Andrew P. N. Eardmann
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294689
- eISBN:
- 9780191601538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294689.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
For Eisenhower, it was nuclear weapons’ destructive potential, not the image of a protracted conventional war, that destroyed the ’logic’ of war. He believed that thermonuclear weapons made any ...
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For Eisenhower, it was nuclear weapons’ destructive potential, not the image of a protracted conventional war, that destroyed the ’logic’ of war. He believed that thermonuclear weapons made any notion of victory incoherent. Meaningful defence could then only be deterrence. Facing this new setting, Eisenhower reassessed the dynamics of international relations and altered his behaviour accordingly. During his first three years as president, he relied on the ’Detroit Deterrent’, the belief that the US industrial capacity would enable it to triumph in any such war of attrition. By 1956, however, the combination of thermonuclear weapons and growing Soviet intercontinental delivery capabilities made Detroit Deterrent obsolete in his mind. By the end of his presidency, therefore, superpower relations had begun to operate according to this new logic, the logic of ’thermonuclear revolution’.Less
For Eisenhower, it was nuclear weapons’ destructive potential, not the image of a protracted conventional war, that destroyed the ’logic’ of war. He believed that thermonuclear weapons made any notion of victory incoherent. Meaningful defence could then only be deterrence. Facing this new setting, Eisenhower reassessed the dynamics of international relations and altered his behaviour accordingly. During his first three years as president, he relied on the ’Detroit Deterrent’, the belief that the US industrial capacity would enable it to triumph in any such war of attrition. By 1956, however, the combination of thermonuclear weapons and growing Soviet intercontinental delivery capabilities made Detroit Deterrent obsolete in his mind. By the end of his presidency, therefore, superpower relations had begun to operate according to this new logic, the logic of ’thermonuclear revolution’.
Vipin Narang
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159829
- eISBN:
- 9781400850402
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159829.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The world is in a second nuclear age in which regional powers play an increasingly prominent role. These states have small nuclear arsenals, often face multiple active conflicts, and sometimes have ...
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The world is in a second nuclear age in which regional powers play an increasingly prominent role. These states have small nuclear arsenals, often face multiple active conflicts, and sometimes have weak institutions. How do these nuclear states—and potential future ones—manage their nuclear forces and influence international conflict? Examining the reasoning and deterrence consequences of regional power nuclear strategies, this book demonstrates that these strategies matter greatly to international stability and it provides new insights into conflict dynamics across important areas of the world such as the Middle East, East Asia, and South Asia. The book identifies the diversity of regional power nuclear strategies and describes in detail the posture each regional power has adopted over time. Developing a theory for the sources of regional power nuclear strategies, the book offers the first systematic explanation of why states choose the postures they do and under what conditions they might shift strategies. It then analyzes the effects of these choices on a state's ability to deter conflict. Using both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the book shows that, contrary to a bedrock article of faith in the canon of nuclear deterrence, the acquisition of nuclear weapons does not produce a uniform deterrent effect against opponents. Rather, some postures deter conflict more successfully than others. This book considers the range of nuclear choices made by regional powers and the critical challenges they pose to modern international security.Less
The world is in a second nuclear age in which regional powers play an increasingly prominent role. These states have small nuclear arsenals, often face multiple active conflicts, and sometimes have weak institutions. How do these nuclear states—and potential future ones—manage their nuclear forces and influence international conflict? Examining the reasoning and deterrence consequences of regional power nuclear strategies, this book demonstrates that these strategies matter greatly to international stability and it provides new insights into conflict dynamics across important areas of the world such as the Middle East, East Asia, and South Asia. The book identifies the diversity of regional power nuclear strategies and describes in detail the posture each regional power has adopted over time. Developing a theory for the sources of regional power nuclear strategies, the book offers the first systematic explanation of why states choose the postures they do and under what conditions they might shift strategies. It then analyzes the effects of these choices on a state's ability to deter conflict. Using both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the book shows that, contrary to a bedrock article of faith in the canon of nuclear deterrence, the acquisition of nuclear weapons does not produce a uniform deterrent effect against opponents. Rather, some postures deter conflict more successfully than others. This book considers the range of nuclear choices made by regional powers and the critical challenges they pose to modern international security.
