David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the disarmament of Iraq following the First Gulf War. Disarmament controlled by inspections and monitoring was the cornerstone of the vision set out for Iraq by SCR 687 in 1991. ...
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This chapter analyzes the disarmament of Iraq following the First Gulf War. Disarmament controlled by inspections and monitoring was the cornerstone of the vision set out for Iraq by SCR 687 in 1991. Weapons inspections were the administrative mechanism for the verification of Iraqi disarmament, with sanctions and the threat of force providing the incentive for Iraq to disarm. But for over a decade, Saddam Hussein successfully obscured the degree to which actual disarmament had been achieved, an uncertainty assessed very differently by Paris and Washington. The establishment of the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) and the UN Monitoring, Verification, and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) is discussed.Less
This chapter analyzes the disarmament of Iraq following the First Gulf War. Disarmament controlled by inspections and monitoring was the cornerstone of the vision set out for Iraq by SCR 687 in 1991. Weapons inspections were the administrative mechanism for the verification of Iraqi disarmament, with sanctions and the threat of force providing the incentive for Iraq to disarm. But for over a decade, Saddam Hussein successfully obscured the degree to which actual disarmament had been achieved, an uncertainty assessed very differently by Paris and Washington. The establishment of the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) and the UN Monitoring, Verification, and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) is discussed.
Philip Towle
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206361
- eISBN:
- 9780191677090
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206361.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
Enforced disarmament has often been ignored by historians, diplomats, and strategic analysts. Yet the democracies have imposed some measure of disarmament on their enemies after every major victory ...
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Enforced disarmament has often been ignored by historians, diplomats, and strategic analysts. Yet the democracies have imposed some measure of disarmament on their enemies after every major victory since 1815. In many cases, forced disarmament was one of the most important, if not the most important, of their war aims. The demilitarization of Germany and Japan, for example, was one of the most significant post-war measures agreed by the Soviet Union, Britain, and the United States in 1945, whilst the debate on the disarmament measures imposed on Iraq after the Gulf War continues to rage. The efficacy and durability of enforced disarmament measures, and the resistance they are likely to encounter, are thus issues of central strategic and political importance. This book examines the most important peace settlements from the time of Napoleon Bonaparte to Saddam Hussein.Less
Enforced disarmament has often been ignored by historians, diplomats, and strategic analysts. Yet the democracies have imposed some measure of disarmament on their enemies after every major victory since 1815. In many cases, forced disarmament was one of the most important, if not the most important, of their war aims. The demilitarization of Germany and Japan, for example, was one of the most significant post-war measures agreed by the Soviet Union, Britain, and the United States in 1945, whilst the debate on the disarmament measures imposed on Iraq after the Gulf War continues to rage. The efficacy and durability of enforced disarmament measures, and the resistance they are likely to encounter, are thus issues of central strategic and political importance. This book examines the most important peace settlements from the time of Napoleon Bonaparte to Saddam Hussein.
Daniel H. Joyner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199227358
- eISBN:
- 9780191728488
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199227358.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The 1968 Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty has proven the most complicated and controversial of all arms control treaties, both in principle and in practice. Statements of nuclear-weapon States from ...
