José María Guembe
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since its return to democracy, Argentina has made great efforts to address the legacy of the last military dictatorship. This paper presents a complete overview of the Argentinean policy of economic ...
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Since its return to democracy, Argentina has made great efforts to address the legacy of the last military dictatorship. This paper presents a complete overview of the Argentinean policy of economic reparations for the victims of human rights violations committed between 1975-1983, including the beneficiaries, the crimes for which victims received reparations, the amounts paid, and the forms of payment. It analyzes the motivations for redressing the victims, from both national and international perspectives. It identifies the positions adopted by the different actors involved in the measures, especially the State and human rights organizations. The latter gained undeniable legitimacy by representing the victims and has consolidated into a group that has become the main actor on issues related to the legacy of the military dictatorship. The paper also focuses on economic, legal, and political questions that have arisen during the process of designing and implementing the reparation policy.Less
Since its return to democracy, Argentina has made great efforts to address the legacy of the last military dictatorship. This paper presents a complete overview of the Argentinean policy of economic reparations for the victims of human rights violations committed between 1975-1983, including the beneficiaries, the crimes for which victims received reparations, the amounts paid, and the forms of payment. It analyzes the motivations for redressing the victims, from both national and international perspectives. It identifies the positions adopted by the different actors involved in the measures, especially the State and human rights organizations. The latter gained undeniable legitimacy by representing the victims and has consolidated into a group that has become the main actor on issues related to the legacy of the military dictatorship. The paper also focuses on economic, legal, and political questions that have arisen during the process of designing and implementing the reparation policy.
Joseph Hanlon
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195168006
- eISBN:
- 9780199783458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195168003.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter addresses the questions: why should poor countries be expected to repay the debts imposed upon them by unelected and repressive governments? Who should shoulder the burden of repaying ...
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This chapter addresses the questions: why should poor countries be expected to repay the debts imposed upon them by unelected and repressive governments? Who should shoulder the burden of repaying the billions of dollars stolen by the likes of Mobutu, Marcos, and Saddam Hussein? How can creditors expect South Africans to pay for loans taken out during the apartheid regime and at that time used as a means of oppression? It argues that loans to certain borrowers or for certain purposes are prima facie illegitimate. This category includes loans to dictators, odious debt (debt used for repression), and extortionate loans. Second, certain types of behavior by lenders can also make a loan illegitimate: usury, money laundering, and gross negligence in lending. When these conditions are met, responsibility for repayment cannot be properly placed on the borrower.Less
This chapter addresses the questions: why should poor countries be expected to repay the debts imposed upon them by unelected and repressive governments? Who should shoulder the burden of repaying the billions of dollars stolen by the likes of Mobutu, Marcos, and Saddam Hussein? How can creditors expect South Africans to pay for loans taken out during the apartheid regime and at that time used as a means of oppression? It argues that loans to certain borrowers or for certain purposes are prima facie illegitimate. This category includes loans to dictators, odious debt (debt used for repression), and extortionate loans. Second, certain types of behavior by lenders can also make a loan illegitimate: usury, money laundering, and gross negligence in lending. When these conditions are met, responsibility for repayment cannot be properly placed on the borrower.
Alexandra Barahona De Brito, Carmen Gonzalez Enriquez, and Paloma Aguilar (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen ...