Steven C. Roach
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546732
- eISBN:
- 9780191720406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546732.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, International Relations and Politics
The ICC Prosecutor's discretionary resolve in Uganda, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic has exposed many nuanced dimensions of classical and positive forms of ...
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The ICC Prosecutor's discretionary resolve in Uganda, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic has exposed many nuanced dimensions of classical and positive forms of complementarity. This concluding chapter explores this trend in terms of the complex challenges of reconciling peace and justice, and in terms of the parameters and implications of two thematic issues: the global deterrent effect and global terrorism. It argues that the complex design of the ICC, while underscoring many significant legal and political challenges of extending global governance, also reveals the Court's potential responsiveness to, or positive role in addressing global security problems.Less
The ICC Prosecutor's discretionary resolve in Uganda, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic has exposed many nuanced dimensions of classical and positive forms of complementarity. This concluding chapter explores this trend in terms of the complex challenges of reconciling peace and justice, and in terms of the parameters and implications of two thematic issues: the global deterrent effect and global terrorism. It argues that the complex design of the ICC, while underscoring many significant legal and political challenges of extending global governance, also reveals the Court's potential responsiveness to, or positive role in addressing global security problems.
WILLIAM DUSINBERRE
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195326031
- eISBN:
- 9780199868308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326031.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
During a nineteen-year period after Beanland had finally been dismissed, more than half of the adult men at the plantation (at least thirteen out of 25 adult males) fled at least once. These ...
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During a nineteen-year period after Beanland had finally been dismissed, more than half of the adult men at the plantation (at least thirteen out of 25 adult males) fled at least once. These fugitives fled, on average, on more than three separate occasions. Thus, the total number of flights was at least forty during the same period. Occasionally a fugitive voluntarily turned himself in to a well-disposed white man who he hoped would protect him from a brutal overseer. Flight was dangerous — one fugitive received buck shot in his thigh when he returned at night to fetch clothes for a comrade; sleeping out in the woods led more than once to serious illness. Recapture was normally punished by a severe whipping. Flight never, apparently, led to permanent escape. Yet it was the principal safety valve that gave Polk's slaves a vent for their discontent.Less
During a nineteen-year period after Beanland had finally been dismissed, more than half of the adult men at the plantation (at least thirteen out of 25 adult males) fled at least once. These fugitives fled, on average, on more than three separate occasions. Thus, the total number of flights was at least forty during the same period. Occasionally a fugitive voluntarily turned himself in to a well-disposed white man who he hoped would protect him from a brutal overseer. Flight was dangerous — one fugitive received buck shot in his thigh when he returned at night to fetch clothes for a comrade; sleeping out in the woods led more than once to serious illness. Recapture was normally punished by a severe whipping. Flight never, apparently, led to permanent escape. Yet it was the principal safety valve that gave Polk's slaves a vent for their discontent.
Vipin Narang
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159829
- eISBN:
- 9781400850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159829.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter tests the deterrent effect of regional power nuclear postures in a large-n statistical design to systematically analyze whether, on average, some nuclear postures deter conflict better ...
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This chapter tests the deterrent effect of regional power nuclear postures in a large-n statistical design to systematically analyze whether, on average, some nuclear postures deter conflict better than others. It takes nuclear posture as an independent variable, testing whether these postures have differential effects on states' ability to deter the outbreak of conventional conflict. Compared to when the state did not have nuclear weapons, and compared to other states, this chapter considers what effect we should expect these different postures to have on a state's ability to deter the eruption of conventional conflict (general deterrence) against both nuclear and non-nuclear opponents.Less
This chapter tests the deterrent effect of regional power nuclear postures in a large-n statistical design to systematically analyze whether, on average, some nuclear postures deter conflict better than others. It takes nuclear posture as an independent variable, testing whether these postures have differential effects on states' ability to deter the outbreak of conventional conflict. Compared to when the state did not have nuclear weapons, and compared to other states, this chapter considers what effect we should expect these different postures to have on a state's ability to deter the eruption of conventional conflict (general deterrence) against both nuclear and non-nuclear opponents.