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The 1968 Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty has proven the most complicated and controversial of all arms control treaties, both in principle and in practice. Statements of nuclear-weapon States from the Cold War to the present, led by the United States, show a disproportionate prioritization of the non-proliferation pillar of the Treaty, and an unwarranted underprioritization of the civilian energy development and disarmament pillars of the treaty. This book argues that the way in which nuclear-weapon States have interpreted the Treaty has laid the legal foundation for a number of policies related to trade in civilian nuclear energy technologies and nuclear weapons disarmament. These policies circumscribe the rights of non-nuclear-weapon States under Article IV of the Treaty by imposing conditions on the supply of civilian nuclear technologies. They also provide for the renewal and maintenance, and in some cases further development, of the nuclear weapons arsenals of nuclear-weapon States. The book provides a legal analysis of this trend in treaty interpretation by nuclear-weapon States and the policies for which it has provided legal justification. It argues, through a close and systematic examination of the Treaty by reference to the rules of treaty interpretation found in the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, that this disproportionate prioritization of the non-proliferation pillar of the Treaty leads to erroneous legal interpretations in light of the original balance of principles underlying the Treaty, prejudicing the legitimate legal interests of non-nuclear-weapon States.Less
The 1968 Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty has proven the most complicated and controversial of all arms control treaties, both in principle and in practice. Statements of nuclear-weapon States from the Cold War to the present, led by the United States, show a disproportionate prioritization of the non-proliferation pillar of the Treaty, and an unwarranted underprioritization of the civilian energy development and disarmament pillars of the treaty. This book argues that the way in which nuclear-weapon States have interpreted the Treaty has laid the legal foundation for a number of policies related to trade in civilian nuclear energy technologies and nuclear weapons disarmament. These policies circumscribe the rights of non-nuclear-weapon States under Article IV of the Treaty by imposing conditions on the supply of civilian nuclear technologies. They also provide for the renewal and maintenance, and in some cases further development, of the nuclear weapons arsenals of nuclear-weapon States. The book provides a legal analysis of this trend in treaty interpretation by nuclear-weapon States and the policies for which it has provided legal justification. It argues, through a close and systematic examination of the Treaty by reference to the rules of treaty interpretation found in the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, that this disproportionate prioritization of the non-proliferation pillar of the Treaty leads to erroneous legal interpretations in light of the original balance of principles underlying the Treaty, prejudicing the legitimate legal interests of non-nuclear-weapon States.
Michael Quinlan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199563944
- eISBN:
- 9780191721274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563944.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This final chapter considers what action might be taken, short of the at-best-distant abolitionist goal, to constrain the risks and costs and to optimize the peace-maintaining contribution of nuclear ...
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This final chapter considers what action might be taken, short of the at-best-distant abolitionist goal, to constrain the risks and costs and to optimize the peace-maintaining contribution of nuclear armouries while they continue to exist. Drawing largely upon earlier chapters, it summarizes what needs to be done in the non-proliferation field both over problem countries and in remedying wider systemic weaknesses. It reviews the potential for further steps, especially though not only by the United States and Russia, on nuclear disarmament and related issues such as transparency and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). It notes the scope for improving doctrines and postures, for example, by clarifying the ‘no first use’ issue and by ending any remaining arrangements for holding nuclear forces at short notice to launch. Finally, it recalls that though this direct nuclear-weapon agenda is still important, the central path to dependable peace and security must still be primarily a matter of basic political advance in resolving disputes and improving structures for managing them.Less
This final chapter considers what action might be taken, short of the at-best-distant abolitionist goal, to constrain the risks and costs and to optimize the peace-maintaining contribution of nuclear armouries while they continue to exist. Drawing largely upon earlier chapters, it summarizes what needs to be done in the non-proliferation field both over problem countries and in remedying wider systemic weaknesses. It reviews the potential for further steps, especially though not only by the United States and Russia, on nuclear disarmament and related issues such as transparency and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). It notes the scope for improving doctrines and postures, for example, by clarifying the ‘no first use’ issue and by ending any remaining arrangements for holding nuclear forces at short notice to launch. Finally, it recalls that though this direct nuclear-weapon agenda is still important, the central path to dependable peace and security must still be primarily a matter of basic political advance in resolving disputes and improving structures for managing them.
Michael Quinlan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199563944
- eISBN:
- 9780191721274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563944.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers why the spread of nuclear weapons to new possessors has been generally recognized as dangerous, and then notes the array of instruments, centred upon the 1968 Nuclear ...
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This chapter considers why the spread of nuclear weapons to new possessors has been generally recognized as dangerous, and then notes the array of instruments, centred upon the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), that has been built up to prevent this. It discusses problems about the asymmetrical character of the Treaty, and brings out that the Treaty embodies three main bargains of which disarmament by the tolerated nuclear-weapon possessors is only one. It acknowledges nevertheless that such disarmament needs to be taken further if whole-hearted support for the Treaty-centred regime, pressure upon problem states like North Korea and Iran, and acceptance of the burdens and constraints which the regime entails are to be maintained, and if the need is to be acted upon, preferably at the 2010 Treaty review conference, to remedy regime weaknesses concerning verification, the right of withdrawal, and reconciling the prevention of wider weapon-proliferation potential with the likely spread of nuclear energy.Less
This chapter considers why the spread of nuclear weapons to new possessors has been generally recognized as dangerous, and then notes the array of instruments, centred upon the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), that has been built up to prevent this. It discusses problems about the asymmetrical character of the Treaty, and brings out that the Treaty embodies three main bargains of which disarmament by the tolerated nuclear-weapon possessors is only one. It acknowledges nevertheless that such disarmament needs to be taken further if whole-hearted support for the Treaty-centred regime, pressure upon problem states like North Korea and Iran, and acceptance of the burdens and constraints which the regime entails are to be maintained, and if the need is to be acted upon, preferably at the 2010 Treaty review conference, to remedy regime weaknesses concerning verification, the right of withdrawal, and reconciling the prevention of wider weapon-proliferation potential with the likely spread of nuclear energy.
