Christopher J. Anderson, André Blais, Shaun Bowler, Todd Donovan, and Ola Listhaug
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199276387
- eISBN:
- 9780191602719
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276382.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Investigates the gap in winners’ and losers’ attitudes with regard to different kinds of attitudes about the political system across established and newly emerging democracies. The results show that ...
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Investigates the gap in winners’ and losers’ attitudes with regard to different kinds of attitudes about the political system across established and newly emerging democracies. The results show that being in the political majority generally translates into more positive attitudes toward government, while losers have more negative attitudes toward the political system. We find that there usually is a gap in winners’ and losers’ sense of whether elections are fair, their evaluations of the performance of the political system, as well as feelings about whether government is responsive. Moreover, losing elections appears to diminish people’s support for democratic principles overall, and losers exhibit a heightened propensity to engage in political protest.Less
Investigates the gap in winners’ and losers’ attitudes with regard to different kinds of attitudes about the political system across established and newly emerging democracies. The results show that being in the political majority generally translates into more positive attitudes toward government, while losers have more negative attitudes toward the political system. We find that there usually is a gap in winners’ and losers’ sense of whether elections are fair, their evaluations of the performance of the political system, as well as feelings about whether government is responsive. Moreover, losing elections appears to diminish people’s support for democratic principles overall, and losers exhibit a heightened propensity to engage in political protest.
Robert Rohrschneider
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198295174
- eISBN:
- 9780191685088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198295174.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores the commitment of eastern and western Germans to the democratic creed by examining their willingness to extend democratic rights to unpopular political groups. It looks into the ...
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This chapter explores the commitment of eastern and western Germans to the democratic creed by examining their willingness to extend democratic rights to unpopular political groups. It looks into the citizens' tolerance of disliked ideological groups and the reasoning behind MPs' decision to allow or limit the activities of disliked groups. After discussing the importance of political tolerance, the chapter presents four hypotheses which are then evaluated. The chapter reveals that Germany's experience with right and left-wing extremism shaped eastern and western Germans' views on political tolerance. Although a majority of eastern and western Germans support democratic principles, Eastern MPs are considerably less tolerant than their western counterparts. The chapter concludes that a similar pattern is shown by the public's political tolerance in the former Soviet Union and the USA.Less
This chapter explores the commitment of eastern and western Germans to the democratic creed by examining their willingness to extend democratic rights to unpopular political groups. It looks into the citizens' tolerance of disliked ideological groups and the reasoning behind MPs' decision to allow or limit the activities of disliked groups. After discussing the importance of political tolerance, the chapter presents four hypotheses which are then evaluated. The chapter reveals that Germany's experience with right and left-wing extremism shaped eastern and western Germans' views on political tolerance. Although a majority of eastern and western Germans support democratic principles, Eastern MPs are considerably less tolerant than their western counterparts. The chapter concludes that a similar pattern is shown by the public's political tolerance in the former Soviet Union and the USA.
Rached Ghannouchi
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300211528
- eISBN:
- 9780300252859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300211528.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter discusses basic democratic principles. Here, the issue of political freedoms in the modern era can hardly be separated from democratic systems of government, simply because democracy ...
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This chapter discusses basic democratic principles. Here, the issue of political freedoms in the modern era can hardly be separated from democratic systems of government, simply because democracy offers the best system of governance, which when applied enables citizens to practice their basic freedoms, including political ones. In this light, the chapter considers the basic principles which make a political system democratic. It also considers the evolution of a democratic system as well as what this evolution entails and what impulses have driven it. The chapter also seeks ways in which the democratic system might be improved. To conclude, the chapter explores the basic principles of an Islamic political system.Less
This chapter discusses basic democratic principles. Here, the issue of political freedoms in the modern era can hardly be separated from democratic systems of government, simply because democracy offers the best system of governance, which when applied enables citizens to practice their basic freedoms, including political ones. In this light, the chapter considers the basic principles which make a political system democratic. It also considers the evolution of a democratic system as well as what this evolution entails and what impulses have driven it. The chapter also seeks ways in which the democratic system might be improved. To conclude, the chapter explores the basic principles of an Islamic political system.
Michael Saward
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198867227
- eISBN:
- 9780191904028
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198867227.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter specifies the features at the heart of the new democratic design framework. Focusing on what motivates the framework, it details the notion of ‘democratic sensibility’ and other features ...
