Zachary Shore
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195154597
- eISBN:
- 9780199868780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154597.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how governmental officials reached decisions on foreign policy under the stresses and strains of a violent dictatorship. It considers both the regime's domestic political environment, and its control of information. The book shows how the control of knowledge—or information—affected decision-making in Nazi Germany, and is a portrait of how a dictator's seeming strength can actually be his weakest link.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how governmental officials reached decisions on foreign policy under the stresses and strains of a violent dictatorship. It considers both the regime's domestic political environment, and its control of information. The book shows how the control of knowledge—or information—affected decision-making in Nazi Germany, and is a portrait of how a dictator's seeming strength can actually be his weakest link.
Jan Philipp Reemtsma
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142968
- eISBN:
- 9781400842346
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142968.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
The limiting of violence through state powers is one of the central projects of the modern age. Why then have recent centuries been so bloody? This book demonstrates that the aim of decreasing and ...
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The limiting of violence through state powers is one of the central projects of the modern age. Why then have recent centuries been so bloody? This book demonstrates that the aim of decreasing and deterring violence has gone hand in hand with the misleading idea that violence is abnormal and beyond comprehension. We would be far better off, the book argues, if we acknowledged the disturbing fact that violence is normal. At the same time, it contends that violence cannot be fully understood without delving into the concept of trust. Not in violence, but in trust, rests the foundation of true power. The book makes this case with a wide-ranging history of ideas about violence, from ancient philosophy through Shakespeare and Schiller to Michel Foucault, and by considering specific cases of extreme violence from medieval torture to the Holocaust and beyond. In the midst of this gloomy account of human tendencies, the book observes that even dictators have to sleep at night and cannot rely on violence alone to ensure their safety. These authoritarian leaders must trust others while, by means other than violence, they must convince others to trust them. The history of violence is therefore a history of the peculiar relationship between violence and trust, and a recognition of trust's crucial place in humanity. This book sheds new, and at times disquieting, light on two integral aspects of our society.Less
The limiting of violence through state powers is one of the central projects of the modern age. Why then have recent centuries been so bloody? This book demonstrates that the aim of decreasing and deterring violence has gone hand in hand with the misleading idea that violence is abnormal and beyond comprehension. We would be far better off, the book argues, if we acknowledged the disturbing fact that violence is normal. At the same time, it contends that violence cannot be fully understood without delving into the concept of trust. Not in violence, but in trust, rests the foundation of true power. The book makes this case with a wide-ranging history of ideas about violence, from ancient philosophy through Shakespeare and Schiller to Michel Foucault, and by considering specific cases of extreme violence from medieval torture to the Holocaust and beyond. In the midst of this gloomy account of human tendencies, the book observes that even dictators have to sleep at night and cannot rely on violence alone to ensure their safety. These authoritarian leaders must trust others while, by means other than violence, they must convince others to trust them. The history of violence is therefore a history of the peculiar relationship between violence and trust, and a recognition of trust's crucial place in humanity. This book sheds new, and at times disquieting, light on two integral aspects of our society.
Tom Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719077432
- eISBN:
- 9781781702260
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719077432.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
According to this book, Romania's predatory rulers, the heirs of the sinister communist dictator Ceauşescu, have inflicted a humiliating defeat on the European Union. The book argues that Brussels ...
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According to this book, Romania's predatory rulers, the heirs of the sinister communist dictator Ceauşescu, have inflicted a humiliating defeat on the European Union. The book argues that Brussels was tricked into offering full membership to this Balkan country in return for substantial reforms which its rulers now refuse to carry out. It unmasks the failure of the EU to match its visionary promises of transforming Romania with the shabby reality. Benefiting from access to internal reports and leading figures involved in a decade of negotiations, the book shows how Eurocrats were outwitted by unscrupulous local politicians who turned the EU's multi-level decision-making processes into a laughing-stock. The EU's famous ‘soft power’ turned out to be a mirage, as it was unable to summon up the willpower to insist that this key Balkan state embraced its standards of behaviour in the political and economic realms. The book unravels policy failures in the areas of justice, administrative and agricultural reform, showing how Romania moved backwards politically during the years of negotiations.Less
According to this book, Romania's predatory rulers, the heirs of the sinister communist dictator Ceauşescu, have inflicted a humiliating defeat on the European Union. The book argues that Brussels was tricked into offering full membership to this Balkan country in return for substantial reforms which its rulers now refuse to carry out. It unmasks the failure of the EU to match its visionary promises of transforming Romania with the shabby reality. Benefiting from access to internal reports and leading figures involved in a decade of negotiations, the book shows how Eurocrats were outwitted by unscrupulous local politicians who turned the EU's multi-level decision-making processes into a laughing-stock. The EU's famous ‘soft power’ turned out to be a mirage, as it was unable to summon up the willpower to insist that this key Balkan state embraced its standards of behaviour in the political and economic realms. The book unravels policy failures in the areas of justice, administrative and agricultural reform, showing how Romania moved backwards politically during the years of negotiations.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter describes the politics following Argentina's and Chile's last bout with authoritarianism. In spite of some important similarities between Argentina and Chile, military rule and the ...