Emanuel Adler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the integrative force of resilient liberal practices. It acknowledges that liberal order is in crisis, but asserts that liberal internationalism's permanent crisis is a source ...
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This chapter focuses on the integrative force of resilient liberal practices. It acknowledges that liberal order is in crisis, but asserts that liberal internationalism's permanent crisis is a source of renewal and transformation in liberal order. A definition of liberal internationalism is put forward that carefully avoids constructing reified notions of liberal internationalism associated with American power. The chapter points to the need to focus on social practices to see the potential of liberal order's adaptation and renewal, and suggests that, although the decline of American power indeed may be seen from a narrow perspective to threaten liberal order, from a wider and deeper conceptual historical perspective, liberal practices may be why the order has not yet been replaced.Less
This chapter focuses on the integrative force of resilient liberal practices. It acknowledges that liberal order is in crisis, but asserts that liberal internationalism's permanent crisis is a source of renewal and transformation in liberal order. A definition of liberal internationalism is put forward that carefully avoids constructing reified notions of liberal internationalism associated with American power. The chapter points to the need to focus on social practices to see the potential of liberal order's adaptation and renewal, and suggests that, although the decline of American power indeed may be seen from a narrow perspective to threaten liberal order, from a wider and deeper conceptual historical perspective, liberal practices may be why the order has not yet been replaced.
Daniel H. Joyner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199227358
- eISBN:
- 9780191728488
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199227358.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This introductory chapter presents an overview of the book. This book is a thesis driven text which applies the rules of treaty interpretation in international law to produce a so-called ‘holistic ...
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This introductory chapter presents an overview of the book. This book is a thesis driven text which applies the rules of treaty interpretation in international law to produce a so-called ‘holistic interpretation’ of the 1968 Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT). The unifying thesis of this book is that the original balance of principles underlying the NPT, which can be distilled through an application of the principles of treaty interpretation contained in Articles 31 and 32 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, has for over a decade been distorted particularly by nuclear-weapon-possessing governments, led by the United States, in favour of a disproportionate prioritization of non-proliferation principles, and an unwarranted under-prioritization of peaceful use and disarmament principles. It is argued that this distortion of principled balance by nuclear-weapon states has resulted in a number of erroneous legal interpretations of the NPT's provisions.Less
This introductory chapter presents an overview of the book. This book is a thesis driven text which applies the rules of treaty interpretation in international law to produce a so-called ‘holistic interpretation’ of the 1968 Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT). The unifying thesis of this book is that the original balance of principles underlying the NPT, which can be distilled through an application of the principles of treaty interpretation contained in Articles 31 and 32 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, has for over a decade been distorted particularly by nuclear-weapon-possessing governments, led by the United States, in favour of a disproportionate prioritization of non-proliferation principles, and an unwarranted under-prioritization of peaceful use and disarmament principles. It is argued that this distortion of principled balance by nuclear-weapon states has resulted in a number of erroneous legal interpretations of the NPT's provisions.
William H. Boothby
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199569946
- eISBN:
- 9780191705250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199569946.003.0013
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter discusses the issues surrounding nuclear weapons. It starts by noting the statements made by the NATO states when they ratified AP1 and reference is made to the declared position of the ...