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This chapter specifies the features at the heart of the new democratic design framework. Focusing on what motivates the framework, it details the notion of ‘democratic sensibility’ and other features of democracy’s normativity, and democracy’s minimum requirements (the ‘democratic minimum’). This is followed by specification of the critical idea of the ‘dual core’, consisting of (a) practices and (b) political principles. These two interacting elements together form the core of the democratic design framework as a whole. Central to the dynamics of the dual core is the enactment of principles through single or multiple institutionalized practices; the discussion treats this feature in some detail, along with the scope and justification of principles.Less
This chapter specifies the features at the heart of the new democratic design framework. Focusing on what motivates the framework, it details the notion of ‘democratic sensibility’ and other features of democracy’s normativity, and democracy’s minimum requirements (the ‘democratic minimum’). This is followed by specification of the critical idea of the ‘dual core’, consisting of (a) practices and (b) political principles. These two interacting elements together form the core of the democratic design framework as a whole. Central to the dynamics of the dual core is the enactment of principles through single or multiple institutionalized practices; the discussion treats this feature in some detail, along with the scope and justification of principles.
Hélène Landemore
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691181998
- eISBN:
- 9780691208725
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181998.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This concluding chapter highlights the need to expand the boundaries of the demos outward, beyond the nation-state and toward something like a global democracy, perhaps one rendered possible by ...
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This concluding chapter highlights the need to expand the boundaries of the demos outward, beyond the nation-state and toward something like a global democracy, perhaps one rendered possible by digital technologies. At the same time, the need to decentralize decision-making to the level of relevantly affected interests suggests that the nation-state level should only retain historic and pragmatic as opposed to logical privilege. Something like a subsidiary principle should apply across the board, to diffuse and decentralize popular rule as needed as well. The chapter then tentatively puts forward two additional principles, which cannot be fully argued for but pave the way for more research, namely “dynamic inclusiveness” and “substantive equality.” These principles point in the direction of cosmopolitan democracy and workplace democracy, respectively. The chapter also considers the need to disseminate democratic principles to the local level while also creating the tools for running dematerialized, non-territorial democratic communities.Less
This concluding chapter highlights the need to expand the boundaries of the demos outward, beyond the nation-state and toward something like a global democracy, perhaps one rendered possible by digital technologies. At the same time, the need to decentralize decision-making to the level of relevantly affected interests suggests that the nation-state level should only retain historic and pragmatic as opposed to logical privilege. Something like a subsidiary principle should apply across the board, to diffuse and decentralize popular rule as needed as well. The chapter then tentatively puts forward two additional principles, which cannot be fully argued for but pave the way for more research, namely “dynamic inclusiveness” and “substantive equality.” These principles point in the direction of cosmopolitan democracy and workplace democracy, respectively. The chapter also considers the need to disseminate democratic principles to the local level while also creating the tools for running dematerialized, non-territorial democratic communities.
Joseph Lacey
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198796886
- eISBN:
- 9780191838576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198796886.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Comparative Politics
Theories of democracy have been refined to two main types by the latter part of the twentieth century, namely competitive and deliberative theories. This chapter attempts to provide an improved ...
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Theories of democracy have been refined to two main types by the latter part of the twentieth century, namely competitive and deliberative theories. This chapter attempts to provide an improved articulation of democracy by highlighting two concepts commonly overlooked by both schools of thought. These are the voting space that structures public discourse and the democratic difference principle that regulates power inequalities in a democratic system. The author’s conception of democratic legitimacy can be briefly summarized as prescribing the maximization of citizen control over the decisions in which they have a stake, through a moderate proliferation of voting spaces and the opinion formation processes they engender. In practical terms, this may be translated as the need for multilevel electoral bodies and corresponding multifaceted direct democratic institutions.Less
Theories of democracy have been refined to two main types by the latter part of the twentieth century, namely competitive and deliberative theories. This chapter attempts to provide an improved articulation of democracy by highlighting two concepts commonly overlooked by both schools of thought. These are the voting space that structures public discourse and the democratic difference principle that regulates power inequalities in a democratic system. The author’s conception of democratic legitimacy can be briefly summarized as prescribing the maximization of citizen control over the decisions in which they have a stake, through a moderate proliferation of voting spaces and the opinion formation processes they engender. In practical terms, this may be translated as the need for multilevel electoral bodies and corresponding multifaceted direct democratic institutions.
