Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote ...
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The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote social democracy as a means to economic reform. Their influence over New Deal policymaking and their alliances with progressive labor and consumer movements elicited a powerful reaction from conservatives, who accused them of being subversives. This book draws on newly declassified records of the federal employee loyalty program—created in response to fears that Communists were infiltrating the U.S. government—to reveal how disloyalty charges were used to silence these New Dealers and discredit their policies. Because loyalty investigators rarely distinguished between Communists and other leftists, many noncommunist leftists were forced to leave government or deny their political views. This book finds that loyalty defendants were more numerous at higher ranks of the civil service than previously thought, and that many were women, or men with accomplished leftist wives. Uncovering a forceful left-feminist presence in the New Deal, the book shows how opponents on the Right exploited popular hostility to powerful women and their “effeminate” spouses. The loyalty program not only destroyed many promising careers, it prohibited discussion of social democratic policy ideas in government circles, narrowing the scope of political discourse to this day. This book demonstrates how the Second Red Scare undermined the reform potential of the New Deal and crippled the American welfare state.Less
The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote social democracy as a means to economic reform. Their influence over New Deal policymaking and their alliances with progressive labor and consumer movements elicited a powerful reaction from conservatives, who accused them of being subversives. This book draws on newly declassified records of the federal employee loyalty program—created in response to fears that Communists were infiltrating the U.S. government—to reveal how disloyalty charges were used to silence these New Dealers and discredit their policies. Because loyalty investigators rarely distinguished between Communists and other leftists, many noncommunist leftists were forced to leave government or deny their political views. This book finds that loyalty defendants were more numerous at higher ranks of the civil service than previously thought, and that many were women, or men with accomplished leftist wives. Uncovering a forceful left-feminist presence in the New Deal, the book shows how opponents on the Right exploited popular hostility to powerful women and their “effeminate” spouses. The loyalty program not only destroyed many promising careers, it prohibited discussion of social democratic policy ideas in government circles, narrowing the scope of political discourse to this day. This book demonstrates how the Second Red Scare undermined the reform potential of the New Deal and crippled the American welfare state.
Gary Alan Fine and Bill Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736317
- eISBN:
- 9780199866458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736317.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Contemporary immigrants who enter the United States to work or settle are assumed to bring with them habits of crime, laziness, and lack of hygiene. This chapter puts these modern rumor cycles into ...
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Contemporary immigrants who enter the United States to work or settle are assumed to bring with them habits of crime, laziness, and lack of hygiene. This chapter puts these modern rumor cycles into historical perspective by examining ways in which these beliefs are based on earlier stereotypes generated by previous immigration waves. They often blamed foreigners for introducing diseases such as leprosy and typhoid fever to the country, just as Mexicans were blamed for the new swine flu epidemic. The literal illness, then as now, symbolized a more subtle threat to the body politic: a new population marked by immorality, sexual promiscuity, and political disloyalty. Particularly, foreigners serve as scapegoats after catastrophes such as fires or floods. Rumor contributed to the creation of an increasingly restrictive immigration policy in the United States, and continues to generate an atmosphere of distrust against newcomers.Less
Contemporary immigrants who enter the United States to work or settle are assumed to bring with them habits of crime, laziness, and lack of hygiene. This chapter puts these modern rumor cycles into historical perspective by examining ways in which these beliefs are based on earlier stereotypes generated by previous immigration waves. They often blamed foreigners for introducing diseases such as leprosy and typhoid fever to the country, just as Mexicans were blamed for the new swine flu epidemic. The literal illness, then as now, symbolized a more subtle threat to the body politic: a new population marked by immorality, sexual promiscuity, and political disloyalty. Particularly, foreigners serve as scapegoats after catastrophes such as fires or floods. Rumor contributed to the creation of an increasingly restrictive immigration policy in the United States, and continues to generate an atmosphere of distrust against newcomers.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on Mary Dublin Keyserling and Leon Keyserling, who were particularly prominent targets for the anticommunist right from 1940 through the mid-1960s. His first claim to fame was ...