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This chapter discusses the issues surrounding nuclear weapons. It starts by noting the statements made by the NATO states when they ratified AP1 and reference is made to the declared position of the US as to the inapplicability to nuclear weapons of the new rules introduced in AP1. It then discusses what those newly introduced rules consist of. The chapter considers the International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion and the academic comment that has followed it. The UK position in relation to the legality of nuclear weapons is noted, and the distinction between this discussion and nuclear disarmament initiatives is made.Less
This chapter discusses the issues surrounding nuclear weapons. It starts by noting the statements made by the NATO states when they ratified AP1 and reference is made to the declared position of the US as to the inapplicability to nuclear weapons of the new rules introduced in AP1. It then discusses what those newly introduced rules consist of. The chapter considers the International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion and the academic comment that has followed it. The UK position in relation to the legality of nuclear weapons is noted, and the distinction between this discussion and nuclear disarmament initiatives is made.
István Hargittai
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195178456
- eISBN:
- 9780199787012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195178456.003.0005
- Subject:
- Physics, History of Physics
The period of Cold War started almost immediately after World War II, and by then, the Martians had become authorities in utilizing science for creating new weapons. In the United States, a feeling ...
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The period of Cold War started almost immediately after World War II, and by then, the Martians had become authorities in utilizing science for creating new weapons. In the United States, a feeling of threat from the Soviet Union increased and this resulted in a period of paranoiac fear. Teller argued forcefully for the American hydrogen bomb and for the opening of a second weapons laboratory to counter similar efforts in the Soviet Union. In this, the Martians differed from most of the scientific community. Eventually, Szilard became a champion of disarmament and the coexistence with the Soviet Union. With the Martians disappearing and Wigner becoming marginalized, Teller remained on the scene well into the 1980s and became an advocate for the controversial “Star Wars”.Less
The period of Cold War started almost immediately after World War II, and by then, the Martians had become authorities in utilizing science for creating new weapons. In the United States, a feeling of threat from the Soviet Union increased and this resulted in a period of paranoiac fear. Teller argued forcefully for the American hydrogen bomb and for the opening of a second weapons laboratory to counter similar efforts in the Soviet Union. In this, the Martians differed from most of the scientific community. Eventually, Szilard became a champion of disarmament and the coexistence with the Soviet Union. With the Martians disappearing and Wigner becoming marginalized, Teller remained on the scene well into the 1980s and became an advocate for the controversial “Star Wars”.
Daniel H. Joyner
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199204908
- eISBN:
- 9780191709470
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204908.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter discusses the origins of the nuclear Nnon-proliferation regime. The NPT was opened for signature on July 1, 1968 at Washington, London, and Moscow. It was signed that first day by the ...
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This chapter discusses the origins of the nuclear Nnon-proliferation regime. The NPT was opened for signature on July 1, 1968 at Washington, London, and Moscow. It was signed that first day by the three depository governments and by more than fifty other states. The treaty entered into force on March 5, 1970. In 2007, the membership of the NPT stands at 187 states, and the treaty continues to serve as the cornerstone legal instrument of the nuclear non-proliferation system. Articles I, II, III, and VI of the NPT are discussed.Less
This chapter discusses the origins of the nuclear Nnon-proliferation regime. The NPT was opened for signature on July 1, 1968 at Washington, London, and Moscow. It was signed that first day by the three depository governments and by more than fifty other states. The treaty entered into force on March 5, 1970. In 2007, the membership of the NPT stands at 187 states, and the treaty continues to serve as the cornerstone legal instrument of the nuclear non-proliferation system. Articles I, II, III, and VI of the NPT are discussed.
Aslı Ü. Bâli
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199781577
- eISBN:
- 9780199932887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199781577.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter seeks to address, through the prism of recent debates about the tension between legality and legitimacy, the erosion of the norm of nonproliferation. The legality-legitimacy debate ...