T. Michael Parrish
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195139211
- eISBN:
- 9780199848799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195139211.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter looks at the adherence to the fundamental democratic principles of supremacy of civilian control over commanders of powerful military forces as conveyed in the antagonistic relationship ...
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This chapter looks at the adherence to the fundamental democratic principles of supremacy of civilian control over commanders of powerful military forces as conveyed in the antagonistic relationship of President Davis and General Beauregard. Both men understood the constitutionality of the principle of civilian control over military control. Beauregard served for two decades as a United States Army officer during a pivotal era that saw the emergence of a thoroughly professional body of West Point-trained officers. Davis himself, first as a US senator and then as secretary of war, had acted as one of the main architects of the West Point standard for military training. Despite Davis's political mishandlings of the confederacy and arbitrary use of military and executive powers, being commander in chief and confederate president, putting Beauregard in various positions, transferring him, removing him, denying him reassignment and assigning him elsewhere, the general always did Davisʼ bidding, if often grudgingly.Less
This chapter looks at the adherence to the fundamental democratic principles of supremacy of civilian control over commanders of powerful military forces as conveyed in the antagonistic relationship of President Davis and General Beauregard. Both men understood the constitutionality of the principle of civilian control over military control. Beauregard served for two decades as a United States Army officer during a pivotal era that saw the emergence of a thoroughly professional body of West Point-trained officers. Davis himself, first as a US senator and then as secretary of war, had acted as one of the main architects of the West Point standard for military training. Despite Davis's political mishandlings of the confederacy and arbitrary use of military and executive powers, being commander in chief and confederate president, putting Beauregard in various positions, transferring him, removing him, denying him reassignment and assigning him elsewhere, the general always did Davisʼ bidding, if often grudgingly.
Jeremy Waldron
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198262138
- eISBN:
- 9780191682308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198262138.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter examines the ‘precommitmentș view of constitutional constraints and a Bill of Rights with judicial review of legislation. The arguments put forward in this part of the book entail that ...
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This chapter examines the ‘precommitmentș view of constitutional constraints and a Bill of Rights with judicial review of legislation. The arguments put forward in this part of the book entail that if the people want a regime of constitutional rights, that is what they should have: that is what the principle of participation requires, so far as constitutional change is concerned. But the reason for carrying out a proposal must not be confused with the character of the proposal itself. If the people voted to experiment with dictatorship, democratic principles might give us a reason to allow them to do so. But it would not follow that dictatorship is democratic.Less
This chapter examines the ‘precommitmentș view of constitutional constraints and a Bill of Rights with judicial review of legislation. The arguments put forward in this part of the book entail that if the people want a regime of constitutional rights, that is what they should have: that is what the principle of participation requires, so far as constitutional change is concerned. But the reason for carrying out a proposal must not be confused with the character of the proposal itself. If the people voted to experiment with dictatorship, democratic principles might give us a reason to allow them to do so. But it would not follow that dictatorship is democratic.
Víctor Ferreres Comella
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300148671
- eISBN:
- 9780300148688
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300148671.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on the “ counter-majoritarian difficulty,” which contends that, from a democratic point of view, it is not legitimate for courts to invalidate statutes that a popularly elected ...
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This chapter focuses on the “ counter-majoritarian difficulty,” which contends that, from a democratic point of view, it is not legitimate for courts to invalidate statutes that a popularly elected assembly has enacted. Even if one is in favor of judicial review, it should be acknowledged that there is an important connection between the democratic principle and the enactment of a statute by the majority of a popularly elected parliament. Democracy is conceptually tied to the existence of a procedure that gives citizens an equal opportunity to participate with their voice and their vote in the discussion and approval of collective decisions. As Jeremy Waldron has stressed, majority rule has an intrinsic value to the extent that it counts all the votes equally and does not prefer a particular outcome over another.Less
This chapter focuses on the “ counter-majoritarian difficulty,” which contends that, from a democratic point of view, it is not legitimate for courts to invalidate statutes that a popularly elected assembly has enacted. Even if one is in favor of judicial review, it should be acknowledged that there is an important connection between the democratic principle and the enactment of a statute by the majority of a popularly elected parliament. Democracy is conceptually tied to the existence of a procedure that gives citizens an equal opportunity to participate with their voice and their vote in the discussion and approval of collective decisions. As Jeremy Waldron has stressed, majority rule has an intrinsic value to the extent that it counts all the votes equally and does not prefer a particular outcome over another.