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The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen countries in Central and South America, Central, Eastern and South Europe and South Africa are analysed in detail. The main variables affecting the implementation of truth and justice policies (purges, truth commissions and trials, among other policies) are: the balance between old and new regime forces; the availability of institutional, human and financial resources, the nature of the ideological preferences and commitments of the elites in question; the mobilization of social groups pressing in favour of these policies; and the importance of human rights in the international arena. The duration and degree of institutionalization of dictatorship is also important. A prolonged dictatorship makes it harder for a new democracy to implement truth and justice policies, particularly when repression occurred in the distant past and if repression gained social complicity. The magnitude and methods of repression used against opposition forces in the dictatorship also shape transitional truth and justice: torture, assassination, and disappearances and clandestine repression in general (as in Central and South America, South Africa) require a different response to official institutionalized ‘softer’ repression (as in Portugal, Spain and Eastern Europe). The findings indicate that, with hindsight, there appears to be no direct relation between the implementation of policies of backward-looking truth and justice and the quality of new democracies. Democracy is just as strong and deep in Spain, Hungary and Uruguay, where there was no punishment or truth telling, as it is in Portugal, the Czech Republic or Argentina, which experienced purges and trials. However, such policies are justified not merely on instrumental grounds, but also for ethical reasons, and they symbolize a break with a violent, undemocratic past.Less
The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen countries in Central and South America, Central, Eastern and South Europe and South Africa are analysed in detail. The main variables affecting the implementation of truth and justice policies (purges, truth commissions and trials, among other policies) are: the balance between old and new regime forces; the availability of institutional, human and financial resources, the nature of the ideological preferences and commitments of the elites in question; the mobilization of social groups pressing in favour of these policies; and the importance of human rights in the international arena. The duration and degree of institutionalization of dictatorship is also important. A prolonged dictatorship makes it harder for a new democracy to implement truth and justice policies, particularly when repression occurred in the distant past and if repression gained social complicity. The magnitude and methods of repression used against opposition forces in the dictatorship also shape transitional truth and justice: torture, assassination, and disappearances and clandestine repression in general (as in Central and South America, South Africa) require a different response to official institutionalized ‘softer’ repression (as in Portugal, Spain and Eastern Europe). The findings indicate that, with hindsight, there appears to be no direct relation between the implementation of policies of backward-looking truth and justice and the quality of new democracies. Democracy is just as strong and deep in Spain, Hungary and Uruguay, where there was no punishment or truth telling, as it is in Portugal, the Czech Republic or Argentina, which experienced purges and trials. However, such policies are justified not merely on instrumental grounds, but also for ethical reasons, and they symbolize a break with a violent, undemocratic past.
Alex Pravda
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199276141
- eISBN:
- 9780191603341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276145.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines the changing leadership of Vladimir Putin. Most observers initially saw Putin as a transactional leader; with his practical and technocratic approach to fixing problems, he ...
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This chapter examines the changing leadership of Vladimir Putin. Most observers initially saw Putin as a transactional leader; with his practical and technocratic approach to fixing problems, he appeared more a prudent manager than political leader. However, as he moved towards his second term, his increased assertion of executive powers has prompted some observers to revise their optimism regarding Russia’s prospects for democracy, viewing Putin’s actions as a possible turn towards dictatorial rule.Less
This chapter examines the changing leadership of Vladimir Putin. Most observers initially saw Putin as a transactional leader; with his practical and technocratic approach to fixing problems, he appeared more a prudent manager than political leader. However, as he moved towards his second term, his increased assertion of executive powers has prompted some observers to revise their optimism regarding Russia’s prospects for democracy, viewing Putin’s actions as a possible turn towards dictatorial rule.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
The first year of Putin's presidency resulted in the most concerted and fundamental shake‐up of federal relations since 1993. Putin ended the bilateral treaty process and vowed to create a ...
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The first year of Putin's presidency resulted in the most concerted and fundamental shake‐up of federal relations since 1993. Putin ended the bilateral treaty process and vowed to create a ‘Dictatorship of Law’. Putin's reforms are examined in detail, including the creation of presidential envoys (polpredy) and federal districts, the quasi‐judicial use of presidential decrees (ukazy), reform of the Council of the Federation, growing federal influence of regional executives and legislatures, and local self‐government. These dramatic changes led to the reform of republican constitutions and a new stage in federal‐regional relations.Less
The first year of Putin's presidency resulted in the most concerted and fundamental shake‐up of federal relations since 1993. Putin ended the bilateral treaty process and vowed to create a ‘Dictatorship of Law’. Putin's reforms are examined in detail, including the creation of presidential envoys (polpredy) and federal districts, the quasi‐judicial use of presidential decrees (ukazy), reform of the Council of the Federation, growing federal influence of regional executives and legislatures, and local self‐government. These dramatic changes led to the reform of republican constitutions and a new stage in federal‐regional relations.