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This chapter focuses on Mary Dublin Keyserling and Leon Keyserling, who were particularly prominent targets for the anticommunist right from 1940 through the mid-1960s. His first claim to fame was drafting the National Labor Relations Act, and her career began as a consumer activist, so they aptly represent the movements whose successes mobilized anticommunist crusaders. The Keyserlings were “purchasing-power progressives” who argued that raising working-class living standards was essential for a healthy economy and a healthy democracy. They both experienced long, bruising loyalty investigations and resigned in 1953 during the transition to the Eisenhower administration. Leon reemerged as an economic adviser to the Democratic National Committee and the AFL-CIO in the late 1950s and then as an ally of the centrist Democrat Hubert Humphrey. In 1964, President Lyndon Johnson appointed Mary head of the U.S. Women's Bureau, over the objections of congressional conservatives who revived the old disloyalty allegations.Less
This chapter focuses on Mary Dublin Keyserling and Leon Keyserling, who were particularly prominent targets for the anticommunist right from 1940 through the mid-1960s. His first claim to fame was drafting the National Labor Relations Act, and her career began as a consumer activist, so they aptly represent the movements whose successes mobilized anticommunist crusaders. The Keyserlings were “purchasing-power progressives” who argued that raising working-class living standards was essential for a healthy economy and a healthy democracy. They both experienced long, bruising loyalty investigations and resigned in 1953 during the transition to the Eisenhower administration. Leon reemerged as an economic adviser to the Democratic National Committee and the AFL-CIO in the late 1950s and then as an ally of the centrist Democrat Hubert Humphrey. In 1964, President Lyndon Johnson appointed Mary head of the U.S. Women's Bureau, over the objections of congressional conservatives who revived the old disloyalty allegations.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter explores the disloyalty allegations against the Keyserlings. Over the long course of their loyalty investigations, the Keyserlings portrayed themselves as having been political centrists ...
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This chapter explores the disloyalty allegations against the Keyserlings. Over the long course of their loyalty investigations, the Keyserlings portrayed themselves as having been political centrists during the 1930s, when in fact they had been decidedly on the left. The Keyserlings are remembered as loyal Johnson Democrats who favored Cold War military spending, backed U.S. policy in Vietnam, and argued that poverty could be eliminated through economic growth rather than redistribution. Before coming under investigation, however, they were socialists. Faced with a relentless stream of disloyalty allegations that began in the 1940s and climaxed in 1952, they were forced to modify their political rhetoric and moderate their policy proposals. They also denied they ever had held leftist views. Conservatives may have lost the battle to exclude the Keyserlings from public influence, but by narrowing the range of permissible debate, they won the war.Less
This chapter explores the disloyalty allegations against the Keyserlings. Over the long course of their loyalty investigations, the Keyserlings portrayed themselves as having been political centrists during the 1930s, when in fact they had been decidedly on the left. The Keyserlings are remembered as loyal Johnson Democrats who favored Cold War military spending, backed U.S. policy in Vietnam, and argued that poverty could be eliminated through economic growth rather than redistribution. Before coming under investigation, however, they were socialists. Faced with a relentless stream of disloyalty allegations that began in the 1940s and climaxed in 1952, they were forced to modify their political rhetoric and moderate their policy proposals. They also denied they ever had held leftist views. Conservatives may have lost the battle to exclude the Keyserlings from public influence, but by narrowing the range of permissible debate, they won the war.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the connection between disloyalty charges and the shift toward the political center, or out of government service, by many public officials, which has been difficult to discern ...
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This chapter examines the connection between disloyalty charges and the shift toward the political center, or out of government service, by many public officials, which has been difficult to discern because of the silence that loyalty defendants maintained, even many years later. As they organized papers, gave interviews, and drafted memoirs, they typically avoided disclosing that they had been investigated and downplayed the leftism that had put them in the line of fire. Leon and Mary Dublin Keyserling were not the only former loyalty defendants to offer accounts that were distorted by an accumulation of omissions; they are not to blame for trying to protect themselves and their associates from further persecution. In addition to impeding progressive reform, policymakers' traumatic encounters with the federal employee loyalty program impoverished the primary sources on which scholars have relied to understand mid-twentieth-century American politics.Less
This chapter examines the connection between disloyalty charges and the shift toward the political center, or out of government service, by many public officials, which has been difficult to discern because of the silence that loyalty defendants maintained, even many years later. As they organized papers, gave interviews, and drafted memoirs, they typically avoided disclosing that they had been investigated and downplayed the leftism that had put them in the line of fire. Leon and Mary Dublin Keyserling were not the only former loyalty defendants to offer accounts that were distorted by an accumulation of omissions; they are not to blame for trying to protect themselves and their associates from further persecution. In addition to impeding progressive reform, policymakers' traumatic encounters with the federal employee loyalty program impoverished the primary sources on which scholars have relied to understand mid-twentieth-century American politics.