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This chapter describes the politics following Argentina's and Chile's last bout with authoritarianism. In spite of some important similarities between Argentina and Chile, military rule and the subsequent democratization process have been dissimilar. The chapter argues that the disparate performance of the Argentine and Chilean praetorian elites yielded for them different bargains with the opposition. These different deals led to vastly different outcomes, that is, profound disparities between military politics in contemporary Chile and Argentina. In Chile, democratizers have succeeded in gradually reducing the military's political autonomy to a level acceptable by democratic standards. On the other hand, their Argentine colleagues have gone too far in what has amounted to a virtual vendetta against the military as an institution and, in the process, seriously impaired its ability to protect and project Argentine national interests. The chapter's secondary case is Guatemala, a Central American state ruled for most of the Cold War by unusually brutal military dictators.Less
This chapter describes the politics following Argentina's and Chile's last bout with authoritarianism. In spite of some important similarities between Argentina and Chile, military rule and the subsequent democratization process have been dissimilar. The chapter argues that the disparate performance of the Argentine and Chilean praetorian elites yielded for them different bargains with the opposition. These different deals led to vastly different outcomes, that is, profound disparities between military politics in contemporary Chile and Argentina. In Chile, democratizers have succeeded in gradually reducing the military's political autonomy to a level acceptable by democratic standards. On the other hand, their Argentine colleagues have gone too far in what has amounted to a virtual vendetta against the military as an institution and, in the process, seriously impaired its ability to protect and project Argentine national interests. The chapter's secondary case is Guatemala, a Central American state ruled for most of the Cold War by unusually brutal military dictators.
Jean Ensminger
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199262052
- eISBN:
- 9780191601637
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262055.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Microeconomics
An analysis of the role of market integration and fairness in the responses of the Orma of northern Kenya in the Ultimatum, Dictator, and Public Goods Games is presented. The Orma are a ...
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An analysis of the role of market integration and fairness in the responses of the Orma of northern Kenya in the Ultimatum, Dictator, and Public Goods Games is presented. The Orma are a pastoral–nomadic community who are divided into three sections in the Tana River District and are dependent mainly on cattle, but in increasing numbers are diversifying into trade and wage labour; this research took place among the geographically central Galole Orma. The chapter describes the political economy of the Orma, and the methods used for the study, and presents and analyses the results of the three games, looking at the effects of wage/trade income in the Ultimatum and Dictator Games. The results are consistent with the general finding from the overall cross‐cultural project that shows fairness increasing with market integration. Something appears to trigger fair‐mindedness in association with exposure to market institutions, maybe a higher premium on reputation, and eventually, this norm appears to be internalized, as evidenced by its emergence in the anonymous, one‐shot, economic experiments.Less
An analysis of the role of market integration and fairness in the responses of the Orma of northern Kenya in the Ultimatum, Dictator, and Public Goods Games is presented. The Orma are a pastoral–nomadic community who are divided into three sections in the Tana River District and are dependent mainly on cattle, but in increasing numbers are diversifying into trade and wage labour; this research took place among the geographically central Galole Orma. The chapter describes the political economy of the Orma, and the methods used for the study, and presents and analyses the results of the three games, looking at the effects of wage/trade income in the Ultimatum and Dictator Games. The results are consistent with the general finding from the overall cross‐cultural project that shows fairness increasing with market integration. Something appears to trigger fair‐mindedness in association with exposure to market institutions, maybe a higher premium on reputation, and eventually, this norm appears to be internalized, as evidenced by its emergence in the anonymous, one‐shot, economic experiments.
Joseph Henrich, Robert Boyd, Samuel Bowles, Colin F. Camerer, Ernst Fehr, Herbert Gintis, and Richard McElreath
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199262052
- eISBN:
- 9780191601637
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262055.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Microeconomics
A summary is given of the results obtained from all fifteen field sites of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project reported in the book and comparisons are made between them. Two lessons ...
