Zachary Shore
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195154597
- eISBN:
- 9780199868780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154597.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how governmental officials reached decisions on foreign policy under the stresses and strains of a violent dictatorship. It considers both the regime's domestic political environment, and its control of information. The book shows how the control of knowledge—or information—affected decision-making in Nazi Germany, and is a portrait of how a dictator's seeming strength can actually be his weakest link.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how governmental officials reached decisions on foreign policy under the stresses and strains of a violent dictatorship. It considers both the regime's domestic political environment, and its control of information. The book shows how the control of knowledge—or information—affected decision-making in Nazi Germany, and is a portrait of how a dictator's seeming strength can actually be his weakest link.
Zachary Shore
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195154597
- eISBN:
- 9780199868780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154597.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Control of information in Hitler's Germany was not simply a means for bureaucrats to get ahead; it could also help keep one alive. On June 30, 1934, the German government unleashed a reign of terror ...
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Control of information in Hitler's Germany was not simply a means for bureaucrats to get ahead; it could also help keep one alive. On June 30, 1934, the German government unleashed a reign of terror in what came to be known as the “Night of the Long Knives.” Under the direction of Heinrich Himmler, the Schutzstaffeln (SS) executed without trial an unknown number of Sturmabteilung (SA) members. It assassinated leading political figures and arrested thousands more, imprisoning some and sending others to concentration camps. From this point onward, state-sponsored violence took hold in Germany and did not cease until the Reich's collapse. This chapter shows that with the climate of fear and uncertainty which descended upon Germany after June 30, ministry officials had to be intensely mindful of the information they controlled. Failure to obtain information on the f ührer's intentions could be disastrous. Failure to know of one's rivals' activities could result in being outmaneuvered. Even the disclosing of all one's information could be equally unwise. The diplomats also understood that their fates rested not only on their submission to the state, but also on an element of chance.Less
Control of information in Hitler's Germany was not simply a means for bureaucrats to get ahead; it could also help keep one alive. On June 30, 1934, the German government unleashed a reign of terror in what came to be known as the “Night of the Long Knives.” Under the direction of Heinrich Himmler, the Schutzstaffeln (SS) executed without trial an unknown number of Sturmabteilung (SA) members. It assassinated leading political figures and arrested thousands more, imprisoning some and sending others to concentration camps. From this point onward, state-sponsored violence took hold in Germany and did not cease until the Reich's collapse. This chapter shows that with the climate of fear and uncertainty which descended upon Germany after June 30, ministry officials had to be intensely mindful of the information they controlled. Failure to obtain information on the f ührer's intentions could be disastrous. Failure to know of one's rivals' activities could result in being outmaneuvered. Even the disclosing of all one's information could be equally unwise. The diplomats also understood that their fates rested not only on their submission to the state, but also on an element of chance.
Iver B. Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449932
- eISBN:
- 9780801462993
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449932.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The 2010 WikiLeaks release of 250,000 U.S. diplomatic cables has made it eminently clear that there is a vast gulf between the public face of diplomacy and the opinions and actions that take place ...
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The 2010 WikiLeaks release of 250,000 U.S. diplomatic cables has made it eminently clear that there is a vast gulf between the public face of diplomacy and the opinions and actions that take place behind embassy doors. This book offers unprecedented access to the inner workings of a foreign ministry, and shows us how diplomacy is conducted on a day-to-day basis. Approaching contemporary diplomacy from an anthropological perspective, the book examines the various aspects of diplomatic work and practice, including immunity, permanent representation, diplomatic sociability, accreditation, and issues of gender equality. It shows that the diplomat working abroad and the diplomat at home are engaged in two different modes of knowledge production. Diplomats in the field focus primarily on gathering and processing information. In contrast, the diplomat based in his or her home capital is caught up in the seemingly endless production of texts: reports, speeches, position papers, and the like. The book leaves the reader with a keen sense of the practices of diplomacy: relations with foreign ministries, mediating between other people's positions while integrating personal and professional into a cohesive whole, adherence to compulsory routines and agendas, and, above all, the generation of knowledge. Yet even as they come to master such quotidian tasks, diplomats are regularly called upon to do exceptional things, such as negotiating peace.Less
The 2010 WikiLeaks release of 250,000 U.S. diplomatic cables has made it eminently clear that there is a vast gulf between the public face of diplomacy and the opinions and actions that take place behind embassy doors. This book offers unprecedented access to the inner workings of a foreign ministry, and shows us how diplomacy is conducted on a day-to-day basis. Approaching contemporary diplomacy from an anthropological perspective, the book examines the various aspects of diplomatic work and practice, including immunity, permanent representation, diplomatic sociability, accreditation, and issues of gender equality. It shows that the diplomat working abroad and the diplomat at home are engaged in two different modes of knowledge production. Diplomats in the field focus primarily on gathering and processing information. In contrast, the diplomat based in his or her home capital is caught up in the seemingly endless production of texts: reports, speeches, position papers, and the like. The book leaves the reader with a keen sense of the practices of diplomacy: relations with foreign ministries, mediating between other people's positions while integrating personal and professional into a cohesive whole, adherence to compulsory routines and agendas, and, above all, the generation of knowledge. Yet even as they come to master such quotidian tasks, diplomats are regularly called upon to do exceptional things, such as negotiating peace.