Yue Chim Richard Wong
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789888139446
- eISBN:
- 9789888180349
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139446.003.0012
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
Geographic constituencies refer to a natural institutional arrangement in an agrarian society where economic self-sufficiency is the norm. Yet, geographic constituencies have self-preservation powers ...
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Geographic constituencies refer to a natural institutional arrangement in an agrarian society where economic self-sufficiency is the norm. Yet, geographic constituencies have self-preservation powers which prevent further changes once they are constituted. The divisiveness and occasional paralysis in policy making found in contemporary industrial democracies are to some extent the outcomes of geographically constituted elections. The debate over political freedom in Hong Kong is largely reduced to whether and how the chief executive and the legislature should be elected through universal suffrage. This, to the author, is a limited and distorted perspective of how political freedoms should be constituted in Hong Kong. The author also suggests an approach which grants every qualified resident in Hong Kong two votes, with one vote being cast through geographic constituencies and the other through functional constituencies.Less
Geographic constituencies refer to a natural institutional arrangement in an agrarian society where economic self-sufficiency is the norm. Yet, geographic constituencies have self-preservation powers which prevent further changes once they are constituted. The divisiveness and occasional paralysis in policy making found in contemporary industrial democracies are to some extent the outcomes of geographically constituted elections. The debate over political freedom in Hong Kong is largely reduced to whether and how the chief executive and the legislature should be elected through universal suffrage. This, to the author, is a limited and distorted perspective of how political freedoms should be constituted in Hong Kong. The author also suggests an approach which grants every qualified resident in Hong Kong two votes, with one vote being cast through geographic constituencies and the other through functional constituencies.
John Erik Fossum and Johannes Pollak
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198716273
- eISBN:
- 9780191784910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198716273.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter first discusses the main democratic principles that figure at the centre of today’s debate on the European Union, in order to shed light on the question of the EU’s democratic deficit. ...
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This chapter first discusses the main democratic principles that figure at the centre of today’s debate on the European Union, in order to shed light on the question of the EU’s democratic deficit. The EU is a complex and composite entity. There is no agreement on the kind of polity it is; neither is there agreement on what democratic standards we can rely on to evaluate its democratic character and quality. This chapter therefore identifies the main axes of debate, the main democratic principles that figure within each of these, and what each axis says about the EU’s democratic deficit. This chapter concludes by establishing which position is the most viable. Thereafter it asks how and in what sense the crisis has affected the contents and perhaps even the terms of this debate.Less
This chapter first discusses the main democratic principles that figure at the centre of today’s debate on the European Union, in order to shed light on the question of the EU’s democratic deficit. The EU is a complex and composite entity. There is no agreement on the kind of polity it is; neither is there agreement on what democratic standards we can rely on to evaluate its democratic character and quality. This chapter therefore identifies the main axes of debate, the main democratic principles that figure within each of these, and what each axis says about the EU’s democratic deficit. This chapter concludes by establishing which position is the most viable. Thereafter it asks how and in what sense the crisis has affected the contents and perhaps even the terms of this debate.
Rhiannon Vickers
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719067464
- eISBN:
- 9781781703243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719067464.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter identifies policies that reflect the six core beliefs at the heart of the Labour Party's foreign policy, which arise from its fundamental internationalist approach to international ...
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This chapter identifies policies that reflect the six core beliefs at the heart of the Labour Party's foreign policy, which arise from its fundamental internationalist approach to international relations. These include the belief that fundamental reform of the system is possible because states have common interests and values, that international policy and governance should be based on democratic principles and universal moral norms, and that armaments and arms races can destabilise the international system. The chapter also discusses the socialist aspects of Labour's international thought, which are a belief in international working-class solidarity, and a concern to improve working conditions and alleviate poverty.Less
This chapter identifies policies that reflect the six core beliefs at the heart of the Labour Party's foreign policy, which arise from its fundamental internationalist approach to international relations. These include the belief that fundamental reform of the system is possible because states have common interests and values, that international policy and governance should be based on democratic principles and universal moral norms, and that armaments and arms races can destabilise the international system. The chapter also discusses the socialist aspects of Labour's international thought, which are a belief in international working-class solidarity, and a concern to improve working conditions and alleviate poverty.