Vipin Narang
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159829
- eISBN:
- 9781400850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159829.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter reiterates the findings explored in this book and discusses their implications. In doing so, the chapter stresses the significance of the posited optimization theory. This theory is the ...
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This chapter reiterates the findings explored in this book and discusses their implications. In doing so, the chapter stresses the significance of the posited optimization theory. This theory is the first comparative theory of regional power nuclear postures. Against the full universe of empirical cases involving selection of nuclear posture—a decision that unfolds deliberately over many years and often over many leaders—optimization theory is the most valid theory available. It is also the first broadly comparative theory for why states select the nuclear postures they do, suggesting that states may be rational to sacrifice deterrent power in certain security environments and under particular organizational and relative endowment circumstances. In addition, the chapter closes the volume by detailing some avenues for further research, as well as some concluding insights.Less
This chapter reiterates the findings explored in this book and discusses their implications. In doing so, the chapter stresses the significance of the posited optimization theory. This theory is the first comparative theory of regional power nuclear postures. Against the full universe of empirical cases involving selection of nuclear posture—a decision that unfolds deliberately over many years and often over many leaders—optimization theory is the most valid theory available. It is also the first broadly comparative theory for why states select the nuclear postures they do, suggesting that states may be rational to sacrifice deterrent power in certain security environments and under particular organizational and relative endowment circumstances. In addition, the chapter closes the volume by detailing some avenues for further research, as well as some concluding insights.
John Baylis
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280125
- eISBN:
- 9780191684357
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280125.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book emphasizes the role of competing strategic beliefs in the formulation of British nuclear strategies between 1945 and 1964. Based on recently released documents, the British approach to ...
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This book emphasizes the role of competing strategic beliefs in the formulation of British nuclear strategies between 1945 and 1964. Based on recently released documents, the British approach to nuclear weapons during this formative period was characterized by paradox and ambiguity. The paradox was that while there was a widespread consensus in political and military circles in favour of nuclear deterrence, there were constant disagreements over the requirements of an effective deterrent policy. These conflicts are centred on six main issues: whether deterrence was best achieved through ‘punishment’ or ‘denial’; whether deterrence necessitated nuclear superiority; whether preparations had to be made for a long war or a short war; what strategic implications followed the nuclear stalemate; whether limited nuclear wars could be fought without escalation to all-out nuclear war; and whether pre-emption was politically acceptable and militarily necessary. Indeed, the failure of successive governments to provide clear political direction on these issues meant that British nuclear strategy was more ambiguous and much less coherent than is usually supposed.Less
This book emphasizes the role of competing strategic beliefs in the formulation of British nuclear strategies between 1945 and 1964. Based on recently released documents, the British approach to nuclear weapons during this formative period was characterized by paradox and ambiguity. The paradox was that while there was a widespread consensus in political and military circles in favour of nuclear deterrence, there were constant disagreements over the requirements of an effective deterrent policy. These conflicts are centred on six main issues: whether deterrence was best achieved through ‘punishment’ or ‘denial’; whether deterrence necessitated nuclear superiority; whether preparations had to be made for a long war or a short war; what strategic implications followed the nuclear stalemate; whether limited nuclear wars could be fought without escalation to all-out nuclear war; and whether pre-emption was politically acceptable and militarily necessary. Indeed, the failure of successive governments to provide clear political direction on these issues meant that British nuclear strategy was more ambiguous and much less coherent than is usually supposed.
John Baylis
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280125
- eISBN:
- 9780191684357
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280125.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Britain's dependence on the United States generated a prolongation of the V-bomber force's existence as well as a feasible and inexpensive nuclear deterrent. Nonetheless, the strained conditions of ...
