Terence H. McLaughlin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Terence Mclaughlin’s essay addresses the conceptual and practical complexities involved in identifying and evaluating the nature, status, and institutional context of common (public) education in ...
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Terence Mclaughlin’s essay addresses the conceptual and practical complexities involved in identifying and evaluating the nature, status, and institutional context of common (public) education in pluralist societies. He explores some of the neglected burdens and dilemmas faced by common schools in pluralist, multicultural, and liberal–democratic societies. The potential weight and complexity of these burdens and dilemmas is reflected in Stephen Macedo’s observation that common schools give rise to questions relating to some of the ‘deepest divisions’ and ‘most intractable conflicts’ characterizing the public lives of modern states. The chapter has five sections: Section 5.1 outlines some general considerations relating to common schooling and a conception of common education, pointing out that the relationship between the two is a contingent one – the adequacy of a particular institutional arrangement, such as the common school, depends critically on the extent to which it embodies an adequate conception of common education; Section 5.2 offers a sketch of some general features of such conceptions; in Sections 5.3 and 5.4, respectively, some of the burdens and dilemmas of common schooling are explored; Section 5.5 addresses neglected questions relating to the pre-eminently practical burdens and dilemmas highlighted in the previous two sections. McLaughlin’s chapter is especially helpful in identifying a number of the most important considerations in the presumption in favour of common schools as the most suitable arrangement for advancing common education, and his essay maps the conceptual, curricular, pedagogical, and policy issues that must be addressed in clarifying and defending the role of common schools and common education in liberal–democratic societies.Less
Terence Mclaughlin’s essay addresses the conceptual and practical complexities involved in identifying and evaluating the nature, status, and institutional context of common (public) education in pluralist societies. He explores some of the neglected burdens and dilemmas faced by common schools in pluralist, multicultural, and liberal–democratic societies. The potential weight and complexity of these burdens and dilemmas is reflected in Stephen Macedo’s observation that common schools give rise to questions relating to some of the ‘deepest divisions’ and ‘most intractable conflicts’ characterizing the public lives of modern states. The chapter has five sections: Section 5.1 outlines some general considerations relating to common schooling and a conception of common education, pointing out that the relationship between the two is a contingent one – the adequacy of a particular institutional arrangement, such as the common school, depends critically on the extent to which it embodies an adequate conception of common education; Section 5.2 offers a sketch of some general features of such conceptions; in Sections 5.3 and 5.4, respectively, some of the burdens and dilemmas of common schooling are explored; Section 5.5 addresses neglected questions relating to the pre-eminently practical burdens and dilemmas highlighted in the previous two sections. McLaughlin’s chapter is especially helpful in identifying a number of the most important considerations in the presumption in favour of common schools as the most suitable arrangement for advancing common education, and his essay maps the conceptual, curricular, pedagogical, and policy issues that must be addressed in clarifying and defending the role of common schools and common education in liberal–democratic societies.
Joseph Dunne
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Joseph Dunne’s essay begins by examining the ways in which schooling in modern liberal–democratic societies tend to function as the agent of cultural homogenization and alienation, and thus block ...
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Joseph Dunne’s essay begins by examining the ways in which schooling in modern liberal–democratic societies tend to function as the agent of cultural homogenization and alienation, and thus block liberal–democratic efforts to offer meaningful recognition of local cultures and to promote the skills and dispositions required for participatory democratic citizenship. The danger here, Dunne points out, is that when the homogenizing elements of modern schooling become dominant, they might serve to encourage an ‘insouciant cosmopolitanism that may fail to meet people’s needs for identity (and by this failure help open the door to the very xenophobic nationalism it wishes to repudiate)’. The chapter concludes by reflecting on some possible educational responses that might offer some hopeful ways of addressing such dismal extremes. In particular, he is interested in the educational possibilities offered by a reconfiguration of national identities and state institutions in the emerging European Community in the context of national, cultural, and religious strife that currently besets Northern Ireland. Thus, like Waldron, Dunne sees local cultural identities – be they national, religious, or cultural – as complexly related to, but potentially compatible with, cosmopolitan historical forces.Less
Joseph Dunne’s essay begins by examining the ways in which schooling in modern liberal–democratic societies tend to function as the agent of cultural homogenization and alienation, and thus block liberal–democratic efforts to offer meaningful recognition of local cultures and to promote the skills and dispositions required for participatory democratic citizenship. The danger here, Dunne points out, is that when the homogenizing elements of modern schooling become dominant, they might serve to encourage an ‘insouciant cosmopolitanism that may fail to meet people’s needs for identity (and by this failure help open the door to the very xenophobic nationalism it wishes to repudiate)’. The chapter concludes by reflecting on some possible educational responses that might offer some hopeful ways of addressing such dismal extremes. In particular, he is interested in the educational possibilities offered by a reconfiguration of national identities and state institutions in the emerging European Community in the context of national, cultural, and religious strife that currently besets Northern Ireland. Thus, like Waldron, Dunne sees local cultural identities – be they national, religious, or cultural – as complexly related to, but potentially compatible with, cosmopolitan historical forces.