Paloma Aguilar
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In all processes of political change the emerging regime must face the difficult task of deciding what to do with the legacies of the former dictatorship, which people were working for the previous ...
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In all processes of political change the emerging regime must face the difficult task of deciding what to do with the legacies of the former dictatorship, which people were working for the previous civil and military administration preserve, and whether or not to put on trial those responsible for having violated human rights under the previous regime. This chapter analyses what was done, and what was deliberately put aside in the Spanish case. The Spanish transition to democracy has been praised as mainly exemplary, and as demonstrating success in the stabilization of the new democratic regime. However, the final positive result should not obscure the fact that, because of the correlation of forces of the transitional period, and also because of the traumatic collective memory of the Spanish civil war, the victims of the Francoist repression were not properly rehabilitated and the dictatorship was not condemned in the Spanish parliament until 2002. In fact, a very broad Amnesty Law was passed in 1977 that not only allowed all ETA prisoners to get out of jail, but also impeded the judicial revision of the dictatorial past. None of these limitations have impeded the consolidation of democracy in Spain, but some important sectors of society feel that justice has not been done, which explains the very recent political, social and even cultural initiatives to face the authoritarian past.Less
In all processes of political change the emerging regime must face the difficult task of deciding what to do with the legacies of the former dictatorship, which people were working for the previous civil and military administration preserve, and whether or not to put on trial those responsible for having violated human rights under the previous regime. This chapter analyses what was done, and what was deliberately put aside in the Spanish case. The Spanish transition to democracy has been praised as mainly exemplary, and as demonstrating success in the stabilization of the new democratic regime. However, the final positive result should not obscure the fact that, because of the correlation of forces of the transitional period, and also because of the traumatic collective memory of the Spanish civil war, the victims of the Francoist repression were not properly rehabilitated and the dictatorship was not condemned in the Spanish parliament until 2002. In fact, a very broad Amnesty Law was passed in 1977 that not only allowed all ETA prisoners to get out of jail, but also impeded the judicial revision of the dictatorial past. None of these limitations have impeded the consolidation of democracy in Spain, but some important sectors of society feel that justice has not been done, which explains the very recent political, social and even cultural initiatives to face the authoritarian past.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
As the Jews were deported, a page in Hitler's dictatorship was turned as new ‘racially foreign’ people, literally millions of foreign workers, were brought into Germany to labour for the Reich. The ...
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As the Jews were deported, a page in Hitler's dictatorship was turned as new ‘racially foreign’ people, literally millions of foreign workers, were brought into Germany to labour for the Reich. The racist regime regarded Poles and other peoples from the east as racially inferior. They had to be used to win the war, but at all costs they had to be prevented from mixing with German blood. The authorities decided on nothing short of an ‘apartheid’ system, to keep these ‘race enemies’ in their place. This chapter discusses how this massive exploitative effort unleashed new social dynamics.Less
As the Jews were deported, a page in Hitler's dictatorship was turned as new ‘racially foreign’ people, literally millions of foreign workers, were brought into Germany to labour for the Reich. The racist regime regarded Poles and other peoples from the east as racially inferior. They had to be used to win the war, but at all costs they had to be prevented from mixing with German blood. The authorities decided on nothing short of an ‘apartheid’ system, to keep these ‘race enemies’ in their place. This chapter discusses how this massive exploitative effort unleashed new social dynamics.
Udi Greenberg
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159331
- eISBN:
- 9781400852390
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159331.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book reveals the origins of two dramatic events: Germany's post-World War II transformation from a racist dictatorship to a liberal democracy, and the ideological genesis of the Cold War. The ...
