Paul Webb
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the ...
More
Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the case of the European Union, and the findings are presented under the same three headings used in the case studies: party legitimacy; party organizational strength, and systemic functionality. The following section discusses political parties and democratic theory, and a concluding section looks at parties and democratic reform.Less
Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the case of the European Union, and the findings are presented under the same three headings used in the case studies: party legitimacy; party organizational strength, and systemic functionality. The following section discusses political parties and democratic theory, and a concluding section looks at parties and democratic reform.
Wilfried von Bredow
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199232024
- eISBN:
- 9780191716133
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232024.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Clausewitz's famous contention about war as the continuation of politics is part of an implicit theory of civil-military relations based on the primacy of politics. Both the explicit and the implicit ...
More
Clausewitz's famous contention about war as the continuation of politics is part of an implicit theory of civil-military relations based on the primacy of politics. Both the explicit and the implicit assumptions of Clausewitz have frequently been criticized from different viewpoints. They are, however, empirically sound and can be used as cornerstones for a normative theory of democratic control of the armed forces.Less
Clausewitz's famous contention about war as the continuation of politics is part of an implicit theory of civil-military relations based on the primacy of politics. Both the explicit and the implicit assumptions of Clausewitz have frequently been criticized from different viewpoints. They are, however, empirically sound and can be used as cornerstones for a normative theory of democratic control of the armed forces.
Meira Levinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250448
- eISBN:
- 9780191599750
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250448.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Examines four objections stemming from the clash of theory (that liberalism requires the institution of compulsory, autonomy‐driven schools regardless of parental preferences) and intuition (that ...
More
Examines four objections stemming from the clash of theory (that liberalism requires the institution of compulsory, autonomy‐driven schools regardless of parental preferences) and intuition (that liberalism entails democratic control over schools and sensitivity to parents’ preferences). It argues that the ‘detached school’ should, with minor modifications, continue to provide the basis for the liberal educational ideal. Section 3.1 addresses concerns about state tyranny, arguing that the detached school both counters the threat of parental tyranny and ensures a substantive pluralism among schools and within society. Section 3.2 shows that detached schools can promote effective parental involvement. Section 3.3 addresses the hidden curriculum of schools, while Section 3.4 discusses the ability of the detached school to help children develop cultural coherence and a stable sense of identity as well as a capacity for choice.Less
Examines four objections stemming from the clash of theory (that liberalism requires the institution of compulsory, autonomy‐driven schools regardless of parental preferences) and intuition (that liberalism entails democratic control over schools and sensitivity to parents’ preferences). It argues that the ‘detached school’ should, with minor modifications, continue to provide the basis for the liberal educational ideal. Section 3.1 addresses concerns about state tyranny, arguing that the detached school both counters the threat of parental tyranny and ensures a substantive pluralism among schools and within society. Section 3.2 shows that detached schools can promote effective parental involvement. Section 3.3 addresses the hidden curriculum of schools, while Section 3.4 discusses the ability of the detached school to help children develop cultural coherence and a stable sense of identity as well as a capacity for choice.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter shows how Angell sacrificed his considerable popularity by first urging British neutrality towards the European conflict and then co-founding the Union of Democratic Control. He soon ...
More
This chapter shows how Angell sacrificed his considerable popularity by first urging British neutrality towards the European conflict and then co-founding the Union of Democratic Control. He soon came to regret these controversial moves, but after a period of hesitation decided he could not disavow them. No longer in great demand for lectures and articles, he wrote several longer works, in the course of which he revised his thinking, embracing liberal internationalism and a league of nations, while trying not to be disloyal to the radical isolationism of the Union of Democratic Control. To improve his tarnished image he declared his support for the war effort and briefly undertook ambulance work in France.Less
This chapter shows how Angell sacrificed his considerable popularity by first urging British neutrality towards the European conflict and then co-founding the Union of Democratic Control. He soon came to regret these controversial moves, but after a period of hesitation decided he could not disavow them. No longer in great demand for lectures and articles, he wrote several longer works, in the course of which he revised his thinking, embracing liberal internationalism and a league of nations, while trying not to be disloyal to the radical isolationism of the Union of Democratic Control. To improve his tarnished image he declared his support for the war effort and briefly undertook ambulance work in France.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of ...
More
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.Less
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were ...
