argues that marked anticausatives involve expletive Voice and are not reflexive predicates. In the discussion of Passives, the book argues that the fact that Passives in German and English—unlike their counterparts in Greek, where Passives are syncretic with anticausatives—are morphologically unique reflects the fact that they are also structurally unique. Passives in English and German involve Passive Voice, while they involve Middle Voice in Greek. The text furthermore shows that the distinction between target and resultant state participles is an important one in order to understand the contribution of Voice in adjectival Passives. Importantly, the study provided tools to probe into the morpho-syntactic structure of verbs and participles, and to identify the properties of verbal alternations across languages.Less
This book is an exploration of the syntax of external arguments in transitivity alternations from a cross-linguistic perspective. The empirical focus is the causative/anticausative alternation and the formation of (adjectival) Passives. The bulk of the discussion, couched within Distributed Morphology, is devoted to the properties of the (anti-)causative alternation, which the text takes to be a Voice alternation. It offers a detailed discussion of the morphological realization of anticausatives across languages, and argues that marked anticausatives involve expletive Voice and are not reflexive predicates. In the discussion of Passives, the book argues that the fact that Passives in German and English—unlike their counterparts in Greek, where Passives are syncretic with anticausatives—are morphologically unique reflects the fact that they are also structurally unique. Passives in English and German involve Passive Voice, while they involve Middle Voice in Greek. The text furthermore shows that the distinction between target and resultant state participles is an important one in order to understand the contribution of Voice in adjectival Passives. Importantly, the study provided tools to probe into the morpho-syntactic structure of verbs and participles, and to identify the properties of verbal alternations across languages.
David Embick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262014229
- eISBN:
- 9780262289344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262014229.003.0022
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Phonetics / Phonology
This chapter proposes a theory of allomorphic locality centered on the interaction of cyclic and linear locality domains: a piece-based, syntactic theory of morphology known as Distributed ...
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This chapter proposes a theory of allomorphic locality centered on the interaction of cyclic and linear locality domains: a piece-based, syntactic theory of morphology known as Distributed Morphology. It examines the locality of allomorphy question and how morphological effects are determined in a system that has cyclic derivation, structural (that is, hierarchical) relations determined by the syntax, and linear relations derived from the hierarchical structure (hypothetically, in the PF component of the grammar). In Distributed Morphology, complex expressions arise from discrete pieces (morphemes), with the composition of morphemes taking place in the syntax (or in terms of relations derived from syntactic structures).Less
This chapter proposes a theory of allomorphic locality centered on the interaction of cyclic and linear locality domains: a piece-based, syntactic theory of morphology known as Distributed Morphology. It examines the locality of allomorphy question and how morphological effects are determined in a system that has cyclic derivation, structural (that is, hierarchical) relations determined by the syntax, and linear relations derived from the hierarchical structure (hypothetically, in the PF component of the grammar). In Distributed Morphology, complex expressions arise from discrete pieces (morphemes), with the composition of morphemes taking place in the syntax (or in terms of relations derived from syntactic structures).
Martha McGinnis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780262019675
- eISBN:
- 9780262314572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262019675.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
One of Morris Halle's many lasting contributions to the study of morphology is his elaboration of a principled relationship between morphology and syntax. In particular, his work in Distributed ...
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One of Morris Halle's many lasting contributions to the study of morphology is his elaboration of a principled relationship between morphology and syntax. In particular, his work in Distributed Morphology argues that syntactic nodes provide the domains within which morphological disjunctivity obtains. This chapter demonstrates that an elusive interaction in Georgian inflection can be elegantly captured under a Distributed Morphology analysis that combines Halle's theory of fission with Béjar's theory of Agree. The interaction in question is the disjunctivity among number-agreement suffixes on Georgian verbs.Less
One of Morris Halle's many lasting contributions to the study of morphology is his elaboration of a principled relationship between morphology and syntax. In particular, his work in Distributed Morphology argues that syntactic nodes provide the domains within which morphological disjunctivity obtains. This chapter demonstrates that an elusive interaction in Georgian inflection can be elegantly captured under a Distributed Morphology analysis that combines Halle's theory of fission with Béjar's theory of Agree. The interaction in question is the disjunctivity among number-agreement suffixes on Georgian verbs.
Ruth Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199679935
- eISBN:
- 9780191760129
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679935.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
Phi features are crucial for syntax and morphology, and number and person have been the focus of a significant amount of theoretical research. However, gender has received less attention, with the ...
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Phi features are crucial for syntax and morphology, and number and person have been the focus of a significant amount of theoretical research. However, gender has received less attention, with the result that critical questions concerning its morphosyntax remain open. This book presents a cross-linguistic analysis of gender that aims to address these open questions. The book argues that gender features are syntactically located on the n head (“little n”), which serves to nominalize category-neutral roots. Those gender features are either interpretable (in the case of natural gender) or uninterpretable (like the gender of an inanimate noun in Spanish). Adopting Distributed Morphology, the book lays out how the gender features on n map onto the gender features relevant for morphological exponence. The analysis is motivated with an in-depth case study of Amharic, which poses challenges for previous gender analyses and provides clear support for gender on n. The proposals generate a typology of two- and three-gender systems, and the various types are illustrated with a genetically diverse set of languages. Finally, further evidence for gender being on n is provided from case studies of Somali and Romanian, as well as from the interaction of gender with nominalizations and declension class. Overall, the book provides one of the first large-scale, cross-linguistically oriented, theoretical approaches to the morphosyntax of gender.Less
Phi features are crucial for syntax and morphology, and number and person have been the focus of a significant amount of theoretical research. However, gender has received less attention, with the result that critical questions concerning its morphosyntax remain open. This book presents a cross-linguistic analysis of gender that aims to address these open questions. The book argues that gender features are syntactically located on the n head (“little n”), which serves to nominalize category-neutral roots. Those gender features are either interpretable (in the case of natural gender) or uninterpretable (like the gender of an inanimate noun in Spanish). Adopting Distributed Morphology, the book lays out how the gender features on n map onto the gender features relevant for morphological exponence. The analysis is motivated with an in-depth case study of Amharic, which poses challenges for previous gender analyses and provides clear support for gender on n. The proposals generate a typology of two- and three-gender systems, and the various types are illustrated with a genetically diverse set of languages. Finally, further evidence for gender being on n is provided from case studies of Somali and Romanian, as well as from the interaction of gender with nominalizations and declension class. Overall, the book provides one of the first large-scale, cross-linguistically oriented, theoretical approaches to the morphosyntax of gender.