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Britain's dependence on the United States generated a prolongation of the V-bomber force's existence as well as a feasible and inexpensive nuclear deterrent. Nonetheless, the strained conditions of the British strategic policy centralized on independence and interdependence were worsened by the risks and uncomfortable thoughts about the Cuban Missile crisis and the development of Skybolt which started from the conception of the nuclear deterrent. In spite of the attempts of Britain to restore its relationships with other countries (especially with the United States, among others) and the endeavours to set demarcations between the sense of independence and interdependence, incoherence and weak coordination among the Chiefs of Staff and other government officials, as well as strategy fluctuations, were still embodied in the British nuclear blueprint.Less
Britain's dependence on the United States generated a prolongation of the V-bomber force's existence as well as a feasible and inexpensive nuclear deterrent. Nonetheless, the strained conditions of the British strategic policy centralized on independence and interdependence were worsened by the risks and uncomfortable thoughts about the Cuban Missile crisis and the development of Skybolt which started from the conception of the nuclear deterrent. In spite of the attempts of Britain to restore its relationships with other countries (especially with the United States, among others) and the endeavours to set demarcations between the sense of independence and interdependence, incoherence and weak coordination among the Chiefs of Staff and other government officials, as well as strategy fluctuations, were still embodied in the British nuclear blueprint.
John Baylis
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280125
- eISBN:
- 9780191684357
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280125.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Due to the uncertain security in the employment of the British nuclear strategy, Britain engaged in the Nassau affairs. The Nassau conference signifies a treaty wherein the United States (at the time ...
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Due to the uncertain security in the employment of the British nuclear strategy, Britain engaged in the Nassau affairs. The Nassau conference signifies a treaty wherein the United States (at the time of US President John Kennedy) agreed to provide Polaris missiles to the United Kingdom (during the rule of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan). Britain's involvement in this assembly caused both constructive (which refers to the provision of the smartest nuclear pool) and unfriendly aftermaths (that is, Anglo–American affinity struggles and failure to address the necessities of the nuclear deterrent force). The summit held in Nassau was not able to disjoint Britain's deterrent or nuclear dilemmas from the suggestions of the Multilateral Force (MLF). Consequently, traditional thinkers in the government (those that were resistant to change) maintained full-blown British independence from the United States in terms of nuclear associations.Less
Due to the uncertain security in the employment of the British nuclear strategy, Britain engaged in the Nassau affairs. The Nassau conference signifies a treaty wherein the United States (at the time of US President John Kennedy) agreed to provide Polaris missiles to the United Kingdom (during the rule of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan). Britain's involvement in this assembly caused both constructive (which refers to the provision of the smartest nuclear pool) and unfriendly aftermaths (that is, Anglo–American affinity struggles and failure to address the necessities of the nuclear deterrent force). The summit held in Nassau was not able to disjoint Britain's deterrent or nuclear dilemmas from the suggestions of the Multilateral Force (MLF). Consequently, traditional thinkers in the government (those that were resistant to change) maintained full-blown British independence from the United States in terms of nuclear associations.
Paul H. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195365757
- eISBN:
- 9780199867684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365757.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter examines that fundamental question of whether criminal law deters. Topics discussed include the prerequisites to deterrence, aggregated-effect studies, and the possibilities and ...
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This chapter examines that fundamental question of whether criminal law deters. Topics discussed include the prerequisites to deterrence, aggregated-effect studies, and the possibilities and impossibilities of improving deterrent effect. It argues that given the rarity of situations in which the prerequisites of deterrence are present and of nonnegligible effect, the standard use of deterrence analysis to formulate criminal law doctrine seems wildly misguided. At the very least, deterrence analysis ought to be considered in criminal law debate only after a showing that the deterrence-prerequisite conditions might actually exist.Less
This chapter examines that fundamental question of whether criminal law deters. Topics discussed include the prerequisites to deterrence, aggregated-effect studies, and the possibilities and impossibilities of improving deterrent effect. It argues that given the rarity of situations in which the prerequisites of deterrence are present and of nonnegligible effect, the standard use of deterrence analysis to formulate criminal law doctrine seems wildly misguided. At the very least, deterrence analysis ought to be considered in criminal law debate only after a showing that the deterrence-prerequisite conditions might actually exist.