More
This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were not committed to democracy and, in Ghana's case, not even to civilian rule. Unlike Ghana, Tanzania was successful in establishing civilian control over the armed forces. Civilian control must not be confused with democratic control, however. In Tanzania, civilian control was unitary, the party-state's domination of the armed forces hardly surprising considering there was no independent legislature, judiciary, or any other political organization free of TANU/CCM control. Tanzania's example demonstrates that civilian control can be successful while incorporating the armed forces into the general political arena. Botswana's situation is similar to Tanzania's insofar as one party has ruled the country since independence, but with the major difference that in Botswana, during the same time period, free elections have been held at regular intervals.Less
This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were not committed to democracy and, in Ghana's case, not even to civilian rule. Unlike Ghana, Tanzania was successful in establishing civilian control over the armed forces. Civilian control must not be confused with democratic control, however. In Tanzania, civilian control was unitary, the party-state's domination of the armed forces hardly surprising considering there was no independent legislature, judiciary, or any other political organization free of TANU/CCM control. Tanzania's example demonstrates that civilian control can be successful while incorporating the armed forces into the general political arena. Botswana's situation is similar to Tanzania's insofar as one party has ruled the country since independence, but with the major difference that in Botswana, during the same time period, free elections have been held at regular intervals.
David Vincent
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203070
- eISBN:
- 9780191675690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203070.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The pitiful and pitiable outcome of Asquith's infatuation with the rules of secrecy seemed not to have unduly affected the fate of his ailing Ministry. Asquith's conduct was an exaggerated form of a ...
More
The pitiful and pitiable outcome of Asquith's infatuation with the rules of secrecy seemed not to have unduly affected the fate of his ailing Ministry. Asquith's conduct was an exaggerated form of a now-established tradition of simultaneously deploring and practising the leakage of information. Asquith ended his prime-ministerial career at a moment of transition in the conduct of Cabinet business. Asquith's amoral manipulation of the rules of secrecy placed him squarely in the tradition of the contemporary constitutional order. In the Established Church, the concept of honourable secrecy remained at the core of the approach to gaining public confidence. The outcome of the decline in trust was an increase in secrecy. An abiding difficulty of the topic of secrecy is in establishing a scale of significance. The attack on official secrecy mounted by the Union of Democratic Control and its sympathizers could hardly have been more wide-ranging. Water on the Brain narrated the exploits of Major Blenkinsop, recruited by the Director of Extraordinary Intelligence to replace an officer.Less
The pitiful and pitiable outcome of Asquith's infatuation with the rules of secrecy seemed not to have unduly affected the fate of his ailing Ministry. Asquith's conduct was an exaggerated form of a now-established tradition of simultaneously deploring and practising the leakage of information. Asquith ended his prime-ministerial career at a moment of transition in the conduct of Cabinet business. Asquith's amoral manipulation of the rules of secrecy placed him squarely in the tradition of the contemporary constitutional order. In the Established Church, the concept of honourable secrecy remained at the core of the approach to gaining public confidence. The outcome of the decline in trust was an increase in secrecy. An abiding difficulty of the topic of secrecy is in establishing a scale of significance. The attack on official secrecy mounted by the Union of Democratic Control and its sympathizers could hardly have been more wide-ranging. Water on the Brain narrated the exploits of Major Blenkinsop, recruited by the Director of Extraordinary Intelligence to replace an officer.
Ewald Engelen, Ismail Ertürk, Julie Froud, Sukhdev Johal, Adam Leaver, Michael Moran, Adriana Nilsson, and Karel Williams
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199589081
- eISBN:
- 9780191731150
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589081.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Finance, Accounting, and Banking, Political Economy
In this concluding chapter, we do not produce lists of changes required to fix the financial system, but instead reflect on the preceding analysis to find some bearings that could lead towards a much ...
More
In this concluding chapter, we do not produce lists of changes required to fix the financial system, but instead reflect on the preceding analysis to find some bearings that could lead towards a much more political analysis of, and intervention against, finance. The introduction to this book reframes the crisis as an elite political debacle rather than some kind of socio-technical accident. The front half of the book describes the aggrandisement of finance under cover of a dubious alibi about financial innovation, while the back half analyses the collapse of public regulation before the crisis and the frustration of financial reform after the crisis across several different jurisdictions. In this conclusion, we draw the political corollary by envisaging a reassertion of democratic control through a combination of measures that both make finance simpler and, through cultural and political changes, change the relation between political and financial elites.Less
In this concluding chapter, we do not produce lists of changes required to fix the financial system, but instead reflect on the preceding analysis to find some bearings that could lead towards a much more political analysis of, and intervention against, finance. The introduction to this book reframes the crisis as an elite political debacle rather than some kind of socio-technical accident. The front half of the book describes the aggrandisement of finance under cover of a dubious alibi about financial innovation, while the back half analyses the collapse of public regulation before the crisis and the frustration of financial reform after the crisis across several different jurisdictions. In this conclusion, we draw the political corollary by envisaging a reassertion of democratic control through a combination of measures that both make finance simpler and, through cultural and political changes, change the relation between political and financial elites.