Maren R Niehoff
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300175233
- eISBN:
- 9780300231304
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300175233.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Philo was a Hellenistic Jewish philosopher who left behind one of the richest bodies of work from antiquity, yet his personality and intellectual development have remained a riddle. This book ...
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Philo was a Hellenistic Jewish philosopher who left behind one of the richest bodies of work from antiquity, yet his personality and intellectual development have remained a riddle. This book presents the first biography of Philo, arguing that his trip to Rome in 38 CE was a turning point in his life. There he was exposed to not only new political circumstances but also “a new cultural and philosophical environment.” Following the pogrom in Alexandria, Philo became active as an intellectual in the capital of the Empire, responding to the challenges of his time and creatively reconstructing his identity, though always maintaining pride in the Jewish tradition. Philo's trajectory from Alexandria to Rome and his enthusiastic adoption of new modes of thought rendered him a keen figure in the complex negotiation between East and West.Less
Philo was a Hellenistic Jewish philosopher who left behind one of the richest bodies of work from antiquity, yet his personality and intellectual development have remained a riddle. This book presents the first biography of Philo, arguing that his trip to Rome in 38 CE was a turning point in his life. There he was exposed to not only new political circumstances but also “a new cultural and philosophical environment.” Following the pogrom in Alexandria, Philo became active as an intellectual in the capital of the Empire, responding to the challenges of his time and creatively reconstructing his identity, though always maintaining pride in the Jewish tradition. Philo's trajectory from Alexandria to Rome and his enthusiastic adoption of new modes of thought rendered him a keen figure in the complex negotiation between East and West.
Geoffrey Jones
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206026
- eISBN:
- 9780191676925
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206026.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This chapter explores the role of government in the history of British multinational banks. Before 1914, in most countries banks were free from government intervention. There were almost no ...
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This chapter explores the role of government in the history of British multinational banks. Before 1914, in most countries banks were free from government intervention. There were almost no restrictions on fund flows across borders. Moreover, foreign financial institutions faced few discriminatory laws. Later on, the government provided business opportunities for British overseas banks. They acted as state banks, government bankers, and as currency agents. They issued paper currency of a variety of countries. Furthermore, British overseas banks were drawn into a symbiotic relationship with the Foreign Office and British diplomats felt obliged to become interested in the banks' loan issues and other activities of different countries. British multinational banks were private sector institutions before 1914, but governments became a part of their existence — a source of restrictions, business opportunities, sustenance, and frustration.Less
This chapter explores the role of government in the history of British multinational banks. Before 1914, in most countries banks were free from government intervention. There were almost no restrictions on fund flows across borders. Moreover, foreign financial institutions faced few discriminatory laws. Later on, the government provided business opportunities for British overseas banks. They acted as state banks, government bankers, and as currency agents. They issued paper currency of a variety of countries. Furthermore, British overseas banks were drawn into a symbiotic relationship with the Foreign Office and British diplomats felt obliged to become interested in the banks' loan issues and other activities of different countries. British multinational banks were private sector institutions before 1914, but governments became a part of their existence — a source of restrictions, business opportunities, sustenance, and frustration.