Paul H. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195365757
- eISBN:
- 9780199867684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365757.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter examines deterrence as a distributive principle. It argues that a deterrence-based distribution potentially can forfeit any crime-control gains when that distribution undermines the ...
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This chapter examines deterrence as a distributive principle. It argues that a deterrence-based distribution potentially can forfeit any crime-control gains when that distribution undermines the system's moral credibility with the community it governs. That is, even if one assumes for the sake of argument that there would be some greater deterrent effect of a deterrence-based distribution of punishment over a desert-based distribution of punishment, one would still question whether this marginal benefit exceeds the losses that the use of a deterrence-based system would incur.Less
This chapter examines deterrence as a distributive principle. It argues that a deterrence-based distribution potentially can forfeit any crime-control gains when that distribution undermines the system's moral credibility with the community it governs. That is, even if one assumes for the sake of argument that there would be some greater deterrent effect of a deterrence-based distribution of punishment over a desert-based distribution of punishment, one would still question whether this marginal benefit exceeds the losses that the use of a deterrence-based system would incur.
Jean-Luc Nancy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780823263387
- eISBN:
- 9780823266333
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823263387.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter warns of possible errors in the future. Fukushima is the apocalypse to what was Hiroshima. By using atomic power, it becomes possible to dissuade confrontation, and hail this as a ...
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This chapter warns of possible errors in the future. Fukushima is the apocalypse to what was Hiroshima. By using atomic power, it becomes possible to dissuade confrontation, and hail this as a strategy toward achieving peace, toward balancing and stopping terror. But this weapon of dissuasion begets in others also the desire to own and possess such weapons. This use of atomic weapons does not enhance relationships because there is no kind of relationship that exists to speak when everything is confronted with nuclear weapons as deterrents. It is not like David and Goliath, nor Ulysses and the Cyclops. This kind of balance destroys any and all relationships as there is no longer confrontation, as it is already so much dependent on human will to command. A little mistake or the proverbial mad scientist can end it all. This situation is therefore beyond anything calculable as the effects of the decision itself would be immense.Less
This chapter warns of possible errors in the future. Fukushima is the apocalypse to what was Hiroshima. By using atomic power, it becomes possible to dissuade confrontation, and hail this as a strategy toward achieving peace, toward balancing and stopping terror. But this weapon of dissuasion begets in others also the desire to own and possess such weapons. This use of atomic weapons does not enhance relationships because there is no kind of relationship that exists to speak when everything is confronted with nuclear weapons as deterrents. It is not like David and Goliath, nor Ulysses and the Cyclops. This kind of balance destroys any and all relationships as there is no longer confrontation, as it is already so much dependent on human will to command. A little mistake or the proverbial mad scientist can end it all. This situation is therefore beyond anything calculable as the effects of the decision itself would be immense.
Charles Patrick Ewing
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199732678
- eISBN:
- 9780199894550
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732678.003.0002
- Subject:
- Psychology, Forensic Psychology
This chapter examines sex offender registration, notification, and restriction laws. It begins by looking at the historical roots of these laws—now long-defunct efforts by a number of states to ...
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This chapter examines sex offender registration, notification, and restriction laws. It begins by looking at the historical roots of these laws—now long-defunct efforts by a number of states to monitor the whereabouts of convicted sex offenders. It also traces the legislative and judicial history of these laws from 1990 to the present, and examines this body of law in light of empirical data regarding sex offender recidivism and the deterrent efficacy of sex offender registration, public notification, and restrictions on where convicted sex offenders may live, work, or travel. Finally, the chapter details and then weighs the economic and other costs and benefits of these laws.Less
This chapter examines sex offender registration, notification, and restriction laws. It begins by looking at the historical roots of these laws—now long-defunct efforts by a number of states to monitor the whereabouts of convicted sex offenders. It also traces the legislative and judicial history of these laws from 1990 to the present, and examines this body of law in light of empirical data regarding sex offender recidivism and the deterrent efficacy of sex offender registration, public notification, and restrictions on where convicted sex offenders may live, work, or travel. Finally, the chapter details and then weighs the economic and other costs and benefits of these laws.