Eugenio Cusumano
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199604555
- eISBN:
- 9780191725180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199604555.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
Although the PMSI does not operate in a complete legal vacuum, its inherently transnational nature makes traditional state regulation insufficient. The governance of PMCSs is thus a complex endeavour ...
More
Although the PMSI does not operate in a complete legal vacuum, its inherently transnational nature makes traditional state regulation insufficient. The governance of PMCSs is thus a complex endeavour involving a broader network of actors alongside states, such as international and non-governmental organizations, the industry and its private customers. To unravel the challenges posed by the PMSI, this chapter focuses on three questions. First, it analyses what to regulate, exploring the activities of PMSCs and the dynamics of the market where they operate. It then concentrates on why the market should be regulated by drawing on the literature on civil-military relations and democratic control over the use of force. Finally, it focuses on how to regulate, analysing the potential of a combined approach based on legal regulation, market incentives, and strengthened self-regulation. It looks at the challenges and opportunities for regulation at the national, international, and EU level.Less
Although the PMSI does not operate in a complete legal vacuum, its inherently transnational nature makes traditional state regulation insufficient. The governance of PMCSs is thus a complex endeavour involving a broader network of actors alongside states, such as international and non-governmental organizations, the industry and its private customers. To unravel the challenges posed by the PMSI, this chapter focuses on three questions. First, it analyses what to regulate, exploring the activities of PMSCs and the dynamics of the market where they operate. It then concentrates on why the market should be regulated by drawing on the literature on civil-military relations and democratic control over the use of force. Finally, it focuses on how to regulate, analysing the potential of a combined approach based on legal regulation, market incentives, and strengthened self-regulation. It looks at the challenges and opportunities for regulation at the national, international, and EU level.
James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199639700
- eISBN:
- 9780191756085
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199639700.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter focuses on the employers of private military force. In doing so, it considers the differing ways of organizing the military. It first outlines and defends the ‘Cumulative Legitimacy ...
More
This chapter focuses on the employers of private military force. In doing so, it considers the differing ways of organizing the military. It first outlines and defends the ‘Cumulative Legitimacy Approach’ and argues that this approach should ultimately be used to assess the legitimacy of the military, rather than the prevailing theories of civil–military relations. Second, the chapter assesses the use of PMSCs according to this approach. It argues that, although the use of PMSCs does not necessarily threaten the primary understanding of the legitimacy of military force on this approach, employing private military force poses several serious moral concerns, including the lack of expected effectiveness, the undermining of democratic control, the poor treatment of PMSC personnel, and the undermining of communal bonds.Less
This chapter focuses on the employers of private military force. In doing so, it considers the differing ways of organizing the military. It first outlines and defends the ‘Cumulative Legitimacy Approach’ and argues that this approach should ultimately be used to assess the legitimacy of the military, rather than the prevailing theories of civil–military relations. Second, the chapter assesses the use of PMSCs according to this approach. It argues that, although the use of PMSCs does not necessarily threaten the primary understanding of the legitimacy of military force on this approach, employing private military force poses several serious moral concerns, including the lack of expected effectiveness, the undermining of democratic control, the poor treatment of PMSC personnel, and the undermining of communal bonds.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The peace movement experienced a dramatic revival from the beginning of 1919 to the eve of the Manchuria crisis and also benefited from the public's growing disappointment with the post-war world. In ...