Gábor Bátonyi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207481
- eISBN:
- 9780191677687
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207481.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This book emphasises the key role played by Britain in restoring peace and stability in central Europe after the First World War. It focuses on the endeavours of British ...
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This book emphasises the key role played by Britain in restoring peace and stability in central Europe after the First World War. It focuses on the endeavours of British diplomats in the 1920s to promote political integration and economic co-operation in the Danubia region. The work traces the gradual shift in British attitudes towards the small central European states, from one of active engagement to disinterest and even hostility. Three case studies of British foreign policy in Vienna, Budapest, and Prague support the novel thesis that British involvement in central European affairs was terminated as a result of Austrian, Hungarian, and Czechoslovakian unwillingness to co-operate, and not simply because of economic and political pressures from Germany.Less
This book emphasises the key role played by Britain in restoring peace and stability in central Europe after the First World War. It focuses on the endeavours of British diplomats in the 1920s to promote political integration and economic co-operation in the Danubia region. The work traces the gradual shift in British attitudes towards the small central European states, from one of active engagement to disinterest and even hostility. Three case studies of British foreign policy in Vienna, Budapest, and Prague support the novel thesis that British involvement in central European affairs was terminated as a result of Austrian, Hungarian, and Czechoslovakian unwillingness to co-operate, and not simply because of economic and political pressures from Germany.
W. A. Sessions
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198186250
- eISBN:
- 9780191674457
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198186250.003.0010
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry
Early in October 1542 Sir Thomas Wyatt died. He was thirty nine years old, and Hans Holbein's 1541 portrait of his head, bare neck, bare shoulders, and upper chest with hair shows that, in his last ...
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Early in October 1542 Sir Thomas Wyatt died. He was thirty nine years old, and Hans Holbein's 1541 portrait of his head, bare neck, bare shoulders, and upper chest with hair shows that, in his last years, the body had remained strong. However, the effects of his final imprisonment may have been exhausting, and this rather staged portrait may not show the deeper consequences of his years as England's powerful diplomat with his delicate manoeuvring between European and English courts. In contrast to his genuine labour representing the turbulent Henrician court to Europe, Wyatt had always sought ‘the quyet mind’ he had named in his 1529 translation of Plutarch and described in a satire to his friend John Poins. Under the tension between the poet's need for self and contemplation and the demands of his nation, he laboured, having accepted the call of his time as clearly as Aeneas had.Less
Early in October 1542 Sir Thomas Wyatt died. He was thirty nine years old, and Hans Holbein's 1541 portrait of his head, bare neck, bare shoulders, and upper chest with hair shows that, in his last years, the body had remained strong. However, the effects of his final imprisonment may have been exhausting, and this rather staged portrait may not show the deeper consequences of his years as England's powerful diplomat with his delicate manoeuvring between European and English courts. In contrast to his genuine labour representing the turbulent Henrician court to Europe, Wyatt had always sought ‘the quyet mind’ he had named in his 1529 translation of Plutarch and described in a satire to his friend John Poins. Under the tension between the poet's need for self and contemplation and the demands of his nation, he laboured, having accepted the call of his time as clearly as Aeneas had.
Morgan Brigg and Roland Bleiker (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824834593
- eISBN:
- 9780824871697
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824834593.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This book is based on a fundamental premise: to deal adequately with conflict — and particularly with conflict stemming from cultural and other differences — requires genuine openness to different ...