Karen Celis
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- October 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190087722
- eISBN:
- 9780190087753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190087722.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
Chapter 4 opens the second part of Feminist Democratic Representation. It first offers a discussion of the recent institutional and representational turn in democratic theory. Four ideals are ...
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Chapter 4 opens the second part of Feminist Democratic Representation. It first offers a discussion of the recent institutional and representational turn in democratic theory. Four ideals are identified that speak to concerns with women’s political representation: (i) democratic representation connects the institutional and the societal, (ii) democratic representation is creative and educative, (iii) democratic representation is deliberative, and (iv) democratic representation unifies and builds trust. These normative ideals are very promising but on their own only go so far. Added to them are the feminist principles of inclusiveness, responsiveness, and egalitarianism. Together these produce the feminist democratic effects that the authors seek. To this end, an introduction is provided to the design thinking and the specificities of the design practices envisaged. Chapter 4 is, therefore, where the authors’ approach is situated within the emerging literature on democratic design.Less
Chapter 4 opens the second part of Feminist Democratic Representation. It first offers a discussion of the recent institutional and representational turn in democratic theory. Four ideals are identified that speak to concerns with women’s political representation: (i) democratic representation connects the institutional and the societal, (ii) democratic representation is creative and educative, (iii) democratic representation is deliberative, and (iv) democratic representation unifies and builds trust. These normative ideals are very promising but on their own only go so far. Added to them are the feminist principles of inclusiveness, responsiveness, and egalitarianism. Together these produce the feminist democratic effects that the authors seek. To this end, an introduction is provided to the design thinking and the specificities of the design practices envisaged. Chapter 4 is, therefore, where the authors’ approach is situated within the emerging literature on democratic design.
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226315836
- eISBN:
- 9780226315850
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226315850.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
This chapter presents a clear point as been till now assumed that is the understanding by the cosmopolitan patriots of the United States, as a liberal proposition did not lead them to reject national ...
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This chapter presents a clear point as been till now assumed that is the understanding by the cosmopolitan patriots of the United States, as a liberal proposition did not lead them to reject national allegiance in favor of a hollow universalism. Debs also recognized naturally that democratic principles mandate thick local commitment and increasingly thin foreign commitment the farther one moves from home. For the Spanish-American War case, the cosmopolitan patriots agreed with William James that the United States promoted the conditions of democracy by ending Spain's rule over Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, but violated democracy's cardinal injunction against legislating in another's interest when it crushed the Filipino independence movement and annexed the archipelago. They sometimes disagreed about the righteousness of specific policies, but they were alike in weighing the merit of foreign policy on the scale of national self-determination and equal opportunity and justice for individuals.Less
This chapter presents a clear point as been till now assumed that is the understanding by the cosmopolitan patriots of the United States, as a liberal proposition did not lead them to reject national allegiance in favor of a hollow universalism. Debs also recognized naturally that democratic principles mandate thick local commitment and increasingly thin foreign commitment the farther one moves from home. For the Spanish-American War case, the cosmopolitan patriots agreed with William James that the United States promoted the conditions of democracy by ending Spain's rule over Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, but violated democracy's cardinal injunction against legislating in another's interest when it crushed the Filipino independence movement and annexed the archipelago. They sometimes disagreed about the righteousness of specific policies, but they were alike in weighing the merit of foreign policy on the scale of national self-determination and equal opportunity and justice for individuals.
Christopher Townley, Mattia Guidi, and Mariana Tavares
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- March 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780198859789
- eISBN:
- 9780191892165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198859789.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Competition Law
This chapter assesses how the International Competition Network (ICN) performs in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness, and efficiency. It recognizes that power must always be exerted in the interest ...
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This chapter assesses how the International Competition Network (ICN) performs in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness, and efficiency. It recognizes that power must always be exerted in the interest of the people, following the democratic principle. It also addresses the questions of whether the procedures used by national competition authorities (NCAs) to join the ICN take democratic bodies’ input into account and whether national democratic bodies scrutinize what their NCAs do within the ICN. The chapter describes the different ways of legitimizing processes, implying that one’s view of legitimacy links to one’s model of democracy. It examines a select sample of NCAs that complied with their national rules when setting up and participating in the ICN.Less
This chapter assesses how the International Competition Network (ICN) performs in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness, and efficiency. It recognizes that power must always be exerted in the interest of the people, following the democratic principle. It also addresses the questions of whether the procedures used by national competition authorities (NCAs) to join the ICN take democratic bodies’ input into account and whether national democratic bodies scrutinize what their NCAs do within the ICN. The chapter describes the different ways of legitimizing processes, implying that one’s view of legitimacy links to one’s model of democracy. It examines a select sample of NCAs that complied with their national rules when setting up and participating in the ICN.