Roberts Julian V
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199283897
- eISBN:
- 9780191700262
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199283897.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter turns to the critical question of the practice of imposing harsher sentences on recidivists. It describes participants' general reaction to the concept of harsher sentencing for repeat ...
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This chapter turns to the critical question of the practice of imposing harsher sentences on recidivists. It describes participants' general reaction to the concept of harsher sentencing for repeat offenders and summarises the sentences that they favoured in response to specific case scenarios. As will be seen, there was widespread acceptance of the recidivist sentencing premium, although many individuals took exception to the way in which the premium was imposed, and held the view that insufficient consideration had been given to their efforts to desist from offending. This chapter also considers repetition as a justification for greater intervention, dimensions of criminal record, scepticism about deterrent value of a recidivist sentencing premium, attitudes to the use of custody as a sanction, and excessive focus of the court on the crime.Less
This chapter turns to the critical question of the practice of imposing harsher sentences on recidivists. It describes participants' general reaction to the concept of harsher sentencing for repeat offenders and summarises the sentences that they favoured in response to specific case scenarios. As will be seen, there was widespread acceptance of the recidivist sentencing premium, although many individuals took exception to the way in which the premium was imposed, and held the view that insufficient consideration had been given to their efforts to desist from offending. This chapter also considers repetition as a justification for greater intervention, dimensions of criminal record, scepticism about deterrent value of a recidivist sentencing premium, attitudes to the use of custody as a sanction, and excessive focus of the court on the crime.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762694
- eISBN:
- 9780804772372
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762694.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter investigates dynamics at the micro (operational and policy) level, which can be seen in the United States decision to adopt a policy of voluntary repatriation of prisoners of war (POWs). ...
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This chapter investigates dynamics at the micro (operational and policy) level, which can be seen in the United States decision to adopt a policy of voluntary repatriation of prisoners of war (POWs). It describes the voluntary POW repatriation policy, the Dwight Eisenhower coalition shift, and alternative explanations for the behavior of the United States during the Korean War. At a micro level, the US decision to adopt the POW voluntary repatriation policy demonstrated the interacting dynamics of information and entrapment obstacles. The failure of Harry Truman to end the Korean War significantly led to Eisenhower's election. Eisenhower's coalition could overcome Truman's obstacles to peace. He maintained the POW policy, but he changed the US policy on nuclear deterrent power and thus felt free to escalate the war, if necessary.Less
This chapter investigates dynamics at the micro (operational and policy) level, which can be seen in the United States decision to adopt a policy of voluntary repatriation of prisoners of war (POWs). It describes the voluntary POW repatriation policy, the Dwight Eisenhower coalition shift, and alternative explanations for the behavior of the United States during the Korean War. At a micro level, the US decision to adopt the POW voluntary repatriation policy demonstrated the interacting dynamics of information and entrapment obstacles. The failure of Harry Truman to end the Korean War significantly led to Eisenhower's election. Eisenhower's coalition could overcome Truman's obstacles to peace. He maintained the POW policy, but he changed the US policy on nuclear deterrent power and thus felt free to escalate the war, if necessary.
Thomas F. Babor, Jonathan Caulkins, Benedikt Fischer, David Foxcroft, Keith Humphreys, María Elena Medina-Mora, Isidore Obot, Jürgen Rehm, Peter Reuter, Robin Room, Ingeborg Rossow, and John Strang
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- August 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198818014
- eISBN:
- 9780191859410
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198818014.003.0012
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
There is extraordinary cross-national variation in the availability of prescription psychoactive drugs, with most prescription drug use being concentrated in developed countries. A variety of ...