Josiah Royce
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823231324
- eISBN:
- 9780823235568
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823231324.003.0013
- Subject:
- Philosophy, American Philosophy
This chapter, a brief letter written in 1915 after the sinking of the Lusitania, presents Royce's first response to the war and to his loss of faith in Germany. For ...
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This chapter, a brief letter written in 1915 after the sinking of the Lusitania, presents Royce's first response to the war and to his loss of faith in Germany. For Royce, the role of a philosopher in the division of loyal labor was to encourage reflection and to give people an opportunity to make up their own minds on key issues. The chapter holds that when an alternative becomes disloyal to loyalty, it becomes an enemy of mankind and neutrality is not an option. The blow to Royce's faith in German culture must have been severe, but his reaction reinforced the “philosophy about life” he still actively developed. His commitment as a philosopher remained to making things clear and directing people toward reflection precisely by rejecting the model offered by Germany's imperial designs. Royce concludes his letter with an illustration of the imperatives of “loyalty to loyalty”.Less
This chapter, a brief letter written in 1915 after the sinking of the Lusitania, presents Royce's first response to the war and to his loss of faith in Germany. For Royce, the role of a philosopher in the division of loyal labor was to encourage reflection and to give people an opportunity to make up their own minds on key issues. The chapter holds that when an alternative becomes disloyal to loyalty, it becomes an enemy of mankind and neutrality is not an option. The blow to Royce's faith in German culture must have been severe, but his reaction reinforced the “philosophy about life” he still actively developed. His commitment as a philosopher remained to making things clear and directing people toward reflection precisely by rejecting the model offered by Germany's imperial designs. Royce concludes his letter with an illustration of the imperatives of “loyalty to loyalty”.
Asifa Hussain and William L. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263310
- eISBN:
- 9780191734144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter reports considerable experience of harassment in Scotland. But those involved rate the conflict between themselves and Scots as far less serious than the sectarian conflict between ...
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This chapter reports considerable experience of harassment in Scotland. But those involved rate the conflict between themselves and Scots as far less serious than the sectarian conflict between Protestant and Catholic Scots has been rated. Devolution and nationalism challenge the identities of the English in a unique way. Their own criteria of English identity for national identity prevent them from identifying with Scotland. They are indeed willing ‘to adopt the culture’ but (psychologically) unable to ‘join the nation’. The real reason why Scottish perceptions of English disloyalty do not indicate an immediate crisis is the absence of a sufficiently acute conflict. There is a self-conscious perception amongst English immigrants that while they might have some conflict with majority Scots, other conflicts have been worse. English immigrants cope with the problem of identity by describing themselves as ‘British’ rather than ‘English’.Less
This chapter reports considerable experience of harassment in Scotland. But those involved rate the conflict between themselves and Scots as far less serious than the sectarian conflict between Protestant and Catholic Scots has been rated. Devolution and nationalism challenge the identities of the English in a unique way. Their own criteria of English identity for national identity prevent them from identifying with Scotland. They are indeed willing ‘to adopt the culture’ but (psychologically) unable to ‘join the nation’. The real reason why Scottish perceptions of English disloyalty do not indicate an immediate crisis is the absence of a sufficiently acute conflict. There is a self-conscious perception amongst English immigrants that while they might have some conflict with majority Scots, other conflicts have been worse. English immigrants cope with the problem of identity by describing themselves as ‘British’ rather than ‘English’.
STUART P GREEN
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199225804
- eISBN:
- 9780191708411
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199225804.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law, Employment Law
The significance of the norm against disloyalty (and the closely related concept of breach of trust) to our understanding of white-collar crime has been both over- and underestimated in the scholarly ...