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This book is based on a fundamental premise: to deal adequately with conflict — and particularly with conflict stemming from cultural and other differences — requires genuine openness to different cultural practices and dialogue between different ways of knowing and being. Equally essential is a shift away from understanding cultural difference as an inevitable source of conflict, and the development of a more critical attitude toward previously under-examined Western assumptions about conflict and its resolution. To address the ensuing challenges, this book introduces and explores some of the rich insights into conflict resolution emanating from Asia and Oceania. Although often overlooked, these local traditions offer a range of useful ways of thinking about and dealing with difference and conflict in a globalising world. To bring these traditions into exchange with mainstream Western conflict resolution, the book present the results of collaborative work between experienced scholars and culturally knowledgeable practitioners from numerous parts of Asia and Oceania. The result is a series of interventions that challenge conventional Western notions of conflict resolution and provide academics, policy makers, diplomats, mediators, and local conflict workers with new possibilities to approach, prevent, and resolve conflict.Less
This book is based on a fundamental premise: to deal adequately with conflict — and particularly with conflict stemming from cultural and other differences — requires genuine openness to different cultural practices and dialogue between different ways of knowing and being. Equally essential is a shift away from understanding cultural difference as an inevitable source of conflict, and the development of a more critical attitude toward previously under-examined Western assumptions about conflict and its resolution. To address the ensuing challenges, this book introduces and explores some of the rich insights into conflict resolution emanating from Asia and Oceania. Although often overlooked, these local traditions offer a range of useful ways of thinking about and dealing with difference and conflict in a globalising world. To bring these traditions into exchange with mainstream Western conflict resolution, the book present the results of collaborative work between experienced scholars and culturally knowledgeable practitioners from numerous parts of Asia and Oceania. The result is a series of interventions that challenge conventional Western notions of conflict resolution and provide academics, policy makers, diplomats, mediators, and local conflict workers with new possibilities to approach, prevent, and resolve conflict.
LARRY W. YARAK
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198221562
- eISBN:
- 9780191678448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198221562.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter engages the examination of the kostgeld, showing how the commencement of kostgeld payments served as catalyst in the process of Asante administrative development. The course of this ...
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This chapter engages the examination of the kostgeld, showing how the commencement of kostgeld payments served as catalyst in the process of Asante administrative development. The course of this development up to the creation of the Elmina residency by Asantehene Osei Tutu Kwame (r. 1804–23) comprises the remainder of chapter. The development of Asante administrative practices with regard to Dutch (and after 1806, Elmina) affairs may conveniently be examined in six stages, commencing in 1744. In line with this, this chapter also explores the first three stages of this process: stage I between 1744–50, stage II between 1752–71, and stage III between 1776–1816. In particular, the salient features of the development of Asante administration with regard to Dutch and Elmina affairs during 1744–1816 are briefly reviewed.Less
This chapter engages the examination of the kostgeld, showing how the commencement of kostgeld payments served as catalyst in the process of Asante administrative development. The course of this development up to the creation of the Elmina residency by Asantehene Osei Tutu Kwame (r. 1804–23) comprises the remainder of chapter. The development of Asante administrative practices with regard to Dutch (and after 1806, Elmina) affairs may conveniently be examined in six stages, commencing in 1744. In line with this, this chapter also explores the first three stages of this process: stage I between 1744–50, stage II between 1752–71, and stage III between 1776–1816. In particular, the salient features of the development of Asante administration with regard to Dutch and Elmina affairs during 1744–1816 are briefly reviewed.
Gábor Bátonyi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207481
- eISBN:
- 9780191677687
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207481.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
Soon after his arrival in Czechoslovakia, Sir George Clerk established a close personal relationship with Masaryk and Beneš, which guaranteed ...
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Soon after his arrival in Czechoslovakia, Sir George Clerk established a close personal relationship with Masaryk and Beneš, which guaranteed him prestige and political influence in Prague. The British Minister’s popularity clearly alarmed the French Foreign Ministry. During the Sokol Celebrations in July 1920, the French Delegation openly challenged the British orientation of Czechoslovakia. At the beginning of the 1920s, a rivalry rapidly developed between the French and British diplomats in Prague. Consequently, it was difficult to pursue a British policy which was pro-Austrian, pro-Hungarian, and pro-Czechoslovak at the same time. By the late 1921, British influence in Prague had been successfully undermined by France. Clerk maintained his position as an influential foreign adviser of Masaryk, but with the rising Czech Francophilia, Sir George’s persistent diplomatic struggle against French aspirations was doomed to failure. The Thun Palace gradually served only as a vantage point, an admirable political observatory.Less
Soon after his arrival in Czechoslovakia, Sir George Clerk established a close personal relationship with Masaryk and Beneš, which guaranteed him prestige and political influence in Prague. The British Minister’s popularity clearly alarmed the French Foreign Ministry. During the Sokol Celebrations in July 1920, the French Delegation openly challenged the British orientation of Czechoslovakia. At the beginning of the 1920s, a rivalry rapidly developed between the French and British diplomats in Prague. Consequently, it was difficult to pursue a British policy which was pro-Austrian, pro-Hungarian, and pro-Czechoslovak at the same time. By the late 1921, British influence in Prague had been successfully undermined by France. Clerk maintained his position as an influential foreign adviser of Masaryk, but with the rising Czech Francophilia, Sir George’s persistent diplomatic struggle against French aspirations was doomed to failure. The Thun Palace gradually served only as a vantage point, an admirable political observatory.