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This book reveals the origins of two dramatic events: Germany's post-World War II transformation from a racist dictatorship to a liberal democracy, and the ideological genesis of the Cold War. The book shows that the foundations of Germany's reconstruction lay in the country's first democratic experiment, the Weimar Republic (1918–33). It traces the paths of five crucial German émigrés who participated in Weimar's intense political debates, spent the Nazi era in the United States, and then rebuilt Europe after a devastating war. Examining the unexpected stories of these diverse individuals—Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theorist Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic publicist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations theorist Hans Morgenthau—the book uncovers the intellectual and political forces that forged Germany's democracy after dictatorship, war, and occupation. These émigrés also shaped the currents of the early Cold War. Having borne witness to Weimar's political clashes and violent upheavals, they called on democratic regimes to permanently mobilize their citizens and resources in global struggle against their Communist enemies. In the process, they gained entry to the highest levels of American power, serving as top-level advisors to American occupation authorities in Germany and Korea, consultants for the State Department in Latin America, and leaders in universities and philanthropic foundations across Europe and the United States. From interwar Germany to the dawn of the American century, this book sheds light on the crucial ideas, individuals, and politics that made the trans-Atlantic postwar order.Less
This book reveals the origins of two dramatic events: Germany's post-World War II transformation from a racist dictatorship to a liberal democracy, and the ideological genesis of the Cold War. The book shows that the foundations of Germany's reconstruction lay in the country's first democratic experiment, the Weimar Republic (1918–33). It traces the paths of five crucial German émigrés who participated in Weimar's intense political debates, spent the Nazi era in the United States, and then rebuilt Europe after a devastating war. Examining the unexpected stories of these diverse individuals—Protestant political thinker Carl J. Friedrich, Socialist theorist Ernst Fraenkel, Catholic publicist Waldemar Gurian, liberal lawyer Karl Loewenstein, and international relations theorist Hans Morgenthau—the book uncovers the intellectual and political forces that forged Germany's democracy after dictatorship, war, and occupation. These émigrés also shaped the currents of the early Cold War. Having borne witness to Weimar's political clashes and violent upheavals, they called on democratic regimes to permanently mobilize their citizens and resources in global struggle against their Communist enemies. In the process, they gained entry to the highest levels of American power, serving as top-level advisors to American occupation authorities in Germany and Korea, consultants for the State Department in Latin America, and leaders in universities and philanthropic foundations across Europe and the United States. From interwar Germany to the dawn of the American century, this book sheds light on the crucial ideas, individuals, and politics that made the trans-Atlantic postwar order.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the end of Hitler's dictatorship. Social support for Hitler and for National Socialism steadily eroded as the war encroached more and more into German life, and many people ...
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This chapter discusses the end of Hitler's dictatorship. Social support for Hitler and for National Socialism steadily eroded as the war encroached more and more into German life, and many people certainly became fed up. Nazi propaganda played upon German fears about what would happen if or when the Soviets arrived on German territory, in order to try to strengthen the determination to resist. The warning of retribution to come for Nazi barbarities committed in the Soviet Union led many Germans to flee to the west. Those who could not or would not go were overrun by the Soviet advance. Hitler's political testament, written up on 29 April in the bunker, stated that he would rather die than be taken prisoner and deposed, and he asked his successors to do what they could to strengthen the spirit of resistance and continue the war. Before he committed suicide, he appointed a new government and stripped Himmler and Göring of their offices for opening negotiations with the Allies.Less
This chapter discusses the end of Hitler's dictatorship. Social support for Hitler and for National Socialism steadily eroded as the war encroached more and more into German life, and many people certainly became fed up. Nazi propaganda played upon German fears about what would happen if or when the Soviets arrived on German territory, in order to try to strengthen the determination to resist. The warning of retribution to come for Nazi barbarities committed in the Soviet Union led many Germans to flee to the west. Those who could not or would not go were overrun by the Soviet advance. Hitler's political testament, written up on 29 April in the bunker, stated that he would rather die than be taken prisoner and deposed, and he asked his successors to do what they could to strengthen the spirit of resistance and continue the war. Before he committed suicide, he appointed a new government and stripped Himmler and Göring of their offices for opening negotiations with the Allies.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. It details the three phases of the process by which the German people came to support Hitler and the Nazi dictatorship: the first ...