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This chapter seeks to address, through the prism of recent debates about the tension between legality and legitimacy, the erosion of the norm of nonproliferation. The legality-legitimacy debate intersects with questions surrounding nonproliferation in two respects. First, arguments for counter-proliferation might employ the logic of legitimacy to justify interventions to prevent weapons proliferation in the absence of clear legal authorization. A second, and distinct, set of arguments point to a gap between legality and legitimacy in the case of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), stemming from the failure of the nuclear weapon states to implement their disarmament obligations. In this chapter, I argue that without a re-linking of the nonproliferation and disarmament components of the NPT and a retreat from the interventionist logic of counter-proliferation, the perceived legitimacy of the nonproliferation regime, and ultimately its enforceability, will be seriously damaged.Less
This chapter seeks to address, through the prism of recent debates about the tension between legality and legitimacy, the erosion of the norm of nonproliferation. The legality-legitimacy debate intersects with questions surrounding nonproliferation in two respects. First, arguments for counter-proliferation might employ the logic of legitimacy to justify interventions to prevent weapons proliferation in the absence of clear legal authorization. A second, and distinct, set of arguments point to a gap between legality and legitimacy in the case of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), stemming from the failure of the nuclear weapon states to implement their disarmament obligations. In this chapter, I argue that without a re-linking of the nonproliferation and disarmament components of the NPT and a retreat from the interventionist logic of counter-proliferation, the perceived legitimacy of the nonproliferation regime, and ultimately its enforceability, will be seriously damaged.
Lawrence S. Kaplan
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813174860
- eISBN:
- 9780813174877
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813174860.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Harold Stassen (1907–2001) is perhaps most famous for running for president of the United States twelve times. At the age of thirty-one, Stassen garnered early accolades as the “boy wonder” governor ...
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Harold Stassen (1907–2001) is perhaps most famous for running for president of the United States twelve times. At the age of thirty-one, Stassen garnered early accolades as the “boy wonder” governor of Minnesota. Soon thereafter he assumed a national role as aide to Admiral Halsey during World War II and as US delegate to the 1945 international conference on the United Nations Charter. When Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected president in 1952, Stassen was named director of the Mutual Security Agency and later became the president’s special assistant for disarmament. Stassen came to Washington advocating the total elimination of nuclear weapons, but he quickly recognized that this would never happen. He refocused his efforts, working for greater international transparency and communication. The liberal internationalism Stassen espoused became embedded in Cold War policy for decades. He consistently provided a voice for peace in an increasingly hawkish national security establishment. Stassen, in many ways, was his own worst enemy; his ambition and ego undermined his efforts and clouded his vision. His feuds with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles were legendary, and while Dulles often prevailed in the meeting room, Stassen’s vision of nuclear restraint was one that Eisenhower shared.Less
Harold Stassen (1907–2001) is perhaps most famous for running for president of the United States twelve times. At the age of thirty-one, Stassen garnered early accolades as the “boy wonder” governor of Minnesota. Soon thereafter he assumed a national role as aide to Admiral Halsey during World War II and as US delegate to the 1945 international conference on the United Nations Charter. When Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected president in 1952, Stassen was named director of the Mutual Security Agency and later became the president’s special assistant for disarmament. Stassen came to Washington advocating the total elimination of nuclear weapons, but he quickly recognized that this would never happen. He refocused his efforts, working for greater international transparency and communication. The liberal internationalism Stassen espoused became embedded in Cold War policy for decades. He consistently provided a voice for peace in an increasingly hawkish national security establishment. Stassen, in many ways, was his own worst enemy; his ambition and ego undermined his efforts and clouded his vision. His feuds with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles were legendary, and while Dulles often prevailed in the meeting room, Stassen’s vision of nuclear restraint was one that Eisenhower shared.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On September 19, 1931, Japan began the process of converting the Chinese province of Manchuria into its own puppet state of Manchukuo, thus calling into question an earlier pronouncement about the ...
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On September 19, 1931, Japan began the process of converting the Chinese province of Manchuria into its own puppet state of Manchukuo, thus calling into question an earlier pronouncement about the prospects of peace just nine days before, However, peace movements fare best when optimism is seasoned with a dash of pessimism: although the former gives their ideas plausibility, the latter is needed to give them urgency. In the early 1930s, the mixture was therefore ideal: the optimism carried over from the post-Locarno period ignited with the pessimism generated by Japanese, German, and Italian behaviour to stimulate the most intense phase of peace activism ever, of which unquestionably the highlight was the extraordinary Peace Ballot of 1934–5.Less
On September 19, 1931, Japan began the process of converting the Chinese province of Manchuria into its own puppet state of Manchukuo, thus calling into question an earlier pronouncement about the prospects of peace just nine days before, However, peace movements fare best when optimism is seasoned with a dash of pessimism: although the former gives their ideas plausibility, the latter is needed to give them urgency. In the early 1930s, the mixture was therefore ideal: the optimism carried over from the post-Locarno period ignited with the pessimism generated by Japanese, German, and Italian behaviour to stimulate the most intense phase of peace activism ever, of which unquestionably the highlight was the extraordinary Peace Ballot of 1934–5.
