René Antonio Mayorga
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Bolivia's mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system was only established in 1994 and was applied for the first time in the elections of June 1997, so it is not yet possible to make a ...
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Bolivia's mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system was only established in 1994 and was applied for the first time in the elections of June 1997, so it is not yet possible to make a definitive assessment of its impact on the country's political system. The chapter therefore discusses the specific immediate effects that implementation of the system has had. The first section focuses on the effects on the representation of parties and the structure of the party system (interparty and intraparty dimensions) and on the relations between single‐seat district (SSD) deputies and constituents, and the second section focuses on governance. The overall finding is that the MMP system has had no far‐reaching consequences on the government system, but has had some noteworthy consequences for the party system. Some political leaders in both governing and opposition parties are not, however, satisfied with either the degree of personalization of Bolivian politics or the role of SSD deputies, and have highlighted the need for further electoral reforms; this issue is discussed in the third section.Less
Bolivia's mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system was only established in 1994 and was applied for the first time in the elections of June 1997, so it is not yet possible to make a definitive assessment of its impact on the country's political system. The chapter therefore discusses the specific immediate effects that implementation of the system has had. The first section focuses on the effects on the representation of parties and the structure of the party system (interparty and intraparty dimensions) and on the relations between single‐seat district (SSD) deputies and constituents, and the second section focuses on governance. The overall finding is that the MMP system has had no far‐reaching consequences on the government system, but has had some noteworthy consequences for the party system. Some political leaders in both governing and opposition parties are not, however, satisfied with either the degree of personalization of Bolivian politics or the role of SSD deputies, and have highlighted the need for further electoral reforms; this issue is discussed in the third section.
Jeffrey A. Weldon
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Mexico has experimented with mixed‐member electoral systems for many years, is probably the second oldest mixed‐member system after Germany, and has modified its mixed system more than any other ...
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Mexico has experimented with mixed‐member electoral systems for many years, is probably the second oldest mixed‐member system after Germany, and has modified its mixed system more than any other country. The purpose behind the electoral reforms has always been the same: to open up the system enough to satisfy political demands, but not so much that the hegemonic party loses control. Although the latter could to a large extent be controlled by electoral fraud, the former objective still had to be addressed, and over the last 35 years Mexico has seen a gradual but consistent expansion of proportional representation, so that by 1997, the electoral laws, together with electoral preferences and the general democratization of the country, had led to the end of majority control by the official party in the Chamber of Deputies, and Mexico now has a strong two‐ or three‐party system. However, there have been seven fundamentally different electoral systems in Mexico this century, with a different electoral system for each of the last five elections, which makes it impossible to distinguish the effects of electoral rules from those of voter preference; furthermore, most of the reforms are highly endogenous with the party system. Discusses reforms from 1964 onwards, and is arranged as follows: it first describes the party (minority) deputy system that operated under single‐seat district plurality rules in the period 1964–1976, and then the minority representation system of 1979–1985 (mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) rules were introduced for the 1979 election); next it gives accounts of the 1988, 1991, 1994 and 1997 mixed‐member electoral laws, and details of the senate formulas for the period 1994–2000; it then discusses the consequences of the four mixed‐member electoral laws (effects on party competition and Duvergerian effects), the effects of the change to an MMM system on legislative behavior, and the prospects for future electoral reform.Less
Mexico has experimented with mixed‐member electoral systems for many years, is probably the second oldest mixed‐member system after Germany, and has modified its mixed system more than any other country. The purpose behind the electoral reforms has always been the same: to open up the system enough to satisfy political demands, but not so much that the hegemonic party loses control. Although the latter could to a large extent be controlled by electoral fraud, the former objective still had to be addressed, and over the last 35 years Mexico has seen a gradual but consistent expansion of proportional representation, so that by 1997, the electoral laws, together with electoral preferences and the general democratization of the country, had led to the end of majority control by the official party in the Chamber of Deputies, and Mexico now has a strong two‐ or three‐party system. However, there have been seven fundamentally different electoral systems in Mexico this century, with a different electoral system for each of the last five elections, which makes it impossible to distinguish the effects of electoral rules from those of voter preference; furthermore, most of the reforms are highly endogenous with the party system. Discusses reforms from 1964 onwards, and is arranged as follows: it first describes the party (minority) deputy system that operated under single‐seat district plurality rules in the period 1964–1976, and then the minority representation system of 1979–1985 (mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) rules were introduced for the 1979 election); next it gives accounts of the 1988, 1991, 1994 and 1997 mixed‐member electoral laws, and details of the senate formulas for the period 1994–2000; it then discusses the consequences of the four mixed‐member electoral laws (effects on party competition and Duvergerian effects), the effects of the change to an MMM system on legislative behavior, and the prospects for future electoral reform.