Paul Webb
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the ...
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Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the case of the European Union, and the findings are presented under the same three headings used in the case studies: party legitimacy; party organizational strength, and systemic functionality. The following section discusses political parties and democratic theory, and a concluding section looks at parties and democratic reform.Less
Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the case of the European Union, and the findings are presented under the same three headings used in the case studies: party legitimacy; party organizational strength, and systemic functionality. The following section discusses political parties and democratic theory, and a concluding section looks at parties and democratic reform.
Walter Feinberg
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over ...
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The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. Walter Feinberg’s essay, on religious education in liberal–democratic societies in relation to the question of accountability and autonomy, takes up the issue of educational constraints with respect to religious schools in such societies. While he allows that religious education need not be inconsistent with liberal goals, and can find reasons why some liberal societies feel it appropriate to provide public support for religious schools, he argues that certain conditions can render such support tyrannical and unwise. He concludes that if the conditions are appropriate for public support of religious schools, then there should also be significant public control. After an introduction in Section 14.1, the chapter has six further sections: Section 14.2 discusses some of the potential lines of conflict between religious liberal education and public (common) education; Section 14.3 examines a number of arguments that have been advanced in support of public funding for religious schools; Section 14.4 looks at a potentially fundamental reason for denying public funding for religious schools – that it would be tyrannical to take tax funds from one believer in order to advance the beliefs of another – and the implications as regards the First Amendment to the United States Constitution; both Sections 14.4 and 14.5 suggest some of the conditions that need to be satisfied in order to supply this funding – primarily that it must be predicated on the school advancing individual and social autonomy; Section 14.6 briefly suggests what such an arrangement might entail for the traditional way in which the public/private divide is conceived; Section 14.7 concludes.Less
The essays in Part III of the book, on liberal constraints and traditionalist education, argue for a more regulatory conception of liberal education and emphasize the need for some controls over cultural and religious educational authority. Walter Feinberg’s essay, on religious education in liberal–democratic societies in relation to the question of accountability and autonomy, takes up the issue of educational constraints with respect to religious schools in such societies. While he allows that religious education need not be inconsistent with liberal goals, and can find reasons why some liberal societies feel it appropriate to provide public support for religious schools, he argues that certain conditions can render such support tyrannical and unwise. He concludes that if the conditions are appropriate for public support of religious schools, then there should also be significant public control. After an introduction in Section 14.1, the chapter has six further sections: Section 14.2 discusses some of the potential lines of conflict between religious liberal education and public (common) education; Section 14.3 examines a number of arguments that have been advanced in support of public funding for religious schools; Section 14.4 looks at a potentially fundamental reason for denying public funding for religious schools – that it would be tyrannical to take tax funds from one believer in order to advance the beliefs of another – and the implications as regards the First Amendment to the United States Constitution; both Sections 14.4 and 14.5 suggest some of the conditions that need to be satisfied in order to supply this funding – primarily that it must be predicated on the school advancing individual and social autonomy; Section 14.6 briefly suggests what such an arrangement might entail for the traditional way in which the public/private divide is conceived; Section 14.7 concludes.
Walter Feinberg and Kevin McDonough
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In the first section of this introductory essay, the dilemma of public education in liberal multicultural societies is introduced, and the aim of this book is outlined. This is described as an ...
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In the first section of this introductory essay, the dilemma of public education in liberal multicultural societies is introduced, and the aim of this book is outlined. This is described as an examination of some of the fundamental philosophical issues that give rise to conflicting views on public education in order to shed light on questions of educational policy in liberal–democratic societies. In two further sections, the essay focuses on outlining the philosophical and educational contexts that unify the subsequent essays and together clarify the purpose of the book as a whole. The essay concludes with an overview of the book.Less
In the first section of this introductory essay, the dilemma of public education in liberal multicultural societies is introduced, and the aim of this book is outlined. This is described as an examination of some of the fundamental philosophical issues that give rise to conflicting views on public education in order to shed light on questions of educational policy in liberal–democratic societies. In two further sections, the essay focuses on outlining the philosophical and educational contexts that unify the subsequent essays and together clarify the purpose of the book as a whole. The essay concludes with an overview of the book.