Helen Jacobsen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693757
- eISBN:
- 9780191731976
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693757.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Cultural History
This book is a study of the material world of English ambassadors at the end of the seventeenth century and illustrates the way in which architecture and the arts played an important role in ...
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This book is a study of the material world of English ambassadors at the end of the seventeenth century and illustrates the way in which architecture and the arts played an important role in diplomatic life. It positions luxury consumption firmly in the political domain and demonstrates the significance of diplomats as cultural intermediaries, highlighting the importance of the material world to politicians and the role that diplomats played in the evolution of artistic appreciation in England.It looks at diplomats abroad: where they lived, what they took with them, and the style in which they lived when away from home. It investigates the ambassadorial household and the role of wives in embassy life, and positions women firmly in the centre of the diplomatic world. It also looks at the extent to which diplomats reacted to their surroundings and the cultures in which they were immersed, and examines their interaction with foreign aesthetic influences. Within the wider context of artistic patronage, not just fine art, it assesses their impact as conduits for the arts, examining their own collecting and the acquisitions they made for their friends and patrons back home. Case studies examine the way in which cultural politics drove the luxury consumption in which so many diplomats indulged and reveal that these patrons displayed a knowledge and understanding of many areas of artistic endeavour that made them indubitable connoisseurs – of architecture, painting, furniture, textiles, silver, and coaches. The book re-evaluates the reputation for artistic patronage of the later Stuart years and finds that the contribution by English diplomats has been sorely neglected.Less
This book is a study of the material world of English ambassadors at the end of the seventeenth century and illustrates the way in which architecture and the arts played an important role in diplomatic life. It positions luxury consumption firmly in the political domain and demonstrates the significance of diplomats as cultural intermediaries, highlighting the importance of the material world to politicians and the role that diplomats played in the evolution of artistic appreciation in England.It looks at diplomats abroad: where they lived, what they took with them, and the style in which they lived when away from home. It investigates the ambassadorial household and the role of wives in embassy life, and positions women firmly in the centre of the diplomatic world. It also looks at the extent to which diplomats reacted to their surroundings and the cultures in which they were immersed, and examines their interaction with foreign aesthetic influences. Within the wider context of artistic patronage, not just fine art, it assesses their impact as conduits for the arts, examining their own collecting and the acquisitions they made for their friends and patrons back home. Case studies examine the way in which cultural politics drove the luxury consumption in which so many diplomats indulged and reveal that these patrons displayed a knowledge and understanding of many areas of artistic endeavour that made them indubitable connoisseurs – of architecture, painting, furniture, textiles, silver, and coaches. The book re-evaluates the reputation for artistic patronage of the later Stuart years and finds that the contribution by English diplomats has been sorely neglected.
H. M. Scott
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201953
- eISBN:
- 9780191675096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201953.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The situation was indeed made worse when the Anglo-Dutch War came to rise, since the Dutch were traditionally viewed as British allies. Because of the Gordon Riots and how embassy chapels were ...
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The situation was indeed made worse when the Anglo-Dutch War came to rise, since the Dutch were traditionally viewed as British allies. Because of the Gordon Riots and how embassy chapels were perceived to be a source of resentment to Protestant Englishmen, the standing of Britain in Europe was greatly weakened, as foreign diplomats were not given sufficient protection. While Catherine II's notion of Armed Neutrality reinforced the isolation of Britain through uniting the neutral states against the British, such made it difficult for the country to gain new allies. This chapter reveals that in such cases, political will and financial strength played a greater role in determining the outcome compared to the changes brought about mainly by limited warfare.Less
The situation was indeed made worse when the Anglo-Dutch War came to rise, since the Dutch were traditionally viewed as British allies. Because of the Gordon Riots and how embassy chapels were perceived to be a source of resentment to Protestant Englishmen, the standing of Britain in Europe was greatly weakened, as foreign diplomats were not given sufficient protection. While Catherine II's notion of Armed Neutrality reinforced the isolation of Britain through uniting the neutral states against the British, such made it difficult for the country to gain new allies. This chapter reveals that in such cases, political will and financial strength played a greater role in determining the outcome compared to the changes brought about mainly by limited warfare.