Marina Calloni
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around ...
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The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around efforts to overturn legal abortion. Unlike other countries, the abortion issue split the radical feminists from the rest of the movement that had to turn to allies in the parties and unions of the left to promote women's rights to abortion. The early debates occurred before Italy had established women's policy agencies. Only in the 1990s, when the issue of in vitro fertilization stimulated pro‐life deputies to protect the foetus through restrictive laws, could the movement count on even marginal state support for keeping the 1978 compromise law on the books.Less
The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around efforts to overturn legal abortion. Unlike other countries, the abortion issue split the radical feminists from the rest of the movement that had to turn to allies in the parties and unions of the left to promote women's rights to abortion. The early debates occurred before Italy had established women's policy agencies. Only in the 1990s, when the issue of in vitro fertilization stimulated pro‐life deputies to protect the foetus through restrictive laws, could the movement count on even marginal state support for keeping the 1978 compromise law on the books.
Venelin I. Ganev
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The semi‐presidential regime in Bulgaria is of recent origin: it was established in July 1991, when a Great National Assembly adopted a new constitution, which proclaims that ‘Bulgaria shall be a ...
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The semi‐presidential regime in Bulgaria is of recent origin: it was established in July 1991, when a Great National Assembly adopted a new constitution, which proclaims that ‘Bulgaria shall be a republic with a parliamentary form of government’; the emphasis on ‘parliamentary’ highlights the subordinate role of the president, who is elected directly by the voters for period five years. Even though the framers of the constitution deliberately created a dual structure of the executive branch, the text of the fundamental law envisages a mode of distribution of prerogatives that is heavily skewed in favour of the legislature and a cabinet accountable to the deputies. It is difficult, however, to sustain a claim that a general pattern of leadership is beginning to emerge under Bulgarian semi‐presidentialism, since the country has only had two presidents under its new constitution; the closest to a valid generalization which may be ventured in the light of the evidence is that, while parliament enjoys supremacy over law‐making and the government remains the primary site of executive decision‐making, the rapports between these two institutions and the presidency have varied dramatically, with the influence of the head of state running the gamut from almost complete exclusion to a palpable ability to shape agendas. The purpose of this chapter is to identify and analyse the ways in which constitutionally designed patterns of institutional interaction shift in response to changes in the social and economic environment rather than to chronicle events—the analysis is conceived as a chronology of the successive problems with which political actors had to cope. The three sections of the chapter are: Constitutional Balance of Power; Presidential/Parliamentary Relations; and Conclusion.Less
The semi‐presidential regime in Bulgaria is of recent origin: it was established in July 1991, when a Great National Assembly adopted a new constitution, which proclaims that ‘Bulgaria shall be a republic with a parliamentary form of government’; the emphasis on ‘parliamentary’ highlights the subordinate role of the president, who is elected directly by the voters for period five years. Even though the framers of the constitution deliberately created a dual structure of the executive branch, the text of the fundamental law envisages a mode of distribution of prerogatives that is heavily skewed in favour of the legislature and a cabinet accountable to the deputies. It is difficult, however, to sustain a claim that a general pattern of leadership is beginning to emerge under Bulgarian semi‐presidentialism, since the country has only had two presidents under its new constitution; the closest to a valid generalization which may be ventured in the light of the evidence is that, while parliament enjoys supremacy over law‐making and the government remains the primary site of executive decision‐making, the rapports between these two institutions and the presidency have varied dramatically, with the influence of the head of state running the gamut from almost complete exclusion to a palpable ability to shape agendas. The purpose of this chapter is to identify and analyse the ways in which constitutionally designed patterns of institutional interaction shift in response to changes in the social and economic environment rather than to chronicle events—the analysis is conceived as a chronology of the successive problems with which political actors had to cope. The three sections of the chapter are: Constitutional Balance of Power; Presidential/Parliamentary Relations; and Conclusion.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter examines the constitutional debates that went on from December 1945 to September 1946. This legislative drama concerning the new constitution took place in three stages: in the ...