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This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. It details the three phases of the process by which the German people came to support Hitler and the Nazi dictatorship: the first from his appointment in 1933 to 1938–9; the second ran from the outbreak of the war to the beginning of the invasion in 1944; and the final phase went from there to the end.Less
This chapter summarizes the discussions in the preceding chapters. It details the three phases of the process by which the German people came to support Hitler and the Nazi dictatorship: the first from his appointment in 1933 to 1938–9; the second ran from the outbreak of the war to the beginning of the invasion in 1944; and the final phase went from there to the end.
Masi Noor, Rupert Brown, and Garry Prentice
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195300314
- eISBN:
- 9780199868698
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300314.003.0006
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter identifies the precursors of intergroup reconciliation or, more realistically, of an orientation toward reconciliation. It reviews literature on reconciliation and complements it with a ...
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This chapter identifies the precursors of intergroup reconciliation or, more realistically, of an orientation toward reconciliation. It reviews literature on reconciliation and complements it with a theoretical framework of intergroup reconciliation. Finally, the chapter considers research in support and extension of this framework that was conducted in the contexts of the Northern Irish conflict, the Chilean experience of political transition from dictatorship to democracy, and relations between the indigenous and nonindigenous Chileans.Less
This chapter identifies the precursors of intergroup reconciliation or, more realistically, of an orientation toward reconciliation. It reviews literature on reconciliation and complements it with a theoretical framework of intergroup reconciliation. Finally, the chapter considers research in support and extension of this framework that was conducted in the contexts of the Northern Irish conflict, the Chilean experience of political transition from dictatorship to democracy, and relations between the indigenous and nonindigenous Chileans.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to trace the events that occurred in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. It shows how and why a social consensus emerged in favour of ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to trace the events that occurred in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. It shows how and why a social consensus emerged in favour of Hitler and Nazism within months of Hitler's appointment as Chancellor. This consensus took many forms, and was fluid rather than firm, active rather than passive, differently constituted according to context and theme, and constantly in the process of being formed. The book also details how anti-Semitism changed and slowly spread after 1933, and how media reports and press stories were an essential dimension of life and death in Hitler's dictatorship.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to trace the events that occurred in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. It shows how and why a social consensus emerged in favour of Hitler and Nazism within months of Hitler's appointment as Chancellor. This consensus took many forms, and was fluid rather than firm, active rather than passive, differently constituted according to context and theme, and constantly in the process of being formed. The book also details how anti-Semitism changed and slowly spread after 1933, and how media reports and press stories were an essential dimension of life and death in Hitler's dictatorship.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the activities of the Nazi police. By the end of the pre-war era, if not before, the Nazi police (especially the Gestapo and Kripo) began to take very seriously their new ...
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This chapter discusses the activities of the Nazi police. By the end of the pre-war era, if not before, the Nazi police (especially the Gestapo and Kripo) began to take very seriously their new mission to cleanse the body politic of ‘harmful’, or ‘degenerative elements’ in society. In that sense they took on wholly unprecedented, racist-informed, preventive tasks as they moved into the field of social biology. The vision the police adopted was of a conflict-free society from which would be eliminated all social and biological carriers of ‘harmful’ behaviour. These changing missions were not merely worked out behind the scenes, and put into practice in secret, but by and large they were explained in the German press to win support for the dictatorship.Less
This chapter discusses the activities of the Nazi police. By the end of the pre-war era, if not before, the Nazi police (especially the Gestapo and Kripo) began to take very seriously their new mission to cleanse the body politic of ‘harmful’, or ‘degenerative elements’ in society. In that sense they took on wholly unprecedented, racist-informed, preventive tasks as they moved into the field of social biology. The vision the police adopted was of a conflict-free society from which would be eliminated all social and biological carriers of ‘harmful’ behaviour. These changing missions were not merely worked out behind the scenes, and put into practice in secret, but by and large they were explained in the German press to win support for the dictatorship.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
From the earliest days of the Third Reich, Hitler's dictatorship was overshadowed by thoughts and plans for the war that he and his collaborators regarded as inevitable. Almost immediately in 1933, ...