Zbyněk Zeman and Antonín Klimek
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205838
- eISBN:
- 9780191676802
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205838.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter describes the view of Beneš about the Munich agreement which amounted to a personal tragedy. The crisis had started long before the international conference met in Munich on 29 ...
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This chapter describes the view of Beneš about the Munich agreement which amounted to a personal tragedy. The crisis had started long before the international conference met in Munich on 29 September, 1938. Beneš was aware of the political tradition represented by Hitler, which threatened the welfare of his nation and the existence of the state. Beneš was tireless in warning politicians and diplomats of the danger that the Nazi policies presented, established by the peace treaties in Europe. The last sacrifice by the Czechs proved to be in vain when the international commission offered Hitler more territory than he had demanded in his Godesberg memorandum.Less
This chapter describes the view of Beneš about the Munich agreement which amounted to a personal tragedy. The crisis had started long before the international conference met in Munich on 29 September, 1938. Beneš was aware of the political tradition represented by Hitler, which threatened the welfare of his nation and the existence of the state. Beneš was tireless in warning politicians and diplomats of the danger that the Nazi policies presented, established by the peace treaties in Europe. The last sacrifice by the Czechs proved to be in vain when the international commission offered Hitler more territory than he had demanded in his Godesberg memorandum.
Michael Stenton
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208433
- eISBN:
- 9780191678004
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208433.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the issues in foreign broadcasting and their impacts on domestic arguments. It explains that the Prime Minister tried to establish a rule that the Belgians and the other ...
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This chapter discusses the issues in foreign broadcasting and their impacts on domestic arguments. It explains that the Prime Minister tried to establish a rule that the Belgians and the other governments should on the whole determine the propaganda to their own countries. The chapter discusses that the Belgians exposed the basis of the Ministry's unwillingness to accommodate them. The chapter notes that the propagandists usually wanted to reshape exiled governments. But even when PWE relearnt the impertinence of the MOI, the diplomats remained more placid and patient. It explains that the advantage of Norway was that Norwegian broadcasts were established by professionals.Less
This chapter discusses the issues in foreign broadcasting and their impacts on domestic arguments. It explains that the Prime Minister tried to establish a rule that the Belgians and the other governments should on the whole determine the propaganda to their own countries. The chapter discusses that the Belgians exposed the basis of the Ministry's unwillingness to accommodate them. The chapter notes that the propagandists usually wanted to reshape exiled governments. But even when PWE relearnt the impertinence of the MOI, the diplomats remained more placid and patient. It explains that the advantage of Norway was that Norwegian broadcasts were established by professionals.
DEREK CHARLES CATSAM
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125114
- eISBN:
- 9780813135137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125114.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Before the Freedom Ride began, a bus company and one of its drivers was fined a hundred dollars each by federal judge William A. Bottle for insisting that Marguerite L. Edwards—an interstate ...
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Before the Freedom Ride began, a bus company and one of its drivers was fined a hundred dollars each by federal judge William A. Bottle for insisting that Marguerite L. Edwards—an interstate passenger—take a seat at the bus's rear as it traveled across Georgia. After this event, several bus lines in Memphis such as Continental and Greyhound announced that their racial segregation policies would be discontinued. Because these company practices accounted for only one layer of Jim Crow transportation, these announcements were not integrated nationwide. During that same week, a campaign was launched by the State Department to lessen the discrimination against Asian and African diplomats in the South and in other border states. While President Kennedy moved that Southern governors facilitated “friendly and dignified reception” towards foreign diplomatic representatives, CORE focused more on how the Freedom Rides heightened the organization's effectiveness, finances, visibility, and membership.Less
Before the Freedom Ride began, a bus company and one of its drivers was fined a hundred dollars each by federal judge William A. Bottle for insisting that Marguerite L. Edwards—an interstate passenger—take a seat at the bus's rear as it traveled across Georgia. After this event, several bus lines in Memphis such as Continental and Greyhound announced that their racial segregation policies would be discontinued. Because these company practices accounted for only one layer of Jim Crow transportation, these announcements were not integrated nationwide. During that same week, a campaign was launched by the State Department to lessen the discrimination against Asian and African diplomats in the South and in other border states. While President Kennedy moved that Southern governors facilitated “friendly and dignified reception” towards foreign diplomatic representatives, CORE focused more on how the Freedom Rides heightened the organization's effectiveness, finances, visibility, and membership.