David Blacker
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This is the third of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the ...
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This is the third of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the self-definitions of traditional cultures and to find ways of avoiding a confrontation with differences. David Blacker’s essay on civic friendship and democratic education develops a Rawlsian conception of civic friendship, the scaffolding of which is necessarily provided by the wide range of comprehensive conceptions of the good that characterize democratic societies. Thus, Blacker argues, a democratic civic education ‘allows citizens to embrace democracy on their own terms, drawing support for democracy’s requisite political conceptions from the perspectives of citizens’ many different secular and/or religious comprehensive doctrines’. For Blacker, a conception of civic friendship that is friendly to citizens’ multiple comprehensive doctrines also entails a substantial lowering of the ‘wall of separation’ between church and state so that courts might be more willing than they currently are to allow the use of state funds to support religious groups, in particular where these groups perform functions within public (common) schools that converge with public interests. The essay concludes by proposing and defending two American educational policy initiatives that are consistent with Blacker’s politically liberal ideal of civic friendship – the revival of a ‘school stamps’ plan first proposed in the 1970s, and a modified version of a ‘clergy in the schools’ programme recently struck down by a federal circuit court in Texas.Less
This is the third of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the self-definitions of traditional cultures and to find ways of avoiding a confrontation with differences. David Blacker’s essay on civic friendship and democratic education develops a Rawlsian conception of civic friendship, the scaffolding of which is necessarily provided by the wide range of comprehensive conceptions of the good that characterize democratic societies. Thus, Blacker argues, a democratic civic education ‘allows citizens to embrace democracy on their own terms, drawing support for democracy’s requisite political conceptions from the perspectives of citizens’ many different secular and/or religious comprehensive doctrines’. For Blacker, a conception of civic friendship that is friendly to citizens’ multiple comprehensive doctrines also entails a substantial lowering of the ‘wall of separation’ between church and state so that courts might be more willing than they currently are to allow the use of state funds to support religious groups, in particular where these groups perform functions within public (common) schools that converge with public interests. The essay concludes by proposing and defending two American educational policy initiatives that are consistent with Blacker’s politically liberal ideal of civic friendship – the revival of a ‘school stamps’ plan first proposed in the 1970s, and a modified version of a ‘clergy in the schools’ programme recently struck down by a federal circuit court in Texas.
Kevin McDonough and Walter Feinberg (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The essays in the volume address educational issues that arise when national, sub-national, and supra-national identities compete. These include: how to determine the limits to parental educational ...
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The essays in the volume address educational issues that arise when national, sub-national, and supra-national identities compete. These include: how to determine the limits to parental educational rights when liberalism’s concern to protect and promote children’s autonomy conflicts with the desire to maintain communal integrity; whether, given the advances made by the forces of globalization, the liberal–democratic state can morally justify its traditional purpose of forging a cohesive national identity or whether increasing globalization has rendered this educational aim obsolete and morally corrupt; and whether liberal education should instead seek to foster a sense of global citizenship, even if doing so would suppress patriotic identification. In addressing these and many other questions, the volume examines the theoretical and practical issues at stake between nationalists, multiculturalists, and cosmopolitans in the field of education. The 15 essays included (which were originally presented at a symposium on ‘Collective Identities and Cosmopolitan Values: Group Rights and Public Education in Liberal–Democratic Societies’, held in Montreal from June 22 to 25, 2000), and an introductory essay by the editors, provide a genuine, productive dialogue between political and legal philosophers and educational theorists. The essays are arranged in three parts: I: Cosmopolitanism, Liberalism and Common Education (six chapters); II: Liberalism and Traditionalist Education (four chapters); and III: Liberal Constraints on Traditionalist Education (five chapters).Less
The essays in the volume address educational issues that arise when national, sub-national, and supra-national identities compete. These include: how to determine the limits to parental educational rights when liberalism’s concern to protect and promote children’s autonomy conflicts with the desire to maintain communal integrity; whether, given the advances made by the forces of globalization, the liberal–democratic state can morally justify its traditional purpose of forging a cohesive national identity or whether increasing globalization has rendered this educational aim obsolete and morally corrupt; and whether liberal education should instead seek to foster a sense of global citizenship, even if doing so would suppress patriotic identification. In addressing these and many other questions, the volume examines the theoretical and practical issues at stake between nationalists, multiculturalists, and cosmopolitans in the field of education. The 15 essays included (which were originally presented at a symposium on ‘Collective Identities and Cosmopolitan Values: Group Rights and Public Education in Liberal–Democratic Societies’, held in Montreal from June 22 to 25, 2000), and an introductory essay by the editors, provide a genuine, productive dialogue between political and legal philosophers and educational theorists. The essays are arranged in three parts: I: Cosmopolitanism, Liberalism and Common Education (six chapters); II: Liberalism and Traditionalist Education (four chapters); and III: Liberal Constraints on Traditionalist Education (five chapters).