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From the earliest days of the Third Reich, Hitler's dictatorship was overshadowed by thoughts and plans for the war that he and his collaborators regarded as inevitable. Almost immediately in 1933, Hitler forged ahead on the diplomatic and military front — winning accolades from the people at every turn, especially as he tore up the hated peace treaty forced on Germany in 1919. His aim was not peace, but war, and as he prepared for it, he thought in terms of a total war in which a trustworthy home front stood firm behind the soldiers on the battlefront. One way of interpreting why Hitler encouraged Himmler to create a new police and camp system was that he saw the elimination of all internal ‘enemies’ as preparation for the coming war.Less
From the earliest days of the Third Reich, Hitler's dictatorship was overshadowed by thoughts and plans for the war that he and his collaborators regarded as inevitable. Almost immediately in 1933, Hitler forged ahead on the diplomatic and military front — winning accolades from the people at every turn, especially as he tore up the hated peace treaty forced on Germany in 1919. His aim was not peace, but war, and as he prepared for it, he thought in terms of a total war in which a trustworthy home front stood firm behind the soldiers on the battlefront. One way of interpreting why Hitler encouraged Himmler to create a new police and camp system was that he saw the elimination of all internal ‘enemies’ as preparation for the coming war.
Edward Bispham
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199231843
- eISBN:
- 9780191716195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199231843.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
The municipalization following the Social War must be understood within the context of the political atmosphere in which it emerged, and the major public discourses of the time: the admission and ...
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The municipalization following the Social War must be understood within the context of the political atmosphere in which it emerged, and the major public discourses of the time: the admission and absorption of the new citizens into the Roman res publica, and the closely related struggle for domination between the Marian/Cinnan group and that of Sulla and his adherents. This chapter examines the ‘Italian question’ between the end of the Social War and the dictatorship of Sulla. It argues that this period marks the beginning of the municipalization of those communities enfranchised as a result of the Social War.Less
The municipalization following the Social War must be understood within the context of the political atmosphere in which it emerged, and the major public discourses of the time: the admission and absorption of the new citizens into the Roman res publica, and the closely related struggle for domination between the Marian/Cinnan group and that of Sulla and his adherents. This chapter examines the ‘Italian question’ between the end of the Social War and the dictatorship of Sulla. It argues that this period marks the beginning of the municipalization of those communities enfranchised as a result of the Social War.
Sebastian Balfour and Alejandro Quiroga
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199206674
- eISBN:
- 9780191709791
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199206674.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Unravelling the debate about the Spanish nation and its identity in the new democracy, this book looks at the issue as both a historical debate and a contemporary political problem, made particularly ...