Helen Jacobsen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693757
- eISBN:
- 9780191731976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693757.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Cultural History
Seventeenth-century diplomacy was a very visual form of politics and luxury consumption was integral to its conduct. English diplomats abroad were exposed to the very highest levels of expenditure on ...
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Seventeenth-century diplomacy was a very visual form of politics and luxury consumption was integral to its conduct. English diplomats abroad were exposed to the very highest levels of expenditure on architecture and the arts by foreign monarchs; this book seeks to look beyond the public displays and to ascertain whether the ambassadors’ own lives were affected by the conspicuous consumption with which they were surrounded. A marked similarity between the evolution of diplomatic theory and the evolution of a diplomat’s material world is revealed. The extent to which diplomats acted as conduits for objects, paintings, artists, and craftsmen is demonstrated, and how their experiences abroad impacted on their subsequent consumption and patronage. Conspicuous consumption of foreign luxury goods is posited firmly in the political sphere.Less
Seventeenth-century diplomacy was a very visual form of politics and luxury consumption was integral to its conduct. English diplomats abroad were exposed to the very highest levels of expenditure on architecture and the arts by foreign monarchs; this book seeks to look beyond the public displays and to ascertain whether the ambassadors’ own lives were affected by the conspicuous consumption with which they were surrounded. A marked similarity between the evolution of diplomatic theory and the evolution of a diplomat’s material world is revealed. The extent to which diplomats acted as conduits for objects, paintings, artists, and craftsmen is demonstrated, and how their experiences abroad impacted on their subsequent consumption and patronage. Conspicuous consumption of foreign luxury goods is posited firmly in the political sphere.
Helen Jacobsen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693757
- eISBN:
- 9780191731976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693757.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Cultural History
Henry Bennet, earl of Arlington, is a neglected statesman. A sometime diplomat, he was Charles II’s longest-serving secretary of state and held the highest household office for ten years, but his ...
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Henry Bennet, earl of Arlington, is a neglected statesman. A sometime diplomat, he was Charles II’s longest-serving secretary of state and held the highest household office for ten years, but his artistic patronage has most conspicuously been overlooked and its political significance underestimated. Informed by his experiences abroad, he appreciated the power of the arts to influence and impress and used the cultural mediation of the English diplomatic network in his control to help skilfully fashion his domestic political identity. Through judicious display of architecture, paintings, sculpture, and furniture, Arlington created a cultural world that confirmed both his close relationship with Charles II and his dominance of foreign affairs. This chapter reconsiders Arlington’s contributions as a statesman through his considered use of material consumption and artistic patronage and thereby illuminates corners of cultural practice which are situated firmly in the political sphere.Less
Henry Bennet, earl of Arlington, is a neglected statesman. A sometime diplomat, he was Charles II’s longest-serving secretary of state and held the highest household office for ten years, but his artistic patronage has most conspicuously been overlooked and its political significance underestimated. Informed by his experiences abroad, he appreciated the power of the arts to influence and impress and used the cultural mediation of the English diplomatic network in his control to help skilfully fashion his domestic political identity. Through judicious display of architecture, paintings, sculpture, and furniture, Arlington created a cultural world that confirmed both his close relationship with Charles II and his dominance of foreign affairs. This chapter reconsiders Arlington’s contributions as a statesman through his considered use of material consumption and artistic patronage and thereby illuminates corners of cultural practice which are situated firmly in the political sphere.
Helen Jacobsen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693757
- eISBN:
- 9780191731976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693757.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Cultural History
Charles Montagu, fourth earl and later first duke of Manchester, displayed a connoisseurship that was shaped and informed by his experiences as a diplomat. He was a follower of French fashion, but ...