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The significance of the norm against disloyalty (and the closely related concept of breach of trust) to our understanding of white-collar crime has been both over- and underestimated in the scholarly literature. On one hand, there are writers, such as Susan Shapiro, who have argued that violation of trust is the defining characteristic of white-collar crime. On the other hand, there are scholars such as John Coffee who have expressed considerable skepticism about the role that breach of trust should play in the criminal law. A more accurate assessment would arrive at a conclusion somewhere between these extremes. While the concept of disloyalty does play a significant role in defining certain key criminal offenses, such as bribery, treason, some acts of insider trading, and some frauds, it has little to do with many other core white collar offenses. This chapter explains the meaning of disloyalty, and foreshadows some of the ways that it plays a role in defining white-collar crime.Less
The significance of the norm against disloyalty (and the closely related concept of breach of trust) to our understanding of white-collar crime has been both over- and underestimated in the scholarly literature. On one hand, there are writers, such as Susan Shapiro, who have argued that violation of trust is the defining characteristic of white-collar crime. On the other hand, there are scholars such as John Coffee who have expressed considerable skepticism about the role that breach of trust should play in the criminal law. A more accurate assessment would arrive at a conclusion somewhere between these extremes. While the concept of disloyalty does play a significant role in defining certain key criminal offenses, such as bribery, treason, some acts of insider trading, and some frauds, it has little to do with many other core white collar offenses. This chapter explains the meaning of disloyalty, and foreshadows some of the ways that it plays a role in defining white-collar crime.
Judith N. Shklar
Samantha Ashenden and Andreas Hess (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780300214994
- eISBN:
- 9780300245417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300214994.003.0015
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
In this chapter Shklar discusses modern forms of loyalty and disloyalty, particularly as they occur in the context of social groups and entities such as clan, nation, race, and class. She draws on ...
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In this chapter Shklar discusses modern forms of loyalty and disloyalty, particularly as they occur in the context of social groups and entities such as clan, nation, race, and class. She draws on the example of the United States to illustrate the complications that have arisen for this new political society whose population is mainly made up of immigrants.Less
In this chapter Shklar discusses modern forms of loyalty and disloyalty, particularly as they occur in the context of social groups and entities such as clan, nation, race, and class. She draws on the example of the United States to illustrate the complications that have arisen for this new political society whose population is mainly made up of immigrants.
Berry Craig
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813146928
- eISBN:
- 9780813151441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813146928.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
January 1, 1862, marked less than a happy New Year for most of Paducah's citizenry. The Yankees had been in their midst for almost five months. It seemed less and less likely that the Rebels would ...
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January 1, 1862, marked less than a happy New Year for most of Paducah's citizenry. The Yankees had been in their midst for almost five months. It seemed less and less likely that the Rebels would rescue them from the “abolitionist invaders.” Yet it soon went from bad to worse for the secessionist majority in the Purchase—and minority in the rest of the Kentucky. Confederate sympathizers were branded as disloyal by their own state government and denied the vote, jailed, or otherwise punished. Even so, most Purchase secessionists remained resolutely Rebel, smuggling supplies to the Confederates, spying for the southern side, and still hoping for the return of the army in gray.Less
January 1, 1862, marked less than a happy New Year for most of Paducah's citizenry. The Yankees had been in their midst for almost five months. It seemed less and less likely that the Rebels would rescue them from the “abolitionist invaders.” Yet it soon went from bad to worse for the secessionist majority in the Purchase—and minority in the rest of the Kentucky. Confederate sympathizers were branded as disloyal by their own state government and denied the vote, jailed, or otherwise punished. Even so, most Purchase secessionists remained resolutely Rebel, smuggling supplies to the Confederates, spying for the southern side, and still hoping for the return of the army in gray.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226314822
- eISBN:
- 9780226314860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226314860.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Confiscation lived on as an important issue for decades after the Civil War and was not entirely put to rest until the twentieth century. Once it ceased to be politically viable, it did not simply ...