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Unravelling the debate about the Spanish nation and its identity in the new democracy, this book looks at the issue as both a historical debate and a contemporary political problem, made particularly complex by the legacy of the Francoist dictatorship, which deeply eroded the legitimacy of Spanish nationalism. During and since the transition, Spanish nationalist discourse has evolved to meet the challenge of new concepts of nation and identity. These formulations argue very different configurations of the relationship between nation and state. While the Constitution of 1978 defines Spain as a nation of nationalities, many politicians and intellectuals now claim that Spain is a nation of nations, others that it is a nation of nations and regions, or a post-traditional nation state, or post-national state. For the peripheral nationalists, it is merely a state of nations and regions. What is at issue is not whether Spain exists or not as a nation; rather, it is the traditional ways of seeing Spain from both the centre and the periphery that are being challenged. This book examines the ways in which Spanish and regional identities are projected and how they influence the external actions of the Spanish state. It also analyses the dynamic of comparative grievance and competition between regions deriving from the peculiar architecture of the state in Spain, and their effect on social and political cohesion. Finally, it examines scenarios of change that might foster solutions but asserts that Spain will continue to reinvent itself.Less
Unravelling the debate about the Spanish nation and its identity in the new democracy, this book looks at the issue as both a historical debate and a contemporary political problem, made particularly complex by the legacy of the Francoist dictatorship, which deeply eroded the legitimacy of Spanish nationalism. During and since the transition, Spanish nationalist discourse has evolved to meet the challenge of new concepts of nation and identity. These formulations argue very different configurations of the relationship between nation and state. While the Constitution of 1978 defines Spain as a nation of nationalities, many politicians and intellectuals now claim that Spain is a nation of nations, others that it is a nation of nations and regions, or a post-traditional nation state, or post-national state. For the peripheral nationalists, it is merely a state of nations and regions. What is at issue is not whether Spain exists or not as a nation; rather, it is the traditional ways of seeing Spain from both the centre and the periphery that are being challenged. This book examines the ways in which Spanish and regional identities are projected and how they influence the external actions of the Spanish state. It also analyses the dynamic of comparative grievance and competition between regions deriving from the peculiar architecture of the state in Spain, and their effect on social and political cohesion. Finally, it examines scenarios of change that might foster solutions but asserts that Spain will continue to reinvent itself.
Macarena Gómez-Barris
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255838
- eISBN:
- 9780520942493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255838.003.0006
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. One of the objectives of this book has been to draw out the complexities regarding issues of memory within post-dictatorship Chile, ...
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This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. One of the objectives of this book has been to draw out the complexities regarding issues of memory within post-dictatorship Chile, especially in terms of the persistence of state violence in the lived subjectivities of dictatorship victims. It has privileged the domain of representations precisely because they are meaningful and multifaceted sites that produce practices of cultural memory in the social field. Rather than mere repositories of memory, these sites offer symbols, testimonies, architectural spaces, images, and narrations of witness about state violence within Chile's public sphere. In addition, they structure and delimit the ways that democracy has failed to account for certain kinds of experiences, including the dramatic military counterrevolution, with grave human consequences.Less
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. One of the objectives of this book has been to draw out the complexities regarding issues of memory within post-dictatorship Chile, especially in terms of the persistence of state violence in the lived subjectivities of dictatorship victims. It has privileged the domain of representations precisely because they are meaningful and multifaceted sites that produce practices of cultural memory in the social field. Rather than mere repositories of memory, these sites offer symbols, testimonies, architectural spaces, images, and narrations of witness about state violence within Chile's public sphere. In addition, they structure and delimit the ways that democracy has failed to account for certain kinds of experiences, including the dramatic military counterrevolution, with grave human consequences.
José López Mazz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097560
- eISBN:
- 9781526104441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097560.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
“Operation Carrot” was devised and executed by the Uruguayan military at the time of the country’s return to democracy, between 1983 and 1985. The objective of this secret operation was to exhume all ...