More
The peace movement experienced a dramatic revival from the beginning of 1919 to the eve of the Manchuria crisis and also benefited from the public's growing disappointment with the post-war world. In the early 1920s, the Labour party's success gave a boost to the Union of Democratic Control, but doubts over League of Nations gave way to the unprecedented success of the League of Nations Union (LNU) that developed as a substantial peace association. The failure of World War I in delivering international improvements as promised has only provided confidence in peace activism over the duration of this period. Another significant contribution was the development of LNU into a respectable yet vigorous peace association aiming to gain public support for the league's ideals.Less
The peace movement experienced a dramatic revival from the beginning of 1919 to the eve of the Manchuria crisis and also benefited from the public's growing disappointment with the post-war world. In the early 1920s, the Labour party's success gave a boost to the Union of Democratic Control, but doubts over League of Nations gave way to the unprecedented success of the League of Nations Union (LNU) that developed as a substantial peace association. The failure of World War I in delivering international improvements as promised has only provided confidence in peace activism over the duration of this period. Another significant contribution was the development of LNU into a respectable yet vigorous peace association aiming to gain public support for the league's ideals.
Eileen Denza
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198299356
- eISBN:
- 9780191685682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198299356.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter examines the nature of parliamentary scrutiny of the intergovernmental pillars of the European Union. It aims to determine whether the ...
More
This chapter examines the nature of parliamentary scrutiny of the intergovernmental pillars of the European Union. It aims to determine whether the decisions taken and the instruments adopted under the Second and Third Pillars are subject to adequate democratic control. It suggests that parliaments are generally limited in their scrutiny of foreign and security policy by the speed with which the most important events unfold and the frequent need for secrecy.Less
This chapter examines the nature of parliamentary scrutiny of the intergovernmental pillars of the European Union. It aims to determine whether the decisions taken and the instruments adopted under the Second and Third Pillars are subject to adequate democratic control. It suggests that parliaments are generally limited in their scrutiny of foreign and security policy by the speed with which the most important events unfold and the frequent need for secrecy.
Cristina Lafont
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- December 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198848189
- eISBN:
- 9780191882746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198848189.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the relationship between two elements of the democratic ideal of self-government: political equality and citizens’ democratic control. With respect to democratic control, the ...
More
This chapter considers the relationship between two elements of the democratic ideal of self-government: political equality and citizens’ democratic control. With respect to democratic control, the author argues that we can evaluate the democratic promise of different conceptions of democracy and their proposals for institutional reform by assessing the extent to which they require or expect citizens to blindly defer to the decisions of others. Conceptions of democracy that include such expectation tacitly accept the possibility of a permanent misalignment between the beliefs and attitudes of the citizenry and the laws and policies to which they are subject. Thus, they cannot explain how citizens can identify with the policies that govern them and endorse them as their own. Since an expectation of blind deference is quintessentially incompatible with the democratic ideal of self-government, it offers a helpful criterion for identifying democratic shortcomings among conceptions of democracy that propose various “shortcuts” that would bypass political deliberation by the citizenry. It is also helpful for articulating and defending a conception of democracy “without shortcuts.”Less
This chapter considers the relationship between two elements of the democratic ideal of self-government: political equality and citizens’ democratic control. With respect to democratic control, the author argues that we can evaluate the democratic promise of different conceptions of democracy and their proposals for institutional reform by assessing the extent to which they require or expect citizens to blindly defer to the decisions of others. Conceptions of democracy that include such expectation tacitly accept the possibility of a permanent misalignment between the beliefs and attitudes of the citizenry and the laws and policies to which they are subject. Thus, they cannot explain how citizens can identify with the policies that govern them and endorse them as their own. Since an expectation of blind deference is quintessentially incompatible with the democratic ideal of self-government, it offers a helpful criterion for identifying democratic shortcomings among conceptions of democracy that propose various “shortcuts” that would bypass political deliberation by the citizenry. It is also helpful for articulating and defending a conception of democracy “without shortcuts.”
Cristina Lafont
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- December 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198848189
- eISBN:
- 9780191882746
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198848189.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book articulates a participatory conception of deliberative democracy that takes the democratic ideal of self-government seriously. It aims to improve citizens’ democratic control and vindicate ...