Thomas Poguntke and Paul Webb (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a ...
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Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a combination of long-term structural changes in modern politics and societies’ contingent factors that fluctuate over time. While these contingent, short-term factors relate to the personalities of office holders, the overall political agenda, and the majority situation in parliament, there are several structural factors that are relatively uniform across modern nations. First, the internationalization of modern politics (which is particularly pronounced within the European Union) has led to an ‘executive bias’ of the political process that has strengthened the role of political top elites vis-à-vis their parliamentary groups and/or their parties. Their predominance has been amplified further by the vastly expanded steering capacities of state machineries, which have severely reduced the scope of effective parliamentary control. At the same time, the declining stability of political alignments has increased the proportion of citizens whose voting decisions are not constrained by long-standing party loyalties. In conjunction with the mediatization of politics, this has increased the capacity of political leaders to bypass their party machines and to appeal directly to voters.As a result, three interrelated processes have led to a political process increasingly moulded by the inherent logic of presidentialism: increasing leadership power and autonomy within the political executive; increasing leadership power and autonomy within political parties; and increasingly leadership-centered electoral processes.The book presents evidence for this process of presidentialization for 14 modern democracies (including the USA and Canada). While there are substantial cross-national differences, the overall thesis holds: modern democracies are increasingly following a presidential logic of governance through which leadership is becoming more central and more powerful, but also increasingly dependent on successful immediate appeal to the mass public. Implications for democratic theory are considered.Less
Shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a combination of long-term structural changes in modern politics and societies’ contingent factors that fluctuate over time. While these contingent, short-term factors relate to the personalities of office holders, the overall political agenda, and the majority situation in parliament, there are several structural factors that are relatively uniform across modern nations. First, the internationalization of modern politics (which is particularly pronounced within the European Union) has led to an ‘executive bias’ of the political process that has strengthened the role of political top elites vis-à-vis their parliamentary groups and/or their parties. Their predominance has been amplified further by the vastly expanded steering capacities of state machineries, which have severely reduced the scope of effective parliamentary control. At the same time, the declining stability of political alignments has increased the proportion of citizens whose voting decisions are not constrained by long-standing party loyalties. In conjunction with the mediatization of politics, this has increased the capacity of political leaders to bypass their party machines and to appeal directly to voters.
As a result, three interrelated processes have led to a political process increasingly moulded by the inherent logic of presidentialism: increasing leadership power and autonomy within the political executive; increasing leadership power and autonomy within political parties; and increasingly leadership-centered electoral processes.
The book presents evidence for this process of presidentialization for 14 modern democracies (including the USA and Canada). While there are substantial cross-national differences, the overall thesis holds: modern democracies are increasingly following a presidential logic of governance through which leadership is becoming more central and more powerful, but also increasingly dependent on successful immediate appeal to the mass public. Implications for democratic theory are considered.
Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195093810
- eISBN:
- 9780199854127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195093810.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
“Democracy” was not to emerge as a fully legitimate cultural value in America, commanding more or less universal approval, until the 1830s, with the appearance of a national system of mass political ...
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“Democracy” was not to emerge as a fully legitimate cultural value in America, commanding more or less universal approval, until the 1830s, with the appearance of a national system of mass political parties. However as early as the mid-1790s with the agitation stirred by the French Revolution and the Jay Treaty, a clear turn in the direction of popular politics could be seen. Beyond any doubt popular attitudes and popular participation took on qualities and proportions—a “populist impulse” became discernible—which had not quite been there before. However, a “populist impulse” is not the same thing as functional democracy. Due account must be taken of the limits and inhibitions within which popular politics in the 1790s still operated. The fate of the Democratic Societies, between the first enthusiastic emergence of so many of these groups in 1793–4 and their utter disappearance within the following year or so, invites questions about the whole subject of voluntary associations in America.Less
“Democracy” was not to emerge as a fully legitimate cultural value in America, commanding more or less universal approval, until the 1830s, with the appearance of a national system of mass political parties. However as early as the mid-1790s with the agitation stirred by the French Revolution and the Jay Treaty, a clear turn in the direction of popular politics could be seen. Beyond any doubt popular attitudes and popular participation took on qualities and proportions—a “populist impulse” became discernible—which had not quite been there before. However, a “populist impulse” is not the same thing as functional democracy. Due account must be taken of the limits and inhibitions within which popular politics in the 1790s still operated. The fate of the Democratic Societies, between the first enthusiastic emergence of so many of these groups in 1793–4 and their utter disappearance within the following year or so, invites questions about the whole subject of voluntary associations in America.