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“Operation Carrot” was devised and executed by the Uruguayan military at the time of the country’s return to democracy, between 1983 and 1985. The objective of this secret operation was to exhume all the bodies of disappeared prisoners who had been murdered during the dictatorship, in order either to destroy them or make them disappear permanently. This chapter discusses the tools and methodological processes that allow us to physically identify and then interpret these types of actions, which are often extremely hard to detect, given that they are part of an intentional and systematic attempt by the killers to conceal their past deeds. However, we also seek to develop a better understanding of violence within Uruguayan social and political life: for, while the country’s dictatorship only lasted around ten years (between 1973 and 1984), political violence had already begun in the 1960s in the context of social conflicts surrounding land ownership, wages, and civil rights. It is, we argue, precisely because political violence is deeply rooted in Latin America that we must, in order to analyze it, adopt an integrated historical and anthropological approach which also draws on the more specialised disciplines of archaeology and forensic science.Less
“Operation Carrot” was devised and executed by the Uruguayan military at the time of the country’s return to democracy, between 1983 and 1985. The objective of this secret operation was to exhume all the bodies of disappeared prisoners who had been murdered during the dictatorship, in order either to destroy them or make them disappear permanently. This chapter discusses the tools and methodological processes that allow us to physically identify and then interpret these types of actions, which are often extremely hard to detect, given that they are part of an intentional and systematic attempt by the killers to conceal their past deeds. However, we also seek to develop a better understanding of violence within Uruguayan social and political life: for, while the country’s dictatorship only lasted around ten years (between 1973 and 1984), political violence had already begun in the 1960s in the context of social conflicts surrounding land ownership, wages, and civil rights. It is, we argue, precisely because political violence is deeply rooted in Latin America that we must, in order to analyze it, adopt an integrated historical and anthropological approach which also draws on the more specialised disciplines of archaeology and forensic science.
Aryeh Neier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691135151
- eISBN:
- 9781400841875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691135151.003.0012
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter demonstrates how, in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, some of those active in efforts to promote human rights feared that the era in which ...
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This chapter demonstrates how, in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, some of those active in efforts to promote human rights feared that the era in which their cause held a prominent place on the world stage could be over. That era began about a quarter of a century earlier as an outgrowth of the Cold War, and it had a part in bringing the Cold War to an end. Dictatorships of the Right and the Left had fallen—with help from those denouncing their abuses of human rights—yet those who hoped that there would be a substantial decline in gross abuses worldwide had been disappointed.Less
This chapter demonstrates how, in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, some of those active in efforts to promote human rights feared that the era in which their cause held a prominent place on the world stage could be over. That era began about a quarter of a century earlier as an outgrowth of the Cold War, and it had a part in bringing the Cold War to an end. Dictatorships of the Right and the Left had fallen—with help from those denouncing their abuses of human rights—yet those who hoped that there would be a substantial decline in gross abuses worldwide had been disappointed.
Helmut Lethen
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520201095
- eISBN:
- 9780520916418
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520201095.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter talks about the fact that during the 1930s and 1940s action theories of balance—conduct codes and handbooks to help new objectivity individual compensate for a basic lack of ...
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This chapter talks about the fact that during the 1930s and 1940s action theories of balance—conduct codes and handbooks to help new objectivity individual compensate for a basic lack of equilibrium—were put to the severest tests. It notes that in the shadow of dictatorship, the only possible basis for authentic decisions could be the conscience. It adds that intellectuals in exile reacted by recasting codes of conduct that allowed them to reassert the value of humanism. It explains, as taught by Brecht, that codes of conduct can indeed guarantee sheer survival, if at the cost of a joyful spirit. It discusses that to the succeeding generation of the 1960s there seemed nothing better than a fatherless society. It explains that this generation as well took the path of polarization, disintegrating in the 1970s into counterculture, which reinvigorated the cult of authenticity by negation of the fathers, and marginal groupings, which lost themselves for a time in paramilitary political formations.Less
This chapter talks about the fact that during the 1930s and 1940s action theories of balance—conduct codes and handbooks to help new objectivity individual compensate for a basic lack of equilibrium—were put to the severest tests. It notes that in the shadow of dictatorship, the only possible basis for authentic decisions could be the conscience. It adds that intellectuals in exile reacted by recasting codes of conduct that allowed them to reassert the value of humanism. It explains, as taught by Brecht, that codes of conduct can indeed guarantee sheer survival, if at the cost of a joyful spirit. It discusses that to the succeeding generation of the 1960s there seemed nothing better than a fatherless society. It explains that this generation as well took the path of polarization, disintegrating in the 1970s into counterculture, which reinvigorated the cult of authenticity by negation of the fathers, and marginal groupings, which lost themselves for a time in paramilitary political formations.