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A summary is given of the results obtained from all fifteen field sites of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project reported in the book and comparisons are made between them. Two lessons are drawn from the experimental results: first, there is no society in which experimental behaviour is even roughly consistent with the canonical model of purely self‐interested actors; second, there is much more variation between groups than has been previously reported, and this variation correlates with differences in patterns of interaction found in everyday life. The results are thought to bear on fundamental questions about human behaviour and society such as the nature of human motivations, and how these motivations are shaped by the societies in which people live, but the discussion is limited to the implications of the study for rational actor and similar models of human behaviour. The chapter is arranged in eight main sections which: (1) give an account of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project, describing the main economics experiments used – the Ultimatum Game (only this game was used at all experimental sites), the Public Goods Game, and the Dictator Game – and the locations and characteristics of the ethnographic studies involved (two each in Ecuador, Mongolia, Papua New Guinea and Tanzania; and one each in Bolivia, Chile, Indonesia, Kenya, Paraguay, Peru, and Zimbabwe); (2) present and analyse the experimental results; (3) attempt to explain differences in behaviour across groups; (4) attempt to explain individual differences in behaviour within groups; (5) discuss local group effects; (6) examine experimental behaviour in relation to everyday life; (7) discuss the research methods used and suggest ways that the between‐group behavioural differences found could have originated as products of patterns of social and economic interactions; and (8) draw conclusions.Less
A summary is given of the results obtained from all fifteen field sites of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project reported in the book and comparisons are made between them. Two lessons are drawn from the experimental results: first, there is no society in which experimental behaviour is even roughly consistent with the canonical model of purely self‐interested actors; second, there is much more variation between groups than has been previously reported, and this variation correlates with differences in patterns of interaction found in everyday life. The results are thought to bear on fundamental questions about human behaviour and society such as the nature of human motivations, and how these motivations are shaped by the societies in which people live, but the discussion is limited to the implications of the study for rational actor and similar models of human behaviour. The chapter is arranged in eight main sections which: (1) give an account of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project, describing the main economics experiments used – the Ultimatum Game (only this game was used at all experimental sites), the Public Goods Game, and the Dictator Game – and the locations and characteristics of the ethnographic studies involved (two each in Ecuador, Mongolia, Papua New Guinea and Tanzania; and one each in Bolivia, Chile, Indonesia, Kenya, Paraguay, Peru, and Zimbabwe); (2) present and analyse the experimental results; (3) attempt to explain differences in behaviour across groups; (4) attempt to explain individual differences in behaviour within groups; (5) discuss local group effects; (6) examine experimental behaviour in relation to everyday life; (7) discuss the research methods used and suggest ways that the between‐group behavioural differences found could have originated as products of patterns of social and economic interactions; and (8) draw conclusions.
Colin F. Camerer and Ernst Fehr
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199262052
- eISBN:
- 9780191601637
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262055.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Microeconomics
The work of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project presented in this book is rooted in the logic of game theory and the practices of experimental economics, and this chapter provides an ...
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The work of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project presented in this book is rooted in the logic of game theory and the practices of experimental economics, and this chapter provides an introduction to the fundamentals of behavioural game theory, and the procedures and conventions of experimental economics. It starts by defining the main social preference terms used – self‐interest, altruism, reciprocity, inequity aversion, and then sketches game theory in broad terms and describes some basic features of experimental design in economics. Seven games that have proved useful in examining social preferences are introduced; these are the Prisoner's Dilemma Game, the Public Goods Game, the Ultimatum Game, the Dictator Game, the Trust Game, the Gift Exchange Game, and the Third‐Party Punishment Game). The games are defined formally, indicating the aspects of social life that they express, and describing behavioural regularities found in experimental studies; these behavioural regularities are then interpreted in terms of preferences for reciprocity, inequity aversion, or altruism. The final sections of the chapter describe some other games anthropologists might find useful, and draw conclusions.Less
The work of the cross‐cultural behavioural experiments project presented in this book is rooted in the logic of game theory and the practices of experimental economics, and this chapter provides an introduction to the fundamentals of behavioural game theory, and the procedures and conventions of experimental economics. It starts by defining the main social preference terms used – self‐interest, altruism, reciprocity, inequity aversion, and then sketches game theory in broad terms and describes some basic features of experimental design in economics. Seven games that have proved useful in examining social preferences are introduced; these are the Prisoner's Dilemma Game, the Public Goods Game, the Ultimatum Game, the Dictator Game, the Trust Game, the Gift Exchange Game, and the Third‐Party Punishment Game). The games are defined formally, indicating the aspects of social life that they express, and describing behavioural regularities found in experimental studies; these behavioural regularities are then interpreted in terms of preferences for reciprocity, inequity aversion, or altruism. The final sections of the chapter describe some other games anthropologists might find useful, and draw conclusions.
Frank Marlowe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199262052
- eISBN:
- 9780191601637
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199262055.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Microeconomics
It has often been suggested that the foundation for much human cooperation is the widespread food sharing observed among hunter–gatherers. To investigate this proposition, the study reported here ...