Shalini Venturelli
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198233794
- eISBN:
- 9780191678998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198233794.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
Taking a turn from the issues and concerns raised in the previous chapter, this chapter presents an attempt to argue that the aforementioned problems in the information policy concerning the public ...
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Taking a turn from the issues and concerns raised in the previous chapter, this chapter presents an attempt to argue that the aforementioned problems in the information policy concerning the public sphere of the information society are merely theoretical problems. This chapter provides an intellectual critique and an exhaustive exposition of public space and its functions in a democratic society. It points out that the challenges that come in the way of achieving and realising the goal of public participation in the public space are closely associated with the wrong concepts of citizenship, public welfare, justice, and the definition of a democratic civil society. It argues that the democratic processes and conventions such as the right to vote, contractual liberties, and the rule of law can exist even in a non-democratic society. It tries to delineate the idea of democracy from the concept of full access to information and states that being a member of a political community does not necessarily guarantee information rights and participation.Less
Taking a turn from the issues and concerns raised in the previous chapter, this chapter presents an attempt to argue that the aforementioned problems in the information policy concerning the public sphere of the information society are merely theoretical problems. This chapter provides an intellectual critique and an exhaustive exposition of public space and its functions in a democratic society. It points out that the challenges that come in the way of achieving and realising the goal of public participation in the public space are closely associated with the wrong concepts of citizenship, public welfare, justice, and the definition of a democratic civil society. It argues that the democratic processes and conventions such as the right to vote, contractual liberties, and the rule of law can exist even in a non-democratic society. It tries to delineate the idea of democracy from the concept of full access to information and states that being a member of a political community does not necessarily guarantee information rights and participation.
Albert O. Hirschman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159904
- eISBN:
- 9781400848409
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159904.003.0016
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
This chapter extols the virtues of bargaining, tension, and conflict as means to experiment and compromise—without leading to false consensus or conformity. Whereas much of social theory sees ...
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This chapter extols the virtues of bargaining, tension, and conflict as means to experiment and compromise—without leading to false consensus or conformity. Whereas much of social theory sees conflict and instability as debilitating, Hirschman spotlights their necessary strengths; these, the chapter argues, offer pathways to new ways of organizing societies and living democratically. Politics, for Hirschman, is thus an art; like Machiavelli he believes that one's loyalties come from a political life and do not precede it. Furthermore, the chapter cautions against the danger for a group of people to become fascinated with the idea of, or with the passion or Schwärmerei (enthusiasm) for, community spirit.Less
This chapter extols the virtues of bargaining, tension, and conflict as means to experiment and compromise—without leading to false consensus or conformity. Whereas much of social theory sees conflict and instability as debilitating, Hirschman spotlights their necessary strengths; these, the chapter argues, offer pathways to new ways of organizing societies and living democratically. Politics, for Hirschman, is thus an art; like Machiavelli he believes that one's loyalties come from a political life and do not precede it. Furthermore, the chapter cautions against the danger for a group of people to become fascinated with the idea of, or with the passion or Schwärmerei (enthusiasm) for, community spirit.
Kent Greenawalt
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195094190
- eISBN:
- 9780199853021
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195094190.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good ...
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Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good life or should it be based on some such conception? This book addresses one crucial set of problems raised by this division: What bases should officials and citizens employ in reaching political decisions and justifying their positions? Should they feel free to rely on whatever grounds seem otherwise persuasive to them, like religious convictions, or should they restrict themselves to “public reasons,” reasons that are shared within the society or arise from the premises of liberal democracy? This book argues that fundamental premises of liberal democracy alone do not provide answers to these questions, that much depends on historical and cultural contexts. After examining past and current practices and attitudes in the United States, it offers concrete suggestions for appropriate principles relevant to American society today.Less
Within democratic societies, a deep division exists over the nature of community and the grounds for political life. Should the political order be neutral between competing conceptions of the good life or should it be based on some such conception? This book addresses one crucial set of problems raised by this division: What bases should officials and citizens employ in reaching political decisions and justifying their positions? Should they feel free to rely on whatever grounds seem otherwise persuasive to them, like religious convictions, or should they restrict themselves to “public reasons,” reasons that are shared within the society or arise from the premises of liberal democracy? This book argues that fundamental premises of liberal democracy alone do not provide answers to these questions, that much depends on historical and cultural contexts. After examining past and current practices and attitudes in the United States, it offers concrete suggestions for appropriate principles relevant to American society today.