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Confiscation lived on as an important issue for decades after the Civil War and was not entirely put to rest until the twentieth century. Once it ceased to be politically viable, it did not simply vanish. Instead, confiscation remained a fixture in American property law for fifty years. It presented the Supreme Court with a number of important legal and constitutional issues that served as vehicles for the elaboration of property ideology steeped in a conception of the natural rights of individuals. Was permanent, uncompensated property confiscation for disloyalty a legitimate power of Congress? Did a presidential pardon mandate the return of confiscated property? Who had title to confiscated land and how should it be treated in the marketplace? What was the legal and constitutional status of the Confederate Sequestration Act and property seized under the act? The answers to these questions had profound implications both for property law and for alternative conceptions of property that fought for dominance after the Civil War.Less
Confiscation lived on as an important issue for decades after the Civil War and was not entirely put to rest until the twentieth century. Once it ceased to be politically viable, it did not simply vanish. Instead, confiscation remained a fixture in American property law for fifty years. It presented the Supreme Court with a number of important legal and constitutional issues that served as vehicles for the elaboration of property ideology steeped in a conception of the natural rights of individuals. Was permanent, uncompensated property confiscation for disloyalty a legitimate power of Congress? Did a presidential pardon mandate the return of confiscated property? Who had title to confiscated land and how should it be treated in the marketplace? What was the legal and constitutional status of the Confederate Sequestration Act and property seized under the act? The answers to these questions had profound implications both for property law and for alternative conceptions of property that fought for dominance after the Civil War.
Mathew A. Foust
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823242696
- eISBN:
- 9780823242733
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823242696.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, American Philosophy
Having focused in previous chapters on the nature of loyalty, this chapter discusses the nature of disloyalty. Such a discussion is prompted by the introduction of the notion of the “loyal traitor” ...
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Having focused in previous chapters on the nature of loyalty, this chapter discusses the nature of disloyalty. Such a discussion is prompted by the introduction of the notion of the “loyal traitor” in the previous chapter. The viability of at once being loyal and disloyal suggests the insufficiency of a pat conception of disloyalty as the antonym of loyalty. In addition to proposing necessary and sufficient conditions for an act to be characterized as one of disloyalty, the account of disloyalty articulated in this chapter includes phenomenological descriptions of disloyalty as experienced by both the betrayer and the betrayed. These descriptions more clearly illustrate what occurs when disloyalty is afoot and highlight the need for betrayer and betrayed to confront disloyalty as a problematic situation to be dealt with, and if possible, overcome. The chapter then argues for the mutual value of atonement, for betrayer and betrayed, in the wake of disloyalty. At the same time, a description is given of the conditions under which it is appropriate to forgo atonement and detach oneself from a cause maligned by disloyalty.Less
Having focused in previous chapters on the nature of loyalty, this chapter discusses the nature of disloyalty. Such a discussion is prompted by the introduction of the notion of the “loyal traitor” in the previous chapter. The viability of at once being loyal and disloyal suggests the insufficiency of a pat conception of disloyalty as the antonym of loyalty. In addition to proposing necessary and sufficient conditions for an act to be characterized as one of disloyalty, the account of disloyalty articulated in this chapter includes phenomenological descriptions of disloyalty as experienced by both the betrayer and the betrayed. These descriptions more clearly illustrate what occurs when disloyalty is afoot and highlight the need for betrayer and betrayed to confront disloyalty as a problematic situation to be dealt with, and if possible, overcome. The chapter then argues for the mutual value of atonement, for betrayer and betrayed, in the wake of disloyalty. At the same time, a description is given of the conditions under which it is appropriate to forgo atonement and detach oneself from a cause maligned by disloyalty.
John Boje
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039560
- eISBN:
- 9780252097652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039560.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines how the Boers went from neutrality to collaboration with the British during the South African War. It considers the many gradations in the process of alienation from the ...
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This chapter examines how the Boers went from neutrality to collaboration with the British during the South African War. It considers the many gradations in the process of alienation from the national cause as well as the essential unity of the phenomenon. Before discussing gradations of culpability, the chapter looks at some general issues relating to economic considerations, pan-republican nationalism, and level of commitment that underlay the phenomenon of collaboration in all its forms. It then describes manifestations of Boer disloyalty: evading combat, opting out of the war, the “objective collaboration” of working with the new authorities, participation in the peace movement, providing intelligence, service with the British Army, and service under arms.Less
This chapter examines how the Boers went from neutrality to collaboration with the British during the South African War. It considers the many gradations in the process of alienation from the national cause as well as the essential unity of the phenomenon. Before discussing gradations of culpability, the chapter looks at some general issues relating to economic considerations, pan-republican nationalism, and level of commitment that underlay the phenomenon of collaboration in all its forms. It then describes manifestations of Boer disloyalty: evading combat, opting out of the war, the “objective collaboration” of working with the new authorities, participation in the peace movement, providing intelligence, service with the British Army, and service under arms.