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This chapter examines the constitutional debates that went on from December 1945 to September 1946. This legislative drama concerning the new constitution took place in three stages: in the Commission de la France d'Outre-mer (Committee on Overseas France), the Ministère de la France d'Outre-mer (Overseas Ministry), and the Commission Constitutionnelle (Constitutional Committee). The assembly—the Assemblée Nationale Constituante (ANC)—as a whole debated and voted on each article as well as on the whole text. Wording of articles was sometimes bounced back and forth among these three bodies, and behind these fora was both the “government”—that is the ministers and their cabinets, responsible to the Assembly as a whole—and networks among the deputies, including an important grouping of overseas deputies.Less
This chapter examines the constitutional debates that went on from December 1945 to September 1946. This legislative drama concerning the new constitution took place in three stages: in the Commission de la France d'Outre-mer (Committee on Overseas France), the Ministère de la France d'Outre-mer (Overseas Ministry), and the Commission Constitutionnelle (Constitutional Committee). The assembly—the Assemblée Nationale Constituante (ANC)—as a whole debated and voted on each article as well as on the whole text. Wording of articles was sometimes bounced back and forth among these three bodies, and behind these fora was both the “government”—that is the ministers and their cabinets, responsible to the Assembly as a whole—and networks among the deputies, including an important grouping of overseas deputies.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter focuses on a series of debates, largely conducted in Paris, in which African deputies participated vigorously but with considerable frustration over the design of the French Union: how ...
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This chapter focuses on a series of debates, largely conducted in Paris, in which African deputies participated vigorously but with considerable frustration over the design of the French Union: how to conduct elections, how to bring the majority of Africans into the état-civil, how to provide a legal framework by which Africans could exercise their right to exercise or renounce their personal status. African politicians did not all agree among themselves: some opposed any distinction among French citizens, while others saw different statuses and different versions of the état-civil as a way of protecting Africans' right to difference. French officials and legislators did not agree either, and it was their uncertainty that above all prevented legislative solutions to the controversies.Less
This chapter focuses on a series of debates, largely conducted in Paris, in which African deputies participated vigorously but with considerable frustration over the design of the French Union: how to conduct elections, how to bring the majority of Africans into the état-civil, how to provide a legal framework by which Africans could exercise their right to exercise or renounce their personal status. African politicians did not all agree among themselves: some opposed any distinction among French citizens, while others saw different statuses and different versions of the état-civil as a way of protecting Africans' right to difference. French officials and legislators did not agree either, and it was their uncertainty that above all prevented legislative solutions to the controversies.
H. E. J. COWDREY
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199259601
- eISBN:
- 9780191717406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199259601.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Like most leading churchmen of his time, Lanfranc favoured strong kings who provided peace and justice in a violent world, not least for churches, monks, and all grades of clergy. During the ...
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Like most leading churchmen of his time, Lanfranc favoured strong kings who provided peace and justice in a violent world, not least for churches, monks, and all grades of clergy. During the seventeen years of their working relationship as Archbishop of Canterbury and king of England, Lanfranc and William I undoubtedly maintained a harmony and collaboration that have few if any parallels in the history of medieval Europe. The relationship of Lanfranc and King William I was the closer and more fruitful by reason of the active part that Lanfranc took in the government and administration of the English kingdom. Aside from being a mentor of and collaborator with the king in his ecclesiastical capacity as archbishop, Lanfranc was also royal deputy and royal justice involved in matters of royal administration and justice.Less
Like most leading churchmen of his time, Lanfranc favoured strong kings who provided peace and justice in a violent world, not least for churches, monks, and all grades of clergy. During the seventeen years of their working relationship as Archbishop of Canterbury and king of England, Lanfranc and William I undoubtedly maintained a harmony and collaboration that have few if any parallels in the history of medieval Europe. The relationship of Lanfranc and King William I was the closer and more fruitful by reason of the active part that Lanfranc took in the government and administration of the English kingdom. Aside from being a mentor of and collaborator with the king in his ecclesiastical capacity as archbishop, Lanfranc was also royal deputy and royal justice involved in matters of royal administration and justice.