Shalini Venturelli
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198233794
- eISBN:
- 9780191678998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198233794.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
This chapter highlights the historical need for evaluating public policies on information society with regards to their potential to make democracy's primordial concept to come into play: the ...
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This chapter highlights the historical need for evaluating public policies on information society with regards to their potential to make democracy's primordial concept to come into play: the public's right and freedom to participate in the public dialogue and to have access to the information society. This chapter discusses that a democratic civil society requires a political space for citizens and proposes a way of knowing how such civil society is accounted for in the age of information. The discussions in this chapter stress that a democratic society's structure would need to be accountable to the principle of publicity. It includes discussions of observations and propositions made by Weber, Habernas, and Marx and points out that the claims of liberalism are hardly realised and achieved. It suggests that the institutionalization of man's basic democratic rights such as universal voting, formal democracy, freedom of the press, opinion, assembly, and majority rules is increasingly biased.Less
This chapter highlights the historical need for evaluating public policies on information society with regards to their potential to make democracy's primordial concept to come into play: the public's right and freedom to participate in the public dialogue and to have access to the information society. This chapter discusses that a democratic civil society requires a political space for citizens and proposes a way of knowing how such civil society is accounted for in the age of information. The discussions in this chapter stress that a democratic society's structure would need to be accountable to the principle of publicity. It includes discussions of observations and propositions made by Weber, Habernas, and Marx and points out that the claims of liberalism are hardly realised and achieved. It suggests that the institutionalization of man's basic democratic rights such as universal voting, formal democracy, freedom of the press, opinion, assembly, and majority rules is increasingly biased.
Kevin Butterfield
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226297088
- eISBN:
- 9780226297118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226297118.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter will examine an important and revealing refrain in the political debates of the 1790s and the first decade of the nineteenth century, when the first party debates between Federalists and ...
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This chapter will examine an important and revealing refrain in the political debates of the 1790s and the first decade of the nineteenth century, when the first party debates between Federalists and Republicans took shape: the tension between collective political action and the ideally free and independent mind of the voting citizen. The emerging idea that members of nearly all kinds of voluntary associations ought to be knitted together by formalized and relatively attenuated bonds found a powerful, post-Revolutionary impetus in the emergence of partisan conflict: the idea that the unfettered, independent citizen was the essential unit upon which all the structures, institutions, checks, and balances of their republican governments relied.Less
This chapter will examine an important and revealing refrain in the political debates of the 1790s and the first decade of the nineteenth century, when the first party debates between Federalists and Republicans took shape: the tension between collective political action and the ideally free and independent mind of the voting citizen. The emerging idea that members of nearly all kinds of voluntary associations ought to be knitted together by formalized and relatively attenuated bonds found a powerful, post-Revolutionary impetus in the emergence of partisan conflict: the idea that the unfettered, independent citizen was the essential unit upon which all the structures, institutions, checks, and balances of their republican governments relied.
Joseph Chan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158617
- eISBN:
- 9781400848690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158617.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that although the Confucian ideal of the authoritative ruler–ruled relationship is an attractive ideal that would appear to be relevant even in contemporary democratic societies, ...
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This chapter argues that although the Confucian ideal of the authoritative ruler–ruled relationship is an attractive ideal that would appear to be relevant even in contemporary democratic societies, in reality not all officials are trustworthy and genuinely care for the people. Here arises the challenge of how to properly handle the interplay between the ideal and reality. On one hand, there should be a social device that helps prevent officials from abusing power and removes bad officials from office; on the other hand, such a device must be able to express the Confucian ideal relationship and hopefully also promote it. The solution lies in the nature of institutions, which are devices that simultaneously perform socially useful tasks to tackle real-life problems and uphold standards of normative appropriateness that express ideal aspirations.Less
This chapter argues that although the Confucian ideal of the authoritative ruler–ruled relationship is an attractive ideal that would appear to be relevant even in contemporary democratic societies, in reality not all officials are trustworthy and genuinely care for the people. Here arises the challenge of how to properly handle the interplay between the ideal and reality. On one hand, there should be a social device that helps prevent officials from abusing power and removes bad officials from office; on the other hand, such a device must be able to express the Confucian ideal relationship and hopefully also promote it. The solution lies in the nature of institutions, which are devices that simultaneously perform socially useful tasks to tackle real-life problems and uphold standards of normative appropriateness that express ideal aspirations.