Thomas Hippler
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198727996
- eISBN:
- 9780191794292
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198727996.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law, Legal History
This chapter illustrates how the Holy Alliance and its Troppau Protocol express a principle which can be found—sometimes in disguised form—in virtually all ulterior peace movements: the idea that ...
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This chapter illustrates how the Holy Alliance and its Troppau Protocol express a principle which can be found—sometimes in disguised form—in virtually all ulterior peace movements: the idea that peace has to rely on a homogenous political order at least concerning the fundamental principles of politics. For the Holy Alliance, these principles are dynastic legitimacy and Christianity. The ulterior history of pacifism can be understood as the history of the evolution of these principles of order. This chapter investigates one of these evolutions, in which the principle of nationality was gradually replaced by a democratic principle.Less
This chapter illustrates how the Holy Alliance and its Troppau Protocol express a principle which can be found—sometimes in disguised form—in virtually all ulterior peace movements: the idea that peace has to rely on a homogenous political order at least concerning the fundamental principles of politics. For the Holy Alliance, these principles are dynastic legitimacy and Christianity. The ulterior history of pacifism can be understood as the history of the evolution of these principles of order. This chapter investigates one of these evolutions, in which the principle of nationality was gradually replaced by a democratic principle.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226471914
- eISBN:
- 9780226471938
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226471938.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter evaluates radio democracy. The new radio democracy relied on mass communication and listeners' abilities to personalize it in order to adapt broadly democratic principles to fit a mass ...
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This chapter evaluates radio democracy. The new radio democracy relied on mass communication and listeners' abilities to personalize it in order to adapt broadly democratic principles to fit a mass society. Radio's democracy offered those listeners a way to count in the world and in public discussion. Franklin Roosevelt's radio presence provided crucial raw materials out of which many listeners constructed broadcasting's political meanings for the 1930s and beyond. Roosevelt was hardly the only politician seeking to connect with listeners through the air. His intimate radio style had created a personal bond; it drew Reese Farnell to the government and won his loyalty for Roosevelt. Broadcasting helped develop an environment in which listeners could easily watch, listen to, and cheer or boo the political process. The radio democracy that emerged from the 1930s was one often practiced apart from other people, in which democratic participation could mean private spectatorship.Less
This chapter evaluates radio democracy. The new radio democracy relied on mass communication and listeners' abilities to personalize it in order to adapt broadly democratic principles to fit a mass society. Radio's democracy offered those listeners a way to count in the world and in public discussion. Franklin Roosevelt's radio presence provided crucial raw materials out of which many listeners constructed broadcasting's political meanings for the 1930s and beyond. Roosevelt was hardly the only politician seeking to connect with listeners through the air. His intimate radio style had created a personal bond; it drew Reese Farnell to the government and won his loyalty for Roosevelt. Broadcasting helped develop an environment in which listeners could easily watch, listen to, and cheer or boo the political process. The radio democracy that emerged from the 1930s was one often practiced apart from other people, in which democratic participation could mean private spectatorship.
George C. Edwards III
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300243888
- eISBN:
- 9780300249651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300243888.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on contingent elections. If the presidential and vice presidential candidates fail to receive a simple majority of electoral college votes, the Twelfth Amendment provides that ...