CHRISTOPHER DUGGAN
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198206118
- eISBN:
- 9780191717178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206118.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Two months after Italian soldiers captured Rome, general elections were held in Italy. Francesco Crispi stood again in the college of Castelvetrano. He had also been elected in the college of ...
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Two months after Italian soldiers captured Rome, general elections were held in Italy. Francesco Crispi stood again in the college of Castelvetrano. He had also been elected in the college of Tricarico, in Basilicata; and it was for this constituency that he decided to take his seat in parliament. The Italian nation needed first and foremost to be affirmed morally; and that, Crispi felt, required dynamic leadership, major political (as well as socioeconomic) reforms, vigorous anti-clericalism, and a strong foreign policy. Helping to hone these ideas was Crispi's continued and growing admiration after 1870 for Germany, especially Otto von Bismarck's achievements. This chapter discusses Bismarck's influence on Crispi in the field of politics, Crispi's tenure in parliament from 1871 to 1876, his affair with Lina Barbagallo, his election as President of the Chamber of Deputies in November 1876, his visit to Europe, and his appointment as Minister of the Interior.Less
Two months after Italian soldiers captured Rome, general elections were held in Italy. Francesco Crispi stood again in the college of Castelvetrano. He had also been elected in the college of Tricarico, in Basilicata; and it was for this constituency that he decided to take his seat in parliament. The Italian nation needed first and foremost to be affirmed morally; and that, Crispi felt, required dynamic leadership, major political (as well as socioeconomic) reforms, vigorous anti-clericalism, and a strong foreign policy. Helping to hone these ideas was Crispi's continued and growing admiration after 1870 for Germany, especially Otto von Bismarck's achievements. This chapter discusses Bismarck's influence on Crispi in the field of politics, Crispi's tenure in parliament from 1871 to 1876, his affair with Lina Barbagallo, his election as President of the Chamber of Deputies in November 1876, his visit to Europe, and his appointment as Minister of the Interior.
Adrian Cadbury
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199252008
- eISBN:
- 9780191698088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199252008.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Corporate Governance and Accountability, Strategy
This chapter considers the positions of deputy chairman and senior independent director as one. An advantage of combining both positions is that it avoids creating an extra post at board level and ...
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This chapter considers the positions of deputy chairman and senior independent director as one. An advantage of combining both positions is that it avoids creating an extra post at board level and with it the possibility of overlap and confusion between the two roles. This places the deputy chairman in a position to play a leading part in the board team, whether the chairman and the chief executive are one and the same person, or two people. If there is both a chairman and a chief executive, then the deputy chairman completes the triumvirate which constitutes the team at the top.Less
This chapter considers the positions of deputy chairman and senior independent director as one. An advantage of combining both positions is that it avoids creating an extra post at board level and with it the possibility of overlap and confusion between the two roles. This places the deputy chairman in a position to play a leading part in the board team, whether the chairman and the chief executive are one and the same person, or two people. If there is both a chairman and a chief executive, then the deputy chairman completes the triumvirate which constitutes the team at the top.
Colin Thain and Maurice Wright
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277842
- eISBN:
- 9780191684203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277842.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
The roles and responsibilities of the Chief Secretary and his most senior adviser are discussed in this chapter including those of the Deputy Secretaries and their Under Secretaries at the head of ...