John Frampton
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262013260
- eISBN:
- 9780262258777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262013260.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter sketches the theory of morphology to illustrate how reduplication fits into a general theory of word formation. The general framework is Distributed Morphology. The discussions cover ...
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This chapter sketches the theory of morphology to illustrate how reduplication fits into a general theory of word formation. The general framework is Distributed Morphology. The discussions cover readjustment, juncture insertion as a variety of readjustment, Klamath distributive and intensive duplication, and evidence for readjustment.Less
This chapter sketches the theory of morphology to illustrate how reduplication fits into a general theory of word formation. The general framework is Distributed Morphology. The discussions cover readjustment, juncture insertion as a variety of readjustment, Klamath distributive and intensive duplication, and evidence for readjustment.
Ruth Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199679935
- eISBN:
- 9780191760129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679935.003.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter introduces the major themes of the book. It begins with some basic definitions of gender, natural gender, and arbitrary gender, and then places the book in the context of previous ...
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This chapter introduces the major themes of the book. It begins with some basic definitions of gender, natural gender, and arbitrary gender, and then places the book in the context of previous research. The main proposals of the book are laid out: gender is on the nominalizing head n, natural gender is interpretable whereas arbitrary gender is uninterpretable, and these assumptions allow for a typology of two- to three-gender systems. The chapter also provides background on the frameworks adopted in the book (Minimalism and Distributed Morphology), and limitatations in scope are clearly identified (e.g. the book does not focus on the mechanisms of gender agreement). The chapter concludes with a preview of the remaining content of the book, organized as chapter summaries.Less
This chapter introduces the major themes of the book. It begins with some basic definitions of gender, natural gender, and arbitrary gender, and then places the book in the context of previous research. The main proposals of the book are laid out: gender is on the nominalizing head n, natural gender is interpretable whereas arbitrary gender is uninterpretable, and these assumptions allow for a typology of two- to three-gender systems. The chapter also provides background on the frameworks adopted in the book (Minimalism and Distributed Morphology), and limitatations in scope are clearly identified (e.g. the book does not focus on the mechanisms of gender agreement). The chapter concludes with a preview of the remaining content of the book, organized as chapter summaries.
Jonathan David Bobaljik and Susi Wurmbrand
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780262019675
- eISBN:
- 9780262314572
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262019675.003.0011
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
Within the intermodular perspective of Distributed Morphology, various authors have raised the question of how the domains (e.g., cycles, phases) of one module (syntax, morphology, semantics) ...
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Within the intermodular perspective of Distributed Morphology, various authors have raised the question of how the domains (e.g., cycles, phases) of one module (syntax, morphology, semantics) interact with those of others. This chapter explores one small aspect of this puzzle. Specifically, it proposes a general rubric that allows for some slippage in otherwise well-established locality domains—cases in which a well-motivated cyclic domain appears to be suspended, allowing dependencies to span a larger structure than they normally may. To the extent that this is on the right track, the chapter bolsters arguments that cyclic domains constrain the locality of operations across modules and thus constitute a deep property of grammar.Less
Within the intermodular perspective of Distributed Morphology, various authors have raised the question of how the domains (e.g., cycles, phases) of one module (syntax, morphology, semantics) interact with those of others. This chapter explores one small aspect of this puzzle. Specifically, it proposes a general rubric that allows for some slippage in otherwise well-established locality domains—cases in which a well-motivated cyclic domain appears to be suspended, allowing dependencies to span a larger structure than they normally may. To the extent that this is on the right track, the chapter bolsters arguments that cyclic domains constrain the locality of operations across modules and thus constitute a deep property of grammar.
Alice C. Harris
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- February 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190464356
- eISBN:
- 9780190464370
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190464356.003.0002
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter provides a survey of approaches that have been taken to ME. It treats in some detail discussion of the Elsewhere Condition, fission, reduplication, multiple functional heads, and other ...
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This chapter provides a survey of approaches that have been taken to ME. It treats in some detail discussion of the Elsewhere Condition, fission, reduplication, multiple functional heads, and other devices proposed to prevent ME in environments where it is not found, while allowing it where it does occur. Included are discussions of ME in Paradigm Function Morphology and other word-and-paradigm approaches, Distributed Morphology, and Optimality Theory, among others. It is observed that most discussions have focused on a small number of similar examples, and it is suggested that it may be impossible to find a single approach to account for all examples.Less
This chapter provides a survey of approaches that have been taken to ME. It treats in some detail discussion of the Elsewhere Condition, fission, reduplication, multiple functional heads, and other devices proposed to prevent ME in environments where it is not found, while allowing it where it does occur. Included are discussions of ME in Paradigm Function Morphology and other word-and-paradigm approaches, Distributed Morphology, and Optimality Theory, among others. It is observed that most discussions have focused on a small number of similar examples, and it is suggested that it may be impossible to find a single approach to account for all examples.