Catia Cecilia Confortini
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199845231
- eISBN:
- 9780199979875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199845231.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter describes and analyzes the policies of WILPF on disarmament from 1945 to 1975. The chapter shows that WILPF’s worldview about the causes of war, militarization, and the arms buildup and ...
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This chapter describes and analyzes the policies of WILPF on disarmament from 1945 to 1975. The chapter shows that WILPF’s worldview about the causes of war, militarization, and the arms buildup and their elimination went through two distinct phases. It moved from an emphasis on legal and political agreements as first steps in making nuclear arms unnecessary, to a focus on nuclear abolition and an optimistic view of the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, to the articulation of a harsher economic critique of the war system. The WILPF’s critique emphasized that the nuclear arms buildup, together with nuclear energy use and traffic in small arms, were cornerstones of an economic system based on profits rather than needs. Thus, between 1945 and 1975, WILPF constructed its idea of peace around different ideologies, each imbued with its own sets of gender assumptions. The chapter argues that shifts in the international environment are not enough to understand how or why WILPF formulated different ideas and policies about peace as related to disarmament issues in the 1970s. The chapter shows that the international environment favored increasingly self-reflective practices that led to the articulation of more far-reaching peace and disarmament arguments.Less
This chapter describes and analyzes the policies of WILPF on disarmament from 1945 to 1975. The chapter shows that WILPF’s worldview about the causes of war, militarization, and the arms buildup and their elimination went through two distinct phases. It moved from an emphasis on legal and political agreements as first steps in making nuclear arms unnecessary, to a focus on nuclear abolition and an optimistic view of the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, to the articulation of a harsher economic critique of the war system. The WILPF’s critique emphasized that the nuclear arms buildup, together with nuclear energy use and traffic in small arms, were cornerstones of an economic system based on profits rather than needs. Thus, between 1945 and 1975, WILPF constructed its idea of peace around different ideologies, each imbued with its own sets of gender assumptions. The chapter argues that shifts in the international environment are not enough to understand how or why WILPF formulated different ideas and policies about peace as related to disarmament issues in the 1970s. The chapter shows that the international environment favored increasingly self-reflective practices that led to the articulation of more far-reaching peace and disarmament arguments.
Peter J. Yearwood
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226733
- eISBN:
- 9780191710308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226733.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The success of the League was widely seen as depending on its formulating a scheme for international disarmament. Lloyd George had this in the back of his mind when offering a security treaty to ...
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The success of the League was widely seen as depending on its formulating a scheme for international disarmament. Lloyd George had this in the back of his mind when offering a security treaty to Paris. Lord Esher, his man on the League's Temporary Mixed Commission, was pushed aside by Cecil, whose appointment had been arranged by H. A. L. Fisher, the British representative on the Council. Cecil hoped to repair Anglo‐French relations, which had rapidly deteriorated after Poincaré came to power, by agreeing with the French representatives a plan which would formally link security and disarmament. Once this had been adopted at Geneva, Cecil hoped to impose it on the British government, which he had himself joined when Stanley Baldwin became Prime Minister in May 1923. However, he was on bad terms with Curzon, who remained Foreign Secretary. The league did not endorse the Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance, and the consensus in the Conservative Cabinet was strongly against it.Less
The success of the League was widely seen as depending on its formulating a scheme for international disarmament. Lloyd George had this in the back of his mind when offering a security treaty to Paris. Lord Esher, his man on the League's Temporary Mixed Commission, was pushed aside by Cecil, whose appointment had been arranged by H. A. L. Fisher, the British representative on the Council. Cecil hoped to repair Anglo‐French relations, which had rapidly deteriorated after Poincaré came to power, by agreeing with the French representatives a plan which would formally link security and disarmament. Once this had been adopted at Geneva, Cecil hoped to impose it on the British government, which he had himself joined when Stanley Baldwin became Prime Minister in May 1923. However, he was on bad terms with Curzon, who remained Foreign Secretary. The league did not endorse the Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance, and the consensus in the Conservative Cabinet was strongly against it.