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The roles and responsibilities of the Chief Secretary and his most senior adviser are discussed in this chapter including those of the Deputy Secretaries and their Under Secretaries at the head of Groups of Expenditure Divisions. The organisation and functions of the General Expenditure Policy Division are described in relation to the officials undertaking responsibilities. At the very heart of the expenditure process is the Under Secretary who takes the most demanding job on the expenditure side in the Treasury as a whole and acts in a ‘staff’ capacity to both the Second Permanent Secretary and the Chief Secretary. In that position, the Under Secretary has greater familiarity with the changing politico-economic context providing reference for evolving expenditure strategy in the progress of the Public Expenditure Survey.Less
The roles and responsibilities of the Chief Secretary and his most senior adviser are discussed in this chapter including those of the Deputy Secretaries and their Under Secretaries at the head of Groups of Expenditure Divisions. The organisation and functions of the General Expenditure Policy Division are described in relation to the officials undertaking responsibilities. At the very heart of the expenditure process is the Under Secretary who takes the most demanding job on the expenditure side in the Treasury as a whole and acts in a ‘staff’ capacity to both the Second Permanent Secretary and the Chief Secretary. In that position, the Under Secretary has greater familiarity with the changing politico-economic context providing reference for evolving expenditure strategy in the progress of the Public Expenditure Survey.
William Doyle
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205364
- eISBN:
- 9780191676598
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205364.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The members of the National Assembly who abolished the sale of public office in August 1789 were no strangers to venality. Of the 1,315 deputies who sat between 1789 and 1791, 483 either held, or had ...
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The members of the National Assembly who abolished the sale of public office in August 1789 were no strangers to venality. Of the 1,315 deputies who sat between 1789 and 1791, 483 either held, or had some direct experience of, venal office. Venality had introduced a ‘mercantile spirit’ into the judiciary, and made magistrates more interested in profit and privilege than in their duties. Prices had soared to exorbitant levels. Fearing the worst from the new order, their leaders largely spurned the elections, and the parlements kept quiet throughout the first half of 1789; but some venal companies, undeterred by the tone of the cahiers, went into print to argue for their own regeneration rather than abolition. Just as venality had been integral to the institutional paralysis which had eventually brought down the old order, so the efforts required for its liquidation were inseparable from the French Revolution's loss of direction.Less
The members of the National Assembly who abolished the sale of public office in August 1789 were no strangers to venality. Of the 1,315 deputies who sat between 1789 and 1791, 483 either held, or had some direct experience of, venal office. Venality had introduced a ‘mercantile spirit’ into the judiciary, and made magistrates more interested in profit and privilege than in their duties. Prices had soared to exorbitant levels. Fearing the worst from the new order, their leaders largely spurned the elections, and the parlements kept quiet throughout the first half of 1789; but some venal companies, undeterred by the tone of the cahiers, went into print to argue for their own regeneration rather than abolition. Just as venality had been integral to the institutional paralysis which had eventually brought down the old order, so the efforts required for its liquidation were inseparable from the French Revolution's loss of direction.
Matthew Rendle
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199236251
- eISBN:
- 9780191717154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236251.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter analyses how the traditionally apolitical officer corps became increasingly politicized during 1917. This was evident in the creation of the Union of Republican Officers and the Soviet ...
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This chapter analyses how the traditionally apolitical officer corps became increasingly politicized during 1917. This was evident in the creation of the Union of Republican Officers and the Soviet of Officers' Deputies to represent socialist and liberal officers respectively. But it is also seen in the formation of professional unions – the Union of Officers, Military League, and Union of George Cavaliers – by officers who felt that more attention should be paid to the declining position of officers within the military. Officers had supported the revolution in the hope that it would improve Russia's war effort, but instead it had caused the military to disintegrate under the pressure of soldiers' demands for greater rights. Yet professional unions were not as divorced from politics as their leaders argued: demands for stronger measures to combat the disintegration led naturally to demands for stronger government to save Russia by August.Less
This chapter analyses how the traditionally apolitical officer corps became increasingly politicized during 1917. This was evident in the creation of the Union of Republican Officers and the Soviet of Officers' Deputies to represent socialist and liberal officers respectively. But it is also seen in the formation of professional unions – the Union of Officers, Military League, and Union of George Cavaliers – by officers who felt that more attention should be paid to the declining position of officers within the military. Officers had supported the revolution in the hope that it would improve Russia's war effort, but instead it had caused the military to disintegrate under the pressure of soldiers' demands for greater rights. Yet professional unions were not as divorced from politics as their leaders argued: demands for stronger measures to combat the disintegration led naturally to demands for stronger government to save Russia by August.