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It has often been suggested that the foundation for much human cooperation is the widespread food sharing observed among hunter–gatherers. To investigate this proposition, the study reported here enlisted one of the few remaining societies of active nomadic hunter–gatherers – the Hadza of Tanzania (who are one of the most egalitarian societies in the ethnographic literature) – to play two related games: the Ultimatum Game and the Dictator Game. The characteristics of the study population are first described, and then the methods used to conduct the games are outlined and the results presented and analysed in terms of six variables (age, gender, comprehension, numbers of siblings and children, and camp population/size). The Hadza made lower offers in both games than are typical of complex societies, and the offers were lower in small camps than larger ones; these findings contrast with the strong Hadza sharing ethic. Possible interpretations are discussed; these include a combination of greater fear of punishment (for not sharing) in larger camps and a greater desire to escape from constant sharing in small camps, and three other explanations that have been proposed by evolutionary anthropologists for widespread food sharing – tolerated scrounging, delayed reciprocity, and costly signalling.Less
It has often been suggested that the foundation for much human cooperation is the widespread food sharing observed among hunter–gatherers. To investigate this proposition, the study reported here enlisted one of the few remaining societies of active nomadic hunter–gatherers – the Hadza of Tanzania (who are one of the most egalitarian societies in the ethnographic literature) – to play two related games: the Ultimatum Game and the Dictator Game. The characteristics of the study population are first described, and then the methods used to conduct the games are outlined and the results presented and analysed in terms of six variables (age, gender, comprehension, numbers of siblings and children, and camp population/size). The Hadza made lower offers in both games than are typical of complex societies, and the offers were lower in small camps than larger ones; these findings contrast with the strong Hadza sharing ethic. Possible interpretations are discussed; these include a combination of greater fear of punishment (for not sharing) in larger camps and a greater desire to escape from constant sharing in small camps, and three other explanations that have been proposed by evolutionary anthropologists for widespread food sharing – tolerated scrounging, delayed reciprocity, and costly signalling.
Arthur M. Jr. Schlesinger
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195089110
- eISBN:
- 9780199853830
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195089110.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter gives a striking account of two American presidents who confronted national emergencies that demanded bold and preemptive action—Lincoln and Roosevelt. The chapter describes them as ...
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This chapter gives a striking account of two American presidents who confronted national emergencies that demanded bold and preemptive action—Lincoln and Roosevelt. The chapter describes them as mysterious, crafty, and ruthless as politicians, discussing significantly their policies at handling war-making power and internal security. Lincoln's involvement in the war was huge and he chose to act independently of the Congress. He exaggerated the threat to national security but the stakes were high as in the case of a foreign war in Roosevelt's time. Franklin Roosevelt's emergency was different in form but he was completely mindful of Congress. Amidst an utterly divided Congress, he pushed toward enacting the Lend-Lease bill that would align the United States in the most unequivocal manner with Britain in its war against the Axis states.Less
This chapter gives a striking account of two American presidents who confronted national emergencies that demanded bold and preemptive action—Lincoln and Roosevelt. The chapter describes them as mysterious, crafty, and ruthless as politicians, discussing significantly their policies at handling war-making power and internal security. Lincoln's involvement in the war was huge and he chose to act independently of the Congress. He exaggerated the threat to national security but the stakes were high as in the case of a foreign war in Roosevelt's time. Franklin Roosevelt's emergency was different in form but he was completely mindful of Congress. Amidst an utterly divided Congress, he pushed toward enacting the Lend-Lease bill that would align the United States in the most unequivocal manner with Britain in its war against the Axis states.
Luciano Canfora
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
This book is a profile of an extraordinary man, and a new interpretation of one of the most controversial figures in history. Julius Caesar played a leading role in the politics and culture of a ...
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This book is a profile of an extraordinary man, and a new interpretation of one of the most controversial figures in history. Julius Caesar played a leading role in the politics and culture of a world empire, dwarfing his contemporaries in ambition, achievement, and appetite. For that, he has occupied a central place in the political imagination of Europe ever since. Yet he remains something of an enigma, struck down by his own lieutenants because he could be neither comprehended nor contained. In surviving evidence, he emerges as incommensurate and nonpareil, just beyond the horizons of contemporary political thought and understanding. The result of the author's many years of research is a portrait of the Roman dictator that combines the evidence of political history and psychology. The product of a comprehensive study of the ancient sources, it paints a detailed portrait of a complex personality whose mission of ‘Romanisation’ lies at the root of modern Europe.Less
This book is a profile of an extraordinary man, and a new interpretation of one of the most controversial figures in history. Julius Caesar played a leading role in the politics and culture of a world empire, dwarfing his contemporaries in ambition, achievement, and appetite. For that, he has occupied a central place in the political imagination of Europe ever since. Yet he remains something of an enigma, struck down by his own lieutenants because he could be neither comprehended nor contained. In surviving evidence, he emerges as incommensurate and nonpareil, just beyond the horizons of contemporary political thought and understanding. The result of the author's many years of research is a portrait of the Roman dictator that combines the evidence of political history and psychology. The product of a comprehensive study of the ancient sources, it paints a detailed portrait of a complex personality whose mission of ‘Romanisation’ lies at the root of modern Europe.