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There is extraordinary cross-national variation in the availability of prescription psychoactive drugs, with most prescription drug use being concentrated in developed countries. A variety of measures aim to prevent abuses such as ‘doctor shopping’ and diversion of psychopharmaceuticals from the medical and pharmacy systems. The evidence suggests that prescription regimes affect the prescribing practices of doctors, often resulting in substitution. Price can be used to channel demand between two drugs that are substitutes for each other, moving demand from a drug with more adverse consequences to a less risky alternative. Advice to physicians on prescribing, has limited effect unless it concerns a new and serious side effect and alternative medicines can be prescribed. The development of a strong pharmacy system can limit illicit diversion of prescription medications, but cannot always prevent periodic epidemics of prescription drug misuse.Less
There is extraordinary cross-national variation in the availability of prescription psychoactive drugs, with most prescription drug use being concentrated in developed countries. A variety of measures aim to prevent abuses such as ‘doctor shopping’ and diversion of psychopharmaceuticals from the medical and pharmacy systems. The evidence suggests that prescription regimes affect the prescribing practices of doctors, often resulting in substitution. Price can be used to channel demand between two drugs that are substitutes for each other, moving demand from a drug with more adverse consequences to a less risky alternative. Advice to physicians on prescribing, has limited effect unless it concerns a new and serious side effect and alternative medicines can be prescribed. The development of a strong pharmacy system can limit illicit diversion of prescription medications, but cannot always prevent periodic epidemics of prescription drug misuse.
Peter Ghosh
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198702528
- eISBN:
- 9780191772214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198702528.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History, History of Ideas
This chapter begins in 1905 when Weber started writing the PE, noting his detachment towards the text. Weber had no especial liking for the seventeenth-century subject matter of the PE, which relied ...
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This chapter begins in 1905 when Weber started writing the PE, noting his detachment towards the text. Weber had no especial liking for the seventeenth-century subject matter of the PE, which relied ‘so heavily on alien (theological and historical) works’. The discussion then turns to the years 1907–1908 when the PE was set aside and no more would be heard about it as a publishing project until 1915. While there is no documentary answer as to why the project was set aside, there were sufficient intellectual deterrents at work, besides the improvement in the Webers' financial circumstances.Less
This chapter begins in 1905 when Weber started writing the PE, noting his detachment towards the text. Weber had no especial liking for the seventeenth-century subject matter of the PE, which relied ‘so heavily on alien (theological and historical) works’. The discussion then turns to the years 1907–1908 when the PE was set aside and no more would be heard about it as a publishing project until 1915. While there is no documentary answer as to why the project was set aside, there were sufficient intellectual deterrents at work, besides the improvement in the Webers' financial circumstances.
T.S. Gopi Rethinaraj
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199451623
- eISBN:
- 9780199085248
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199451623.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Nuclear weapons development requires three critical elements: fissile materials, testing data, warheads and delivery systems. Estimates of India’s fissile material stocks suitable for military are ...
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Nuclear weapons development requires three critical elements: fissile materials, testing data, warheads and delivery systems. Estimates of India’s fissile material stocks suitable for military are modest, and the current international political environment has placed severe constraints on testing. The quality and robustness of India’s nuclear deterrent is thus largely dependent on the progress achieved in warhead design and acquisition of delivery systems and platforms. The biggest challenge in the coming years will be the integration of the tested nuclear devices with various missiles in order to constitute a credible second strike nuclear force. Doubts were cast recently about the reliability of current warhead designs. Production and acquisition of delivery systems and platforms have been very slow and likely to affect the pace of weaponization program. This chapter reviews the current status of India’s current nuclear force structure, and the role of warhead design and delivery systems and platforms in nuclear weapons development.Less
Nuclear weapons development requires three critical elements: fissile materials, testing data, warheads and delivery systems. Estimates of India’s fissile material stocks suitable for military are modest, and the current international political environment has placed severe constraints on testing. The quality and robustness of India’s nuclear deterrent is thus largely dependent on the progress achieved in warhead design and acquisition of delivery systems and platforms. The biggest challenge in the coming years will be the integration of the tested nuclear devices with various missiles in order to constitute a credible second strike nuclear force. Doubts were cast recently about the reliability of current warhead designs. Production and acquisition of delivery systems and platforms have been very slow and likely to affect the pace of weaponization program. This chapter reviews the current status of India’s current nuclear force structure, and the role of warhead design and delivery systems and platforms in nuclear weapons development.