Michael G. Kearney
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199232451
- eISBN:
- 9780191716034
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232451.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter examines how the UN General Assembly has dealt with issues around propaganda for war. It considers the geo-political context of the Cold War in which various resolutions and declarations ...
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This chapter examines how the UN General Assembly has dealt with issues around propaganda for war. It considers the geo-political context of the Cold War in which various resolutions and declarations of the Assembly concerning propaganda were drafted. These resolutions are discussed in detail, as are efforts at other fora such as the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at bridging the ideological and political divide between the West and the Soviets on the matter. Other condemnations of propaganda for war such as in the Outer Space Treaty 1967, bilateral treaties, and the impact of initiatives such as the New World Information Order as spearheaded by the non-aligned movement, are also discussed.Less
This chapter examines how the UN General Assembly has dealt with issues around propaganda for war. It considers the geo-political context of the Cold War in which various resolutions and declarations of the Assembly concerning propaganda were drafted. These resolutions are discussed in detail, as are efforts at other fora such as the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at bridging the ideological and political divide between the West and the Soviets on the matter. Other condemnations of propaganda for war such as in the Outer Space Treaty 1967, bilateral treaties, and the impact of initiatives such as the New World Information Order as spearheaded by the non-aligned movement, are also discussed.
Lord Bullock and William Deakin
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198221142
- eISBN:
- 9780191678417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198221142.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
While the Locarno agreements were still being negotiated, the Sixth League Assembly meeting in September 1925 invited the Council to initiate preparatory work for a general and all-inclusive ...
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While the Locarno agreements were still being negotiated, the Sixth League Assembly meeting in September 1925 invited the Council to initiate preparatory work for a general and all-inclusive disarmament conference. On 12 December the Council created a Preparatory Commission consisting initially of all ten states on the Council, six other European countries, and three key non-League members: Germany, the Soviet Union, and the United States. The Preparatory Commission held its first meeting in May 1926. Its members were instructed to draw up a draft treaty covering all three spheres of armaments (land, sea, and air), which would then be ratified by a world disarmament conference, expected to be called not later than 1927. The subsequent history of the Preparatory Commission's tortuous progress can best be understood in terms of the disagreements between Britain and France and the basic and unresolved Franco-German confrontation.Less
While the Locarno agreements were still being negotiated, the Sixth League Assembly meeting in September 1925 invited the Council to initiate preparatory work for a general and all-inclusive disarmament conference. On 12 December the Council created a Preparatory Commission consisting initially of all ten states on the Council, six other European countries, and three key non-League members: Germany, the Soviet Union, and the United States. The Preparatory Commission held its first meeting in May 1926. Its members were instructed to draw up a draft treaty covering all three spheres of armaments (land, sea, and air), which would then be ratified by a world disarmament conference, expected to be called not later than 1927. The subsequent history of the Preparatory Commission's tortuous progress can best be understood in terms of the disagreements between Britain and France and the basic and unresolved Franco-German confrontation.
Lord Bullock and William Deakin
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198221142
- eISBN:
- 9780191678417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198221142.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The World Disarmament Conference opened in Geneva on 2 February 1932. Sixty-four states were invited; fifty-nine were actually represented, including all the major powers. Millions of petitions ...
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The World Disarmament Conference opened in Geneva on 2 February 1932. Sixty-four states were invited; fifty-nine were actually represented, including all the major powers. Millions of petitions arrived from all over the world expressing the signers’ hopes for peace. However, by December 1932, the disarmament conference was hanging by a thread. The deal done in Geneva to bring Germany back to the conference table had not solved anything, but merely highlighted again the need to confront the fundamental underlying problem of European security: how to balance French fears with German revisionism. The government of Hitler was the final cut of the disarmament conference's thread, though this was not immediately apparent. Hitler would initially be afraid to move too radically on the international stage, as he consolidated his power at home. But when he did move, ten months later in October 1933, it would be to pull Germany out of the disarmament conference and out of the League of Nations itself. This would be the end of the inter-war movement to disarm.Less
The World Disarmament Conference opened in Geneva on 2 February 1932. Sixty-four states were invited; fifty-nine were actually represented, including all the major powers. Millions of petitions arrived from all over the world expressing the signers’ hopes for peace. However, by December 1932, the disarmament conference was hanging by a thread. The deal done in Geneva to bring Germany back to the conference table had not solved anything, but merely highlighted again the need to confront the fundamental underlying problem of European security: how to balance French fears with German revisionism. The government of Hitler was the final cut of the disarmament conference's thread, though this was not immediately apparent. Hitler would initially be afraid to move too radically on the international stage, as he consolidated his power at home. But when he did move, ten months later in October 1933, it would be to pull Germany out of the disarmament conference and out of the League of Nations itself. This would be the end of the inter-war movement to disarm.