Stephanie M. Stern and Daphna Lewinsohn-Zamir
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479835683
- eISBN:
- 9781479857623
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479835683.003.0008
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter discusses one of the most fundamental issues that every legal system must address: the form of protection that should be given to legal entitlements, including property rights. The ...
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This chapter discusses one of the most fundamental issues that every legal system must address: the form of protection that should be given to legal entitlements, including property rights. The chapter summarizes the debate regarding the choice between property rules and liability rules, and its underlying assumptions. It then shows how behavioral studies offer important considerations that should influence the legal discussion. Generally speaking, psychological studies invite more optimism about people's ability to reach mutual agreement under property rules and suggest that miscalculations of damages under liability rules may be a graver danger than presently realized. These studies caution us against increasing the use of liability rules and lend additional support to the use of property rules when transaction costs are low.Less
This chapter discusses one of the most fundamental issues that every legal system must address: the form of protection that should be given to legal entitlements, including property rights. The chapter summarizes the debate regarding the choice between property rules and liability rules, and its underlying assumptions. It then shows how behavioral studies offer important considerations that should influence the legal discussion. Generally speaking, psychological studies invite more optimism about people's ability to reach mutual agreement under property rules and suggest that miscalculations of damages under liability rules may be a graver danger than presently realized. These studies caution us against increasing the use of liability rules and lend additional support to the use of property rules when transaction costs are low.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0041
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
The conspirators lost everything in the moment when they left the body of the dictator unattended and abandoned the idea of getting rid of it by throwing it into the Tiber. The Caesarians begin to ...
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The conspirators lost everything in the moment when they left the body of the dictator unattended and abandoned the idea of getting rid of it by throwing it into the Tiber. The Caesarians begin to regain ground when they were able to make political and emotional capital out of the corpse, whose cumbrous presence weighed increasingly heavily, and in the end decisively, on Roman politics. In the very first moments after the murder, Brutus and the others make every possible effort to get the situation under control. Their efforts were mostly doomed to failure. The fact that for a brief moment they seemed to have succeeded is demonstrated by Antony's panic: he dressed as a plebeian and fled. Brutus tried to talk to the senators, but they were bent on fleeing with all speed from the scene of the attack they witnessed. Neglecting to dispose of the body and proceeding to a renunciation of all Caesar's works, they could think of nothing better than to go to the Capitol, waving their daggers and calling on imaginary citizens to ‘make the most of their freedom’. In the space of a few hours the conspirators lost all the advantages of surprise and the confusion of their opponents, by trying to present to the people some abstract ‘freedom’.Less
The conspirators lost everything in the moment when they left the body of the dictator unattended and abandoned the idea of getting rid of it by throwing it into the Tiber. The Caesarians begin to regain ground when they were able to make political and emotional capital out of the corpse, whose cumbrous presence weighed increasingly heavily, and in the end decisively, on Roman politics. In the very first moments after the murder, Brutus and the others make every possible effort to get the situation under control. Their efforts were mostly doomed to failure. The fact that for a brief moment they seemed to have succeeded is demonstrated by Antony's panic: he dressed as a plebeian and fled. Brutus tried to talk to the senators, but they were bent on fleeing with all speed from the scene of the attack they witnessed. Neglecting to dispose of the body and proceeding to a renunciation of all Caesar's works, they could think of nothing better than to go to the Capitol, waving their daggers and calling on imaginary citizens to ‘make the most of their freedom’. In the space of a few hours the conspirators lost all the advantages of surprise and the confusion of their opponents, by trying to present to the people some abstract ‘freedom’.
Mark Leopold
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780300154399
- eISBN:
- 9780300154405
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300154399.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African History
Idi Amin began his career in the British army in colonial Uganda and worked his way up the ranks before seizing power in a British-backed coup in 1971. He built a violent and unstable dictatorship, ...