Michael Clark
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199562343
- eISBN:
- 9780191721441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562343.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter focuses upon Anglo-Jewry's internal communal government, in particular the activities and operation of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. This quasi-democratic, quasi-oligarchic ...
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This chapter focuses upon Anglo-Jewry's internal communal government, in particular the activities and operation of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. This quasi-democratic, quasi-oligarchic institution claimed sole responsibility for representing British Jews to the outside world, whilst also seeking to maintain a coherent group governed by a certain pattern of Jewish existence. After examining the workings of the Board, the chapter explores attempts to protect what it perceived as the community's interests from a variety of incursions within the broader scope of British society. It demonstrates the confusing and often conflicting stance of a minority espousing both equality and exceptionality of treatment. The chapter also investigates the minority's activities on behalf of persecuted Jews abroad, exploring the impact of Anglo-Jewish diplomacy upon both Jewish beliefs and contemporary British foreign policy, as well as illustrating the polity's opinion of the minority.Less
This chapter focuses upon Anglo-Jewry's internal communal government, in particular the activities and operation of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. This quasi-democratic, quasi-oligarchic institution claimed sole responsibility for representing British Jews to the outside world, whilst also seeking to maintain a coherent group governed by a certain pattern of Jewish existence. After examining the workings of the Board, the chapter explores attempts to protect what it perceived as the community's interests from a variety of incursions within the broader scope of British society. It demonstrates the confusing and often conflicting stance of a minority espousing both equality and exceptionality of treatment. The chapter also investigates the minority's activities on behalf of persecuted Jews abroad, exploring the impact of Anglo-Jewish diplomacy upon both Jewish beliefs and contemporary British foreign policy, as well as illustrating the polity's opinion of the minority.
Arthur Kaledin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300119312
- eISBN:
- 9780300176209
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300119312.003.0026
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Alexis de Tocqueville describes the experience of writing his book Democracy in America as a colossal emotional struggle. He likens its writing to a journey over “un autre terrain,” a journey on ...
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Alexis de Tocqueville describes the experience of writing his book Democracy in America as a colossal emotional struggle. He likens its writing to a journey over “un autre terrain,” a journey on which he embarked quite by himself. The difficulty of writing the second volume of Democracy in America was not only due to the pressure of other commitments, including local political life and his responsibilities in the Chamber of Deputies in France. He even suspended his writing for a few days due to fatigue, something he complained to Gustave de Beaumont. Considering what he had to go through to finish the book, it may be considered a heroic feat. It was a product of powerful ambition combined with physical courage, force of will, a great dream, and unwavering self-confrontation.Less
Alexis de Tocqueville describes the experience of writing his book Democracy in America as a colossal emotional struggle. He likens its writing to a journey over “un autre terrain,” a journey on which he embarked quite by himself. The difficulty of writing the second volume of Democracy in America was not only due to the pressure of other commitments, including local political life and his responsibilities in the Chamber of Deputies in France. He even suspended his writing for a few days due to fatigue, something he complained to Gustave de Beaumont. Considering what he had to go through to finish the book, it may be considered a heroic feat. It was a product of powerful ambition combined with physical courage, force of will, a great dream, and unwavering self-confrontation.
Alan Forrest
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206163
- eISBN:
- 9780191676994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206163.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the impact of the start of the French Revolution on the situation in Aquitaine. During this period, exaggerated expectations had been aroused in the region where political ...
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This chapter examines the impact of the start of the French Revolution on the situation in Aquitaine. During this period, exaggerated expectations had been aroused in the region where political consciousness had been alerted by the intense propaganda of the preceding months. The deputies were key figures in these early months of the Revolution when communication was slow and uncertain. They were the ones who informed the people about the development and progress of the revolution.Less
This chapter examines the impact of the start of the French Revolution on the situation in Aquitaine. During this period, exaggerated expectations had been aroused in the region where political consciousness had been alerted by the intense propaganda of the preceding months. The deputies were key figures in these early months of the Revolution when communication was slow and uncertain. They were the ones who informed the people about the development and progress of the revolution.