More
This book articulates a participatory conception of deliberative democracy that takes the democratic ideal of self-government seriously. It aims to improve citizens’ democratic control and vindicate the value of citizens’ participation against conceptions that threaten to undermine it. The book critically analyzes deep pluralist, epistocratic, and lottocratic conceptions of democracy. Their defenders propose various institutional “shortcuts” to help solve problems of democratic governance such as overcoming disagreements, citizens’ political ignorance, or poor-quality deliberation. However, it turns out that these shortcut proposals all require citizens to blindly defer to actors over whose decisions they cannot exercise control. Implementing such proposals would therefore undermine democracy. Moreover, it seems naïve to assume that a community can reach better outcomes “faster” if it bypasses the beliefs and attitudes of its citizens. Unfortunately, there are no “shortcuts” to making a community better than its members. The only road to better outcomes is the long, participatory road that is taken when citizens forge a collective will by changing one another’s hearts and minds. However difficult the process of justifying political decisions to one another may be, skipping it cannot get us any closer to the democratic ideal. Starting from this conviction, the author defends a conception of democracy “without shortcuts.” This conception sheds new light on long-standing debates about the proper scope of public reason, the role of religion in politics, and the democratic legitimacy of judicial review. It also proposes new ways to unleash the democratic potential of institutional innovations such as deliberative minipublics.Less
This book articulates a participatory conception of deliberative democracy that takes the democratic ideal of self-government seriously. It aims to improve citizens’ democratic control and vindicate the value of citizens’ participation against conceptions that threaten to undermine it. The book critically analyzes deep pluralist, epistocratic, and lottocratic conceptions of democracy. Their defenders propose various institutional “shortcuts” to help solve problems of democratic governance such as overcoming disagreements, citizens’ political ignorance, or poor-quality deliberation. However, it turns out that these shortcut proposals all require citizens to blindly defer to actors over whose decisions they cannot exercise control. Implementing such proposals would therefore undermine democracy. Moreover, it seems naïve to assume that a community can reach better outcomes “faster” if it bypasses the beliefs and attitudes of its citizens. Unfortunately, there are no “shortcuts” to making a community better than its members. The only road to better outcomes is the long, participatory road that is taken when citizens forge a collective will by changing one another’s hearts and minds. However difficult the process of justifying political decisions to one another may be, skipping it cannot get us any closer to the democratic ideal. Starting from this conviction, the author defends a conception of democracy “without shortcuts.” This conception sheds new light on long-standing debates about the proper scope of public reason, the role of religion in politics, and the democratic legitimacy of judicial review. It also proposes new ways to unleash the democratic potential of institutional innovations such as deliberative minipublics.
Christopher Bennett
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199941377
- eISBN:
- 9780199374694
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199941377.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology, Philosophy of Law
Against a background of considerations of reasons for giving the public input into sentencing matters, this chapter recommends a citizen jury system. It is argued that sentencing by jury has several ...
More
Against a background of considerations of reasons for giving the public input into sentencing matters, this chapter recommends a citizen jury system. It is argued that sentencing by jury has several advantages over other models of democratic control.Less
Against a background of considerations of reasons for giving the public input into sentencing matters, this chapter recommends a citizen jury system. It is argued that sentencing by jury has several advantages over other models of democratic control.
Ben Tonra
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719056079
- eISBN:
- 9781781701614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719056079.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter reviews the structures, both formal and informal, through which democratic control is exercised over the formulation and conduct of Irish foreign policy. It analyses in detail the ...
More
This chapter reviews the structures, both formal and informal, through which democratic control is exercised over the formulation and conduct of Irish foreign policy. It analyses in detail the parliamentary contribution to Irish foreign policy formulation and considers public engagement in the policy process. This chapter evaluates the strength of democratic currents and their potential to transform the formulation and conduct of foreign policy. It also considers the role of narratives in Irish foreign policy construction and the way in which different narratives may become evident in the assumptions of particular sets of foreign policy actors.Less
This chapter reviews the structures, both formal and informal, through which democratic control is exercised over the formulation and conduct of Irish foreign policy. It analyses in detail the parliamentary contribution to Irish foreign policy formulation and considers public engagement in the policy process. This chapter evaluates the strength of democratic currents and their potential to transform the formulation and conduct of foreign policy. It also considers the role of narratives in Irish foreign policy construction and the way in which different narratives may become evident in the assumptions of particular sets of foreign policy actors.
Claudia Sanchez Bajo and Bruno Roelants
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099595
- eISBN:
- 9781526120731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099595.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This chapter discusses the mainstreaming of co-operatives against the background of the global financial crisis of 2008. It defines the concept of mainstreaming, examines the ‘debt trap’ which many ...
More
This chapter discusses the mainstreaming of co-operatives against the background of the global financial crisis of 2008. It defines the concept of mainstreaming, examines the ‘debt trap’ which many organisations experienced following the crisis, notes the greater levels of resilience among co-operative and mutual organisations, and proposes an initial framework to monitor the mainstreaming of co-operatives.Less
This chapter discusses the mainstreaming of co-operatives against the background of the global financial crisis of 2008. It defines the concept of mainstreaming, examines the ‘debt trap’ which many organisations experienced following the crisis, notes the greater levels of resilience among co-operative and mutual organisations, and proposes an initial framework to monitor the mainstreaming of co-operatives.