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Idi Amin began his career in the British army in colonial Uganda and worked his way up the ranks before seizing power in a British-backed coup in 1971. He built a violent and unstable dictatorship, ruthlessly eliminating perceived enemies and expelling Uganda's Asian population as the country plunged into social and economic chaos. This book places Amin's military background and close relationship with the British state at the heart of the story. It traces the interwoven development of Amin's career and his popular image as an almost supernaturally evil monster, demonstrating the impossibility of fully distinguishing the truth from the many myths surrounding the dictator. Using an innovative biographical approach, the book reveals how Amin was, from birth, deeply rooted in the history of British colonial rule, how his rise was a legacy of imperialism, and how his monstrous image was created.Less
Idi Amin began his career in the British army in colonial Uganda and worked his way up the ranks before seizing power in a British-backed coup in 1971. He built a violent and unstable dictatorship, ruthlessly eliminating perceived enemies and expelling Uganda's Asian population as the country plunged into social and economic chaos. This book places Amin's military background and close relationship with the British state at the heart of the story. It traces the interwoven development of Amin's career and his popular image as an almost supernaturally evil monster, demonstrating the impossibility of fully distinguishing the truth from the many myths surrounding the dictator. Using an innovative biographical approach, the book reveals how Amin was, from birth, deeply rooted in the history of British colonial rule, how his rise was a legacy of imperialism, and how his monstrous image was created.
Mary Helen Spooner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520256132
- eISBN:
- 9780520948761
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520256132.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
The acclaimed book Soldiers in a Narrow Land went inside the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Carrying Chile's story up to the present, this book now offers this account of how Chile rebuilt ...
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The acclaimed book Soldiers in a Narrow Land went inside the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Carrying Chile's story up to the present, this book now offers this account of how Chile rebuilt its democracy after 17 years of military rule—with the former dictator watching, and waiting, from the sidelines. The book discusses the major players, events, and institutions in Chile's recent political history, delving into such topics as the environmental situation, the economy, and the election of Michelle Bachelet. Throughout, it examines Pinochet's continuing influence on public life as it tells how he grudgingly ceded power; successfully fought investigations into his human rights record and finances; kept command of the army for eight years after leaving the presidency; was detained on human rights charges; and died without being convicted of any of the many serious crimes of which he was accused. Chile has now become one of South America's greatest economic and political successes, but as we find in this book, it remains a country burdened with a painful past.Less
The acclaimed book Soldiers in a Narrow Land went inside the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Carrying Chile's story up to the present, this book now offers this account of how Chile rebuilt its democracy after 17 years of military rule—with the former dictator watching, and waiting, from the sidelines. The book discusses the major players, events, and institutions in Chile's recent political history, delving into such topics as the environmental situation, the economy, and the election of Michelle Bachelet. Throughout, it examines Pinochet's continuing influence on public life as it tells how he grudgingly ceded power; successfully fought investigations into his human rights record and finances; kept command of the army for eight years after leaving the presidency; was detained on human rights charges; and died without being convicted of any of the many serious crimes of which he was accused. Chile has now become one of South America's greatest economic and political successes, but as we find in this book, it remains a country burdened with a painful past.
Monika Keller, Michaela Gummerum, Thomas Canz, Gerd Gigerenzer, and Masanori Takezawa
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195388435
- eISBN:
- 9780199950089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388435.003.0006
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
The chapter reports a series of studies comparing sharing behavior, moral judgment, and the negotiation of sharing in the dictator game, a nonstrategic fairness task in behavioral economics. ...
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The chapter reports a series of studies comparing sharing behavior, moral judgment, and the negotiation of sharing in the dictator game, a nonstrategic fairness task in behavioral economics. Participants of five age groups of 9-, 12-, 14-, 17-year-olds and adults first made (hypothetical) individual decisions and then negotiated in groups of three persons of the same sex how much to share with an anonymous same-sex other group. Sharing equally was the modal choice across all age groups; the youngest and oldest participants offered somewhat less than the other age groups. Arguments in the group negotiations were scored according to a coding manual. The arguments for both fair offers and offers that deviated from equal splits became increasingly elaborate across age groups; groups that offered less than equal splits provided more and more different arguments. A second study including the same age groups assessed offers in an anonymous individual context and also moral judgments of what was evaluated as the fairest offer in this context. No differences in offers were found compared to the first study; across all age groups the majority of participants evaluated equal sharing as the morally right offer. Offers and fairness judgments were in general found to be highly consistent. However, the discrepancy between the fairness judgment and the actual offer, e.g., offering less than what was evaluated as fair, increased substantially in adolescence and in particular in adulthood.Less
The chapter reports a series of studies comparing sharing behavior, moral judgment, and the negotiation of sharing in the dictator game, a nonstrategic fairness task in behavioral economics. Participants of five age groups of 9-, 12-, 14-, 17-year-olds and adults first made (hypothetical) individual decisions and then negotiated in groups of three persons of the same sex how much to share with an anonymous same-sex other group. Sharing equally was the modal choice across all age groups; the youngest and oldest participants offered somewhat less than the other age groups. Arguments in the group negotiations were scored according to a coding manual. The arguments for both fair offers and offers that deviated from equal splits became increasingly elaborate across age groups; groups that offered less than equal splits provided more and more different arguments. A second study including the same age groups assessed offers in an anonymous individual context and also moral judgments of what was evaluated as the fairest offer in this context. No differences in offers were found compared to the first study; across all age groups the majority of participants evaluated equal sharing as the morally right offer. Offers and fairness judgments were in general found to be highly consistent. However, the discrepancy between the fairness judgment and the actual offer, e.g., offering less than what was evaluated as fair, increased substantially in adolescence and in particular in adulthood.