Robert M. Uriu
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199280568
- eISBN:
- 9780191712814
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199280568.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
Revisionist assumptions reached their peak just as the Clinton administration was taking office. In this chapter the author demonstrates how the new policy team quickly rejected traditionalist ...
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Revisionist assumptions reached their peak just as the Clinton administration was taking office. In this chapter the author demonstrates how the new policy team quickly rejected traditionalist thinking and clearly adopted revisionist assumptions about Japan. This chapter first analyzes Japan‐related thinking inside the Clinton campaign and then traces the attitudes toward Japan of the administration's new political appointees. The core of the chapter focuses on the main policymaking body in the White House, the Deputies Committee. Based on extensive interviews with participants in this group, the author is able to demonstrate how the administration came to adopt revisionist assumptions. This then led to a dramatically different trade policy of pursuing “results‐oriented” agreements with Japan that were to include numerical indicators to measure import penetration, and clear penalties if imports did not rise. Here is a case where one can almost see one set of policy assumptions being replaced by another.Less
Revisionist assumptions reached their peak just as the Clinton administration was taking office. In this chapter the author demonstrates how the new policy team quickly rejected traditionalist thinking and clearly adopted revisionist assumptions about Japan. This chapter first analyzes Japan‐related thinking inside the Clinton campaign and then traces the attitudes toward Japan of the administration's new political appointees. The core of the chapter focuses on the main policymaking body in the White House, the Deputies Committee. Based on extensive interviews with participants in this group, the author is able to demonstrate how the administration came to adopt revisionist assumptions. This then led to a dramatically different trade policy of pursuing “results‐oriented” agreements with Japan that were to include numerical indicators to measure import penetration, and clear penalties if imports did not rise. Here is a case where one can almost see one set of policy assumptions being replaced by another.
Aidan Clarke
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562527
- eISBN:
- 9780191701849
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562527.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter describes the government of Thomas Viscount Wentworth, who became lord deputy of Ireland January 1632. He was one of a group who were loosely associated together in support of the king's ...
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This chapter describes the government of Thomas Viscount Wentworth, who became lord deputy of Ireland January 1632. He was one of a group who were loosely associated together in support of the king's aim to govern England without parliament. Wentworth had worked to create a new source of power for the crown in Ireland. In the summer of 1639, when the resources at Charles's disposal had proved insufficient to preserve his authority in Scotland, the time had come for Wentworth to fulfill the real political purpose of his deputyship by showing how Ireland could be used to redress the balance of power elsewhere in the king's favour. The king had already decided that, alone among his advisers, the lord deputy of Ireland seemed capable of solving his problems. On 23 July he wrote to ask Wentworth to join him in England.Less
This chapter describes the government of Thomas Viscount Wentworth, who became lord deputy of Ireland January 1632. He was one of a group who were loosely associated together in support of the king's aim to govern England without parliament. Wentworth had worked to create a new source of power for the crown in Ireland. In the summer of 1639, when the resources at Charles's disposal had proved insufficient to preserve his authority in Scotland, the time had come for Wentworth to fulfill the real political purpose of his deputyship by showing how Ireland could be used to redress the balance of power elsewhere in the king's favour. The king had already decided that, alone among his advisers, the lord deputy of Ireland seemed capable of solving his problems. On 23 July he wrote to ask Wentworth to join him in England.
Alastair P. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205432
- eISBN:
- 9780191676635
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205432.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter explores how left liberal deputies (and party politicians in general) actually functioned in Berlin. Attention has been brought by John Röhl, Isabel Hull, and others to court politics ...