Lucien Jaume
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152042
- eISBN:
- 9781400846726
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152042.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The second volume of Democracy in America begins with the other question that Tocqueville regarded as crucial: that of public opinion conceived as a form of belief. The chapter in question— “On the ...
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The second volume of Democracy in America begins with the other question that Tocqueville regarded as crucial: that of public opinion conceived as a form of belief. The chapter in question— “On the Principal Source of Beliefs among Democratic Peoples”—deserves to be read carefully because in it Tocqueville sets forth one of his strongest intuitions, but in a complex style that proceeds from paradox to paradox. Tocqueville's intuition is the following: that the “principal source” of what the citizens of a democratic society think takes on the form and power of an authority—an authority that everyone collectively exerts on each individual. But because “everyone” creates this authority without knowing it, individuals find themselves facing an entity that is not fragmented but monolithic and therefore omnipotent. Democratic public opinion becomes the god of modern times, a god strangely immanent in society and with a face that changes daily. This chapter is devoted to the mechanisms of this alienation, which Tocqueville characterizes as “religious.”Less
The second volume of Democracy in America begins with the other question that Tocqueville regarded as crucial: that of public opinion conceived as a form of belief. The chapter in question— “On the Principal Source of Beliefs among Democratic Peoples”—deserves to be read carefully because in it Tocqueville sets forth one of his strongest intuitions, but in a complex style that proceeds from paradox to paradox. Tocqueville's intuition is the following: that the “principal source” of what the citizens of a democratic society think takes on the form and power of an authority—an authority that everyone collectively exerts on each individual. But because “everyone” creates this authority without knowing it, individuals find themselves facing an entity that is not fragmented but monolithic and therefore omnipotent. Democratic public opinion becomes the god of modern times, a god strangely immanent in society and with a face that changes daily. This chapter is devoted to the mechanisms of this alienation, which Tocqueville characterizes as “religious.”
Thomas Banchoff
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195307221
- eISBN:
- 9780199785513
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195307221.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of how the emergence of a new religious pluralism is shaking up Atlantic democracies. It then discusses the demographic and cultural ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of how the emergence of a new religious pluralism is shaking up Atlantic democracies. It then discusses the demographic and cultural characteristics of this new religious pluralism, democratic responses to the new religious pluralism, and new challenges for Atlantic societies.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of how the emergence of a new religious pluralism is shaking up Atlantic democracies. It then discusses the demographic and cultural characteristics of this new religious pluralism, democratic responses to the new religious pluralism, and new challenges for Atlantic societies.
Azar Gat
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207153
- eISBN:
- 9780191677519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207153.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, Military History, History of Ideas
This conclusion concludes that Liddell Hart's contribution to strategic theory exceeds and is much serious than his popular doctrines of ‘indirect approach’ and the ‘British way in warfare’. It is ...
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This conclusion concludes that Liddell Hart's contribution to strategic theory exceeds and is much serious than his popular doctrines of ‘indirect approach’ and the ‘British way in warfare’. It is concluded that his substantial contribution and claim for originality should be examined and understood in their historical context. As fundamental changes and paradigmatic shifts occur, new and significant intellectual constructions usually emerge when the prevailing ways of interpreting and coping with reality no longer suffice. In the West's most liberal and the increasing democratic societies such as the Britain and the United States, the growing negative reaction against the First World War is seen as a paradigmatic break. In these societies, leading sectors of public opinion and political elite see the major war which resulted to major loss of life and wealth as an increasingly unacceptable means. Instead, they called for a different set of strategic ideas wherein the force is applied in terms of economic sanctions, blockade and limited ‘surgical’ operations by highly mobile and technologically superior striking forces.Less
This conclusion concludes that Liddell Hart's contribution to strategic theory exceeds and is much serious than his popular doctrines of ‘indirect approach’ and the ‘British way in warfare’. It is concluded that his substantial contribution and claim for originality should be examined and understood in their historical context. As fundamental changes and paradigmatic shifts occur, new and significant intellectual constructions usually emerge when the prevailing ways of interpreting and coping with reality no longer suffice. In the West's most liberal and the increasing democratic societies such as the Britain and the United States, the growing negative reaction against the First World War is seen as a paradigmatic break. In these societies, leading sectors of public opinion and political elite see the major war which resulted to major loss of life and wealth as an increasingly unacceptable means. Instead, they called for a different set of strategic ideas wherein the force is applied in terms of economic sanctions, blockade and limited ‘surgical’ operations by highly mobile and technologically superior striking forces.