Philip Towle
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206361
- eISBN:
- 9780191677090
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206361.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
Disarmament and arms control are firmly associated in the public mind with efforts to maintain international peace through compromise and negotiation. However, there is a much older type of ...
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Disarmament and arms control are firmly associated in the public mind with efforts to maintain international peace through compromise and negotiation. However, there is a much older type of disarmament, which is not the product of give and take but is imposed upon a defeated enemy. Forced disarmament, the subject of this book, is the United Nations' policy today in Iraq because of its defeat in the Gulf War. Given that there is no way of insuring against revanchism, it is not surprising that Western democracies have insisted on disarming their enemies after every major victory since 1815. Germany and Japan accepted their disarmament in 1945 so it could go hand in hand with a policy of reconciliation. The effectiveness and durability of enforced disarmament measures, as well as the resistance they are likely to encounter, are issues with important strategic and political implications. This book looks at the most important peace settlements from the time of Napoleon Bonaparte to Saddam Hussein.Less
Disarmament and arms control are firmly associated in the public mind with efforts to maintain international peace through compromise and negotiation. However, there is a much older type of disarmament, which is not the product of give and take but is imposed upon a defeated enemy. Forced disarmament, the subject of this book, is the United Nations' policy today in Iraq because of its defeat in the Gulf War. Given that there is no way of insuring against revanchism, it is not surprising that Western democracies have insisted on disarming their enemies after every major victory since 1815. Germany and Japan accepted their disarmament in 1945 so it could go hand in hand with a policy of reconciliation. The effectiveness and durability of enforced disarmament measures, as well as the resistance they are likely to encounter, are issues with important strategic and political implications. This book looks at the most important peace settlements from the time of Napoleon Bonaparte to Saddam Hussein.
Philip Towle
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206361
- eISBN:
- 9780191677090
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206361.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Military History
Dunkirk and the fortresses on the Russo–Ottoman border were demilitarized in eighteenth-century peace treaties because of the dominating part played by such fortifications in the warfare of the ...
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Dunkirk and the fortresses on the Russo–Ottoman border were demilitarized in eighteenth-century peace treaties because of the dominating part played by such fortifications in the warfare of the period. With the outbreak of the French Revolution and Napoleon Bonaparte's subsequent seizure of power as emperor of France, the international scene and the nature of warfare were transformed. French expansion was based on mass armies raised by conscription. Because the size of armies was now crucial, it was not surprising that Napoleon tried to limit the number of men under arms maintained by his defeated enemies. Napoleon's armies conquered Italy, the Low Countries, and the smaller German states. They overwhelmed Austria and threatened Russia and Turkey. They defeated Prussia in 1806 and Austria for the second time in 1809. This chapter focuses on Napoleon's implementation of forced disarmament measures in Prussia and Austria.Less
Dunkirk and the fortresses on the Russo–Ottoman border were demilitarized in eighteenth-century peace treaties because of the dominating part played by such fortifications in the warfare of the period. With the outbreak of the French Revolution and Napoleon Bonaparte's subsequent seizure of power as emperor of France, the international scene and the nature of warfare were transformed. French expansion was based on mass armies raised by conscription. Because the size of armies was now crucial, it was not surprising that Napoleon tried to limit the number of men under arms maintained by his defeated enemies. Napoleon's armies conquered Italy, the Low Countries, and the smaller German states. They overwhelmed Austria and threatened Russia and Turkey. They defeated Prussia in 1806 and Austria for the second time in 1809. This chapter focuses on Napoleon's implementation of forced disarmament measures in Prussia and Austria.