Amy Adamczyk
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520288751
- eISBN:
- 9780520963597
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520288751.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gay and Lesbian Studies
The fifth chapter focuses on Spain, Italy, and Brazil. These nations all have strong Catholic histories, but they vary in the extent to which residents find religion important. The Catholic Church ...
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The fifth chapter focuses on Spain, Italy, and Brazil. These nations all have strong Catholic histories, but they vary in the extent to which residents find religion important. The Catholic Church cannot be described as particularly tolerant of homosexuality, but Catholic-majority nations tend to have more liberal residents than mixed Protestant and Muslim-majority societies. This chapter provides the rationale for why residents living in many Catholic societies tend to be more tolerant. The answer is related, in part, to a decline in religious belief, even as residents continue to affiliate as Catholic; a focus on the faith’s emphasis on social justice over strict adherence to religious precepts; and the type of relationship the church has had with these nations’ recent dictators.Less
The fifth chapter focuses on Spain, Italy, and Brazil. These nations all have strong Catholic histories, but they vary in the extent to which residents find religion important. The Catholic Church cannot be described as particularly tolerant of homosexuality, but Catholic-majority nations tend to have more liberal residents than mixed Protestant and Muslim-majority societies. This chapter provides the rationale for why residents living in many Catholic societies tend to be more tolerant. The answer is related, in part, to a decline in religious belief, even as residents continue to affiliate as Catholic; a focus on the faith’s emphasis on social justice over strict adherence to religious precepts; and the type of relationship the church has had with these nations’ recent dictators.
Mark Biondich
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199299058
- eISBN:
- 9780191725074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199299058.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines Communist dictatorship and policies, focusing particularly on the instrumentalization of nationalism, retribution, and memory. Far from ‘putting a lid’ on nationalism, all ...
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This chapter examines Communist dictatorship and policies, focusing particularly on the instrumentalization of nationalism, retribution, and memory. Far from ‘putting a lid’ on nationalism, all Balkan Communists embraced nationalism at critical junctures. ‘National Communism’ was personified by the Communist dictators Josip Broz Tito, Enver Hoxha, Todor Zhivkov, and Nicolae Ceausescu, all of whom used nationalism to buttress their regimes. The interplay of Communist modernism and local traditions of political culture are assessed, as are the dynamics of the national questions across the region.Less
This chapter examines Communist dictatorship and policies, focusing particularly on the instrumentalization of nationalism, retribution, and memory. Far from ‘putting a lid’ on nationalism, all Balkan Communists embraced nationalism at critical junctures. ‘National Communism’ was personified by the Communist dictators Josip Broz Tito, Enver Hoxha, Todor Zhivkov, and Nicolae Ceausescu, all of whom used nationalism to buttress their regimes. The interplay of Communist modernism and local traditions of political culture are assessed, as are the dynamics of the national questions across the region.
Robert L. McLaughlin and Sally E. Parry
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813123868
- eISBN:
- 9780813134840
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813123868.003.0004
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter examines Hollywood war films' depictions of the Germans, Italians, and Japanese as the enemies of the U.S. during World War 2. Examples of these type of the films include Hell's Angels, ...
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This chapter examines Hollywood war films' depictions of the Germans, Italians, and Japanese as the enemies of the U.S. during World War 2. Examples of these type of the films include Hell's Angels, Grand Illusion, and The Great Dictator. The chapter mentions the frequently heard truism that Hollywood films crudely and obviously present the enemy as Other to the point of denying their humanity. It also suggests that Hollywood films employed a complex process involving pre-existing pop-cultural representations and ideological comparisons and contrasts to construct an idea of the countries the U.S. was at war with to help the American public understand why they had to be defeated.Less
This chapter examines Hollywood war films' depictions of the Germans, Italians, and Japanese as the enemies of the U.S. during World War 2. Examples of these type of the films include Hell's Angels, Grand Illusion, and The Great Dictator. The chapter mentions the frequently heard truism that Hollywood films crudely and obviously present the enemy as Other to the point of denying their humanity. It also suggests that Hollywood films employed a complex process involving pre-existing pop-cultural representations and ideological comparisons and contrasts to construct an idea of the countries the U.S. was at war with to help the American public understand why they had to be defeated.