Robert W. T. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814738245
- eISBN:
- 9780814738863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814738245.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter examines how democratic societies fleshed out—in both theory and practice—the essential elements of a democratic public sphere, along with their role in the conceptualization of ...
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This chapter examines how democratic societies fleshed out—in both theory and practice—the essential elements of a democratic public sphere, along with their role in the conceptualization of counterpublics as a new mode of leveraging dissent in the face of the advantages of the status quo, in the 1790s. It describes these democratic associations as a new form of political institution, aimed at contributing to public debate and made up mostly of ordinary citizens. It also considers how the clubs' debates and publications broadened and enlivened the democratic public sphere and “established spaces of insurgent citizenship”; the legitimacy of the popular government the democrats were conceptualizing in place of representative government; and the Federalists' claims that the democratic societies were insurrectionary, even revolutionary, and were trying to establish themselves as self-created authorities by undermining representative government. Finally, it discusses the core values at the heart of the practice of counterpublicity: solidarity, confidence, and empowerment—all in the face of plural disadvantages and in the service of effective dissent.Less
This chapter examines how democratic societies fleshed out—in both theory and practice—the essential elements of a democratic public sphere, along with their role in the conceptualization of counterpublics as a new mode of leveraging dissent in the face of the advantages of the status quo, in the 1790s. It describes these democratic associations as a new form of political institution, aimed at contributing to public debate and made up mostly of ordinary citizens. It also considers how the clubs' debates and publications broadened and enlivened the democratic public sphere and “established spaces of insurgent citizenship”; the legitimacy of the popular government the democrats were conceptualizing in place of representative government; and the Federalists' claims that the democratic societies were insurrectionary, even revolutionary, and were trying to establish themselves as self-created authorities by undermining representative government. Finally, it discusses the core values at the heart of the practice of counterpublicity: solidarity, confidence, and empowerment—all in the face of plural disadvantages and in the service of effective dissent.
Katherine Fierlbeck
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719049958
- eISBN:
- 9781781701416
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719049958.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Democracy has become a victim of its own success: the more that global societies wish to be seen as ‘democratic’, the more inflated the term becomes and the less meaning it has. We must avoid looking ...
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Democracy has become a victim of its own success: the more that global societies wish to be seen as ‘democratic’, the more inflated the term becomes and the less meaning it has. We must avoid looking to democracy as a way of achieving personal autonomy and meaningful lives, and return to an understanding of democracy as a means of diffusing power between political agents. This updated, new edition examines some of the philosophical and theoretical issues underlying the ‘democratic project’ that increasingly dominates the fields of comparative development and international relations. The first concern presented here is normative (and, to a certain degree, epistemological): as democracy becomes more widely accepted as the political currency of legitimacy, the more broadly it is defined. But as agreement decreases regarding the definition of democracy, the less we are able to evaluate how it is working, or indeed whether it is working at all. What are the philosophical justifications presented for such an expansion of interpretation, and what are the political reasons underlying it? The second issue is causal: what are the claims being made regarding how best to secure a democratic system in developing states? To what extent do our beliefs and expectations of how political relations ought to be governed distort our understanding of how democratic societies do in fact emerge; and, conversely, to what extent does our understanding of how democracy manifests itself temper our conception of what ought to be?Less
Democracy has become a victim of its own success: the more that global societies wish to be seen as ‘democratic’, the more inflated the term becomes and the less meaning it has. We must avoid looking to democracy as a way of achieving personal autonomy and meaningful lives, and return to an understanding of democracy as a means of diffusing power between political agents. This updated, new edition examines some of the philosophical and theoretical issues underlying the ‘democratic project’ that increasingly dominates the fields of comparative development and international relations. The first concern presented here is normative (and, to a certain degree, epistemological): as democracy becomes more widely accepted as the political currency of legitimacy, the more broadly it is defined. But as agreement decreases regarding the definition of democracy, the less we are able to evaluate how it is working, or indeed whether it is working at all. What are the philosophical justifications presented for such an expansion of interpretation, and what are the political reasons underlying it? The second issue is causal: what are the claims being made regarding how best to secure a democratic system in developing states? To what extent do our beliefs and expectations of how political relations ought to be governed distort our understanding of how democratic societies do in fact emerge; and, conversely, to what extent does our understanding of how democracy manifests itself temper our conception of what ought to be?