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This chapter focuses on contingent elections. If the presidential and vice presidential candidates fail to receive a simple majority of electoral college votes, the Twelfth Amendment provides that the House of Representatives chooses the president and the Senate chooses the vice president in a process known as “contingent” election (contingent upon the absence of a majority in the electoral college). There have been two contingent elections for president in U.S. history, following the elections of 1800 and 1824. Very minor shifts of popular votes in the nation, however, would have sent a number of other elections to the Congress for a decision. In the House, where each state must vote as a unit, a majority of 26 or more votes is required to elect a president; in the Senate, a majority of 51 or more votes is required to elect a vice president. Although a superficial reading of these rules suggests the operation of majority rule, the chapter maintains that this process actually represents the most egregious violation of democratic principles in the American political system.Less
This chapter focuses on contingent elections. If the presidential and vice presidential candidates fail to receive a simple majority of electoral college votes, the Twelfth Amendment provides that the House of Representatives chooses the president and the Senate chooses the vice president in a process known as “contingent” election (contingent upon the absence of a majority in the electoral college). There have been two contingent elections for president in U.S. history, following the elections of 1800 and 1824. Very minor shifts of popular votes in the nation, however, would have sent a number of other elections to the Congress for a decision. In the House, where each state must vote as a unit, a majority of 26 or more votes is required to elect a president; in the Senate, a majority of 51 or more votes is required to elect a vice president. Although a superficial reading of these rules suggests the operation of majority rule, the chapter maintains that this process actually represents the most egregious violation of democratic principles in the American political system.
Brian Wampler, Stephanie McNulty, and Michael Touchton
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- July 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780192897756
- eISBN:
- 9780191924194
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780192897756.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter introduces the reader to PB’s core principles and basic institutional design. The core principles include voice, vote, social justice, social inclusion, and oversight. All PB programs ...
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This chapter introduces the reader to PB’s core principles and basic institutional design. The core principles include voice, vote, social justice, social inclusion, and oversight. All PB programs adhere to these principles, but each program gives different weights to each principle, which helps to account for the differences in program design around the world. The chapter provides a detailed explanation of PB, based on the Porto Alegre model, which emerged as the early example that other governments sought to replicate. The chapter also introduces three guiding questions that shape the rest of the book: How has PB transformed during the past thirty years as it spreads around the globe? What are the causal mechanisms through which PB programs may produce social and political change? To what extent have PB programs actually generated this social and political change? The authors emphasize these questions as critical for advancing theoretical and empirical debates surrounding PB as well as participatory democratic institutions in general.Less
This chapter introduces the reader to PB’s core principles and basic institutional design. The core principles include voice, vote, social justice, social inclusion, and oversight. All PB programs adhere to these principles, but each program gives different weights to each principle, which helps to account for the differences in program design around the world. The chapter provides a detailed explanation of PB, based on the Porto Alegre model, which emerged as the early example that other governments sought to replicate. The chapter also introduces three guiding questions that shape the rest of the book: How has PB transformed during the past thirty years as it spreads around the globe? What are the causal mechanisms through which PB programs may produce social and political change? To what extent have PB programs actually generated this social and political change? The authors emphasize these questions as critical for advancing theoretical and empirical debates surrounding PB as well as participatory democratic institutions in general.
Francis J. Bremer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300179132
- eISBN:
- 9780300188851
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300179132.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This book discusses John Davenport, cofounder of the colony of New Haven, who has been neglected in studies that view early New England primarily from a Massachusetts viewpoint. It restores the ...
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This book discusses John Davenport, cofounder of the colony of New Haven, who has been neglected in studies that view early New England primarily from a Massachusetts viewpoint. It restores the importance of clergyman by examining his crucial role as an advocate for religious reform in England and the Netherlands before his emigration, his engagement with an international community of scholars and clergy, and his significant contributions to colonial America. The author shows that Davenport was in many ways a remarkably progressive leader for his time, with a strong commitment to education for both women and men, a vibrant interest in new science, and a dedication to upholding democratic principles in churches at a time when many other Puritan clergymen were emphasizing the power of their office above all else. This biography of an important figure in New England history provides a unique perspective on the seventeenth-century transatlantic Puritan movement.Less
This book discusses John Davenport, cofounder of the colony of New Haven, who has been neglected in studies that view early New England primarily from a Massachusetts viewpoint. It restores the importance of clergyman by examining his crucial role as an advocate for religious reform in England and the Netherlands before his emigration, his engagement with an international community of scholars and clergy, and his significant contributions to colonial America. The author shows that Davenport was in many ways a remarkably progressive leader for his time, with a strong commitment to education for both women and men, a vibrant interest in new science, and a dedication to upholding democratic principles in churches at a time when many other Puritan clergymen were emphasizing the power of their office above all else. This biography of an important figure in New England history provides a unique perspective on the seventeenth-century transatlantic Puritan movement.