Timothy Zick
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- October 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190073992
- eISBN:
- 9780190074029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190073992.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the concept of “sedition” and efforts to suppress dissent and disloyalty. President Adams used the Sedition Act of 1798 to prosecute and jail his critics and political ...
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This chapter examines the concept of “sedition” and efforts to suppress dissent and disloyalty. President Adams used the Sedition Act of 1798 to prosecute and jail his critics and political opponents. That episode ultimately revealed the “central meaning of the First Amendment”—that Americans must be free to criticize their public officials, even if that criticism is often caustic and unpleasant. Federal and state officials have not proposed reviving the crime of seditious libel. However, several critics of the Trump administration have come under fire and suffered tangible consequences for openly criticizing the president and the Trump administration. As in prior eras, recent efforts to punish sedition and disloyalty pose serious threats to democratic self-government and political discourse.Less
This chapter examines the concept of “sedition” and efforts to suppress dissent and disloyalty. President Adams used the Sedition Act of 1798 to prosecute and jail his critics and political opponents. That episode ultimately revealed the “central meaning of the First Amendment”—that Americans must be free to criticize their public officials, even if that criticism is often caustic and unpleasant. Federal and state officials have not proposed reviving the crime of seditious libel. However, several critics of the Trump administration have come under fire and suffered tangible consequences for openly criticizing the president and the Trump administration. As in prior eras, recent efforts to punish sedition and disloyalty pose serious threats to democratic self-government and political discourse.
Christopher Phillips
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780195187236
- eISBN:
- 9780199378180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195187236.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The prolonged presence of military forces, federal and Confederate, in all of the middle border states from 1861 to 1862 had profound societal effects. In the region’s slave states, armies and state ...
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The prolonged presence of military forces, federal and Confederate, in all of the middle border states from 1861 to 1862 had profound societal effects. In the region’s slave states, armies and state militia implemented military occupations to control a divided and often hostile civilian population, subverting civil liberties at the local and state levels as part of a broader strategy to maintain order, determine loyalty and disloyalty, and obtain resources to prosecute the war. In the mesh of conflicting stances and allegiances, military presence hastened communities’ realignments by loyal and disloyal constituencies. In turn, these residents divided into “communities of allegiance” of discrete loyal and dissenting networks.Less
The prolonged presence of military forces, federal and Confederate, in all of the middle border states from 1861 to 1862 had profound societal effects. In the region’s slave states, armies and state militia implemented military occupations to control a divided and often hostile civilian population, subverting civil liberties at the local and state levels as part of a broader strategy to maintain order, determine loyalty and disloyalty, and obtain resources to prosecute the war. In the mesh of conflicting stances and allegiances, military presence hastened communities’ realignments by loyal and disloyal constituencies. In turn, these residents divided into “communities of allegiance” of discrete loyal and dissenting networks.
John Kleinig
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199371259
- eISBN:
- 9780199371280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199371259.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, General
The differences among loyalty's conceptual neighbors—faithfulness, fidelity, allegiance, steadfastness, constancy, devotion, solidarity, and integrity—are traced. Also wayward loyalties: disloyalty ...
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The differences among loyalty's conceptual neighbors—faithfulness, fidelity, allegiance, steadfastness, constancy, devotion, solidarity, and integrity—are traced. Also wayward loyalties: disloyalty and betrayal. Some links to neighborhood values—trust and trustworthiness—are spelled out, as well as some of loyalty's larger social presumptions.Less
The differences among loyalty's conceptual neighbors—faithfulness, fidelity, allegiance, steadfastness, constancy, devotion, solidarity, and integrity—are traced. Also wayward loyalties: disloyalty and betrayal. Some links to neighborhood values—trust and trustworthiness—are spelled out, as well as some of loyalty's larger social presumptions.