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This chapter explores how left liberal deputies (and party politicians in general) actually functioned in Berlin. Attention has been brought by John Röhl, Isabel Hull, and others to court politics and the influence of the Emperor's entourage. The diaries and correspondence of court diplomats have been exhumed from the archives and made available in multi-volumed form. But the workings of the Reichstag, and the way ministers and deputies conducted politics behind the scenes, remain under-researched. Accounts of the Reichstag's changing political position have sometimes focused on a relatively unimportant question — the social composition of elected deputies — rather than the more significant issue of how the Reich executive's need to secure money and legislation allowed political parties to have influence on policy and administration. The disparate social contacts of left liberals outside the confines of the Reichstag were significant.Less
This chapter explores how left liberal deputies (and party politicians in general) actually functioned in Berlin. Attention has been brought by John Röhl, Isabel Hull, and others to court politics and the influence of the Emperor's entourage. The diaries and correspondence of court diplomats have been exhumed from the archives and made available in multi-volumed form. But the workings of the Reichstag, and the way ministers and deputies conducted politics behind the scenes, remain under-researched. Accounts of the Reichstag's changing political position have sometimes focused on a relatively unimportant question — the social composition of elected deputies — rather than the more significant issue of how the Reich executive's need to secure money and legislation allowed political parties to have influence on policy and administration. The disparate social contacts of left liberals outside the confines of the Reichstag were significant.
Alastair P. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205432
- eISBN:
- 9780191676635
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205432.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The aftermath of the 1912 Reichstag elections offered a strange mixture of change, continuity, and confusion. There had been a striking clear-out of sitting deputies: only 187 of the 397 deputies ...
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The aftermath of the 1912 Reichstag elections offered a strange mixture of change, continuity, and confusion. There had been a striking clear-out of sitting deputies: only 187 of the 397 deputies elected in 1907 were also returned in 1912. Amidst such electoral carnage, however, party leaders remained largely unscathed. Those who paid the electoral price in 1912 were mainly the more junior and less influential parliamentarians. Continuity amongst party leaders was more than matched by ministers and senior officials on the other side of the political dialogue: 1912 lacked even the couple of sacrifices which had accompanied the Bülow Bloc. The period 1912–1914 saw a continuation of the pattern of left liberal-National Liberal relations established by the fall of the Bülow Bloc. Despite the efforts of the right, the National Liberals continued mainly to seek agreement with left liberals rather than Conservatives.Less
The aftermath of the 1912 Reichstag elections offered a strange mixture of change, continuity, and confusion. There had been a striking clear-out of sitting deputies: only 187 of the 397 deputies elected in 1907 were also returned in 1912. Amidst such electoral carnage, however, party leaders remained largely unscathed. Those who paid the electoral price in 1912 were mainly the more junior and less influential parliamentarians. Continuity amongst party leaders was more than matched by ministers and senior officials on the other side of the political dialogue: 1912 lacked even the couple of sacrifices which had accompanied the Bülow Bloc. The period 1912–1914 saw a continuation of the pattern of left liberal-National Liberal relations established by the fall of the Bülow Bloc. Despite the efforts of the right, the National Liberals continued mainly to seek agreement with left liberals rather than Conservatives.
Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099081
- eISBN:
- 9789882207547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099081.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter explores the politics of selecting Hong Kong members of the Tenth National People's Congress (NPC) as well as the role of the Liaison Officer in the second election of NPC deputies. As ...
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This chapter explores the politics of selecting Hong Kong members of the Tenth National People's Congress (NPC) as well as the role of the Liaison Officer in the second election of NPC deputies. As little research has been done on the NPC election processes, this chapter focuses on the elections held for the Hong Kong Members of the NPC as these show the uniqueness of the mainland-style Chinese election in the politically pluralistic setting of Hong Kong. The chapter also discusses the implications of the HKSAR NPC elections for Taiwan.Less
This chapter explores the politics of selecting Hong Kong members of the Tenth National People's Congress (NPC) as well as the role of the Liaison Officer in the second election of NPC deputies. As little research has been done on the NPC election processes, this chapter focuses on the elections held for the Hong Kong Members of the NPC as these show the uniqueness of the mainland-style Chinese election in the politically pluralistic setting of Hong Kong. The chapter also discusses the implications of the HKSAR NPC elections for Taiwan.