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Charles Montagu, fourth earl and later first duke of Manchester, displayed a connoisseurship that was shaped and informed by his experiences as a diplomat. He was a follower of French fashion, but his cultural patronage also included Italian artists, architects, upholsterers, and cabinet-makers, and he proved himself to be a fervent patron of Italian music. Many of Manchester’s Italian purchases and commissions pre-date the more widespread shift that occurred in the second decade of the eighteenth century, when sections of the British social and political elite turned to Italy rather than France for cultural superiority; this makes Manchester’s relatively early Italian patronage significant. Were his choices connected to the Whig/Tory argument? This chapter looks closely at his patronage of architecture, painting, music, furniture, and textiles and finds that his artistic consumption was informed by an appreciation for talent and novelty, political ambition and pragmatism, and, above all, opportunity.Less
Charles Montagu, fourth earl and later first duke of Manchester, displayed a connoisseurship that was shaped and informed by his experiences as a diplomat. He was a follower of French fashion, but his cultural patronage also included Italian artists, architects, upholsterers, and cabinet-makers, and he proved himself to be a fervent patron of Italian music. Many of Manchester’s Italian purchases and commissions pre-date the more widespread shift that occurred in the second decade of the eighteenth century, when sections of the British social and political elite turned to Italy rather than France for cultural superiority; this makes Manchester’s relatively early Italian patronage significant. Were his choices connected to the Whig/Tory argument? This chapter looks closely at his patronage of architecture, painting, music, furniture, and textiles and finds that his artistic consumption was informed by an appreciation for talent and novelty, political ambition and pragmatism, and, above all, opportunity.
Alastair P. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205432
- eISBN:
- 9780191676635
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205432.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter explores how left liberal deputies (and party politicians in general) actually functioned in Berlin. Attention has been brought by John Röhl, Isabel Hull, and others to court politics ...
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This chapter explores how left liberal deputies (and party politicians in general) actually functioned in Berlin. Attention has been brought by John Röhl, Isabel Hull, and others to court politics and the influence of the Emperor's entourage. The diaries and correspondence of court diplomats have been exhumed from the archives and made available in multi-volumed form. But the workings of the Reichstag, and the way ministers and deputies conducted politics behind the scenes, remain under-researched. Accounts of the Reichstag's changing political position have sometimes focused on a relatively unimportant question — the social composition of elected deputies — rather than the more significant issue of how the Reich executive's need to secure money and legislation allowed political parties to have influence on policy and administration. The disparate social contacts of left liberals outside the confines of the Reichstag were significant.Less
This chapter explores how left liberal deputies (and party politicians in general) actually functioned in Berlin. Attention has been brought by John Röhl, Isabel Hull, and others to court politics and the influence of the Emperor's entourage. The diaries and correspondence of court diplomats have been exhumed from the archives and made available in multi-volumed form. But the workings of the Reichstag, and the way ministers and deputies conducted politics behind the scenes, remain under-researched. Accounts of the Reichstag's changing political position have sometimes focused on a relatively unimportant question — the social composition of elected deputies — rather than the more significant issue of how the Reich executive's need to secure money and legislation allowed political parties to have influence on policy and administration. The disparate social contacts of left liberals outside the confines of the Reichstag were significant.
Linda Heywood, Allison Blakely, Charles Stith, and Joshua C. Yesnowitz (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038877
- eISBN:
- 9780252096839
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038877.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, this book uses close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, memoirs of policymakers, ...
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Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, this book uses close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, memoirs of policymakers, and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? The book explores African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. It concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, the book expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.Less
Bookended by remarks from African American diplomats Walter C. Carrington and Charles Stith, this book uses close readings of speeches, letters, historical archives, diaries, memoirs of policymakers, and newly available FBI files to confront much-neglected questions related to race and foreign relations in the United States. Why, for instance, did African Americans profess loyalty and support for the diplomatic initiatives of a nation that undermined their social, political, and economic well-being through racist policies and cultural practices? The book explores African Americans' history in the diplomatic and consular services and the influential roles of cultural ambassadors like Joe Louis and Louis Armstrong. It concludes with an analysis of the effects on race and foreign policy in the administration of Barack Obama. Groundbreaking and critical, the book expands on the scope and themes of recent collections to offer the most up-to-date scholarship to students in a range of disciplines, including U.S. and African American history, Africana studies, political science, and American studies.