Yoram Gorlizki and Oleg Khlevniuk
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780300230819
- eISBN:
- 9780300255607
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300230819.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter shows how substate dictators did not always have things their own way despite their immense power. It assesses institutional constraints on the plane of authoritarian power sharing and ...
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This chapter shows how substate dictators did not always have things their own way despite their immense power. It assesses institutional constraints on the plane of authoritarian power sharing and authoritarian control that trace how substate dictators began to adapt their behavior. It also investigates Obkom first secretaries, the directors of large factories, and heads of regional state and security organizations that operated at the level of authoritarian power sharing. The chapter explains the limits of authoritarian control and looks at the variety of institutional checks by the statewide dictator to test the effectiveness of regional leaders. It also discusses the key function of elections, which conveys information on the ability of obkom secretaries in order to “lead the aktiv.”Less
This chapter shows how substate dictators did not always have things their own way despite their immense power. It assesses institutional constraints on the plane of authoritarian power sharing and authoritarian control that trace how substate dictators began to adapt their behavior. It also investigates Obkom first secretaries, the directors of large factories, and heads of regional state and security organizations that operated at the level of authoritarian power sharing. The chapter explains the limits of authoritarian control and looks at the variety of institutional checks by the statewide dictator to test the effectiveness of regional leaders. It also discusses the key function of elections, which conveys information on the ability of obkom secretaries in order to “lead the aktiv.”
Michael T. Rock
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190619862
- eISBN:
- 9780190619893
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190619862.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Since 1960 only nine developing countries have succeeded in sustaining high growth. Dictators, Democrats, and Development in Southeast Asia examines how dictators and democrats in three of the ...
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Since 1960 only nine developing countries have succeeded in sustaining high growth. Dictators, Democrats, and Development in Southeast Asia examines how dictators and democrats in three of the nine—Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand (IMT)—built and sustained pro-growth political coalitions, enabling them to deliver high sustained growth. The focus is on IMT because the three have factor endowments, ethnic heterogeneity, and forms of governance that resemble the Rest, suggesting that the Rest may have much to learn from IMT. The focus is unabashedly on the politics of growth in IMT because political elites there built and sustained pro-growth political coalitions, enabling them to link their long-term political survival with delivering development. How and why they did so should be of keen interest to the Rest. Because dictators and democrats in IMT were committed to capitalist, industrial, and open economy development strategies but were deeply suspicious of neoliberal markets, none of the three ever adopted a Washington Consensus growth strategy. While all three toyed with a Northeast Asian capitalist developmental state growth strategy, because governments in IMT lacked the political requisites to make this strategy work, none really stuck to this approach to growth either. Instead, dictators and democrats in IMT implemented highly pragmatic, trial-and-error growth strategies. When markets worked, governments used them. When interventions worked, governments relied on them. When either failed to deliver results, governments weeded out bad investments to sustain high growth. Such a pragmatic, trial-and-error approach to development should also be of keen interest to the Rest.Less
Since 1960 only nine developing countries have succeeded in sustaining high growth. Dictators, Democrats, and Development in Southeast Asia examines how dictators and democrats in three of the nine—Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand (IMT)—built and sustained pro-growth political coalitions, enabling them to deliver high sustained growth. The focus is on IMT because the three have factor endowments, ethnic heterogeneity, and forms of governance that resemble the Rest, suggesting that the Rest may have much to learn from IMT. The focus is unabashedly on the politics of growth in IMT because political elites there built and sustained pro-growth political coalitions, enabling them to link their long-term political survival with delivering development. How and why they did so should be of keen interest to the Rest. Because dictators and democrats in IMT were committed to capitalist, industrial, and open economy development strategies but were deeply suspicious of neoliberal markets, none of the three ever adopted a Washington Consensus growth strategy. While all three toyed with a Northeast Asian capitalist developmental state growth strategy, because governments in IMT lacked the political requisites to make this strategy work, none really stuck to this approach to growth either. Instead, dictators and democrats in IMT implemented highly pragmatic, trial-and-error growth strategies. When markets worked, governments used them. When interventions worked, governments relied on them. When either failed to deliver results, governments weeded out bad investments to sustain high growth. Such a pragmatic, trial-and-error approach to development should also be of keen interest to the Rest.