Uwe Puetter
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198716242
- eISBN:
- 9780191784903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198716242.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The findings of this book have implications for research on important issues in contemporary European integration. First, the centrality of the European Council and the Council within the new areas ...
More
The findings of this book have implications for research on important issues in contemporary European integration. First, the centrality of the European Council and the Council within the new areas of European Union activity requires the roles of key supranational actors such as the Commission and the European Parliament to be at least partially reconceptualized. Second, the new intergovernmentalism and especially the emphasis on informal working methods and confidential policy dialogue make the exercise of democratic control challenging. New scrutiny procedures and accountability mechanisms, which are or could be introduced by both the European and national parliaments, require more attention in this regard. Finally, deliberative intergovernmentalism offers lessons for integration theory. Notably, it shows that post-Maastricht integration can be conceptualized as integration outside the framework of the classic community method.Less
The findings of this book have implications for research on important issues in contemporary European integration. First, the centrality of the European Council and the Council within the new areas of European Union activity requires the roles of key supranational actors such as the Commission and the European Parliament to be at least partially reconceptualized. Second, the new intergovernmentalism and especially the emphasis on informal working methods and confidential policy dialogue make the exercise of democratic control challenging. New scrutiny procedures and accountability mechanisms, which are or could be introduced by both the European and national parliaments, require more attention in this regard. Finally, deliberative intergovernmentalism offers lessons for integration theory. Notably, it shows that post-Maastricht integration can be conceptualized as integration outside the framework of the classic community method.
John Callaghan
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526109293
- eISBN:
- 9781526136015
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526109293.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
John Callaghan walks the reader through the various debates and contradictions seen in the Labour movement prior to the end of hostilities, as well as the dilemmas soon posed by the march of events ...
More
John Callaghan walks the reader through the various debates and contradictions seen in the Labour movement prior to the end of hostilities, as well as the dilemmas soon posed by the march of events thereafter. Along the way, he discusses Labour’s reactions to the diplomatic path pursued by Edward Grey in the summer of 1914, the subsequent impact of the Union of Democratic Control, and then Labour’s relationship with the Lloyd George government and Wilsonianism abroad. Callaghan also includes vital discussion of the continuation of hostilities beyond 11 November 1918. Here his article may be of particular use to those considering Labour’s later attitudes to colonialism and the League of Nations too.Less
John Callaghan walks the reader through the various debates and contradictions seen in the Labour movement prior to the end of hostilities, as well as the dilemmas soon posed by the march of events thereafter. Along the way, he discusses Labour’s reactions to the diplomatic path pursued by Edward Grey in the summer of 1914, the subsequent impact of the Union of Democratic Control, and then Labour’s relationship with the Lloyd George government and Wilsonianism abroad. Callaghan also includes vital discussion of the continuation of hostilities beyond 11 November 1918. Here his article may be of particular use to those considering Labour’s later attitudes to colonialism and the League of Nations too.
Alicia Hinarejos
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198714958
- eISBN:
- 9780191783128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198714958.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
The crisis has resulted in an increased dominance of the executive at both national and supranational levels, including executive expert bodies such as the Commission and the ECB. This dominance of ...
More
The crisis has resulted in an increased dominance of the executive at both national and supranational levels, including executive expert bodies such as the Commission and the ECB. This dominance of the executive—and, especially, of national executives—has manifested itself in several ways. In general, there has been a resurgence of intergovernmentalism, or the adoption of decisions by means other than the Community method. This chapter analyses the causes and facets of this resurgence. It pays special attention to the adoption of measures of international law outside the EU legal framework; to the use of EU institutions in this ambit; and to the consequences of executive dominance for democratic and judicial control.Less
The crisis has resulted in an increased dominance of the executive at both national and supranational levels, including executive expert bodies such as the Commission and the ECB. This dominance of the executive—and, especially, of national executives—has manifested itself in several ways. In general, there has been a resurgence of intergovernmentalism, or the adoption of decisions by means other than the Community method. This chapter analyses the causes and facets of this resurgence. It pays special attention to the adoption of measures of international law outside the EU legal framework; to the use of EU institutions in this ambit; and to the consequences of executive dominance for democratic and judicial